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AUTHOR: 


PRESCOTT,  WILLIAM 
HICKLING 


TITLE: 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 
OF  PHILIP  THE  SECOND 


PLACE: 


PHILADELPHIA 


DA  TE : 


1891,  c1 886 


COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 
PRESERVATION  DEPARTMENT 

BIBLIOGRAPHIC  MirROFORM  TARHFT 


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Original  Material  as  Filmed  -  Existing  Bibliographic  Record 


Restrictions  on  Use: 


946.04 
P9213 


Prescott,  William  Hickling,  1796-1859. 

History  of  the  reign  of  Philip  the  Second, 
king  of  Spain.  New  and  rev.  ed.,  with  the 
author's  latest  corrections  and  additions. 
Edited  by  John  Foster  Kirk.   cStudent»s  ed  n 
Philadelphia,  J.  B.  Lippincott,  1891. 

xxiii,  678  p.  ports.,  map,  double  facsim. 


On  cover:  Prescott 's  works. 


707734 


u 


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A.B.  1886  :  A.M.  1887  :  LL.B.  1888 


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PHILIP  THE  SECOND 


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PHILIP  THE  SECOND. 


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HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


OF 


PHILIP  THE  SECOND, 


KING  OF  SPAIN". 


BY 


WILLIAM    H.   PRESCOTT, 


NEWAND   REVISED   EDITION, 
WITH   THE  AUTHOE's   LATEST  OOEBECTIONS   AND   ADDITIONS. 


EDITED   BY 

JOHN  FOSTER  KIRK. 


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Copyright,  1855, 
By  William  H.  Prescott. 

Copyright,  1858, 
By  William  H.  Prescott. 

Copyright,  1874, 
By  J.  B.  LiPPiNCOTT  A  Co. 

Copyright,  1882, 
By  William  G.  Prescott. 

Copyright,  1886, 
By  William  G.  Prescott. 


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PREFACE. 


The  reign  of  Philip  the  Second  has  occupied  the  pen  of  the  historian  more 
frequently— if  we  except  that  of  Charles  the  Fifth— than  any  other  portion  of 
the  Spanish  annals.  It  has  become  familiar  to  the  English  reader  through 
the  pages  of  Watson,  who  has  deservedly  found  favour  with  the  public  for  the 
perspicuity  of  his  style, — a  virtue,  however,  not  uncommon  in  his  day, — for  the 
sobnety  of  his  judgments,  and  for  the  skill  he  has  shown  in  arranging  his 
complicated  story,  so  as  to  maintain  the  reader's  interest  unbroken  to  the  end. 
But  the  public,  in  Watson's  day,  were  not  very  fastidious  in  re^rd  to  the 
sources  of  the  information  on  which  a  narrative  was  founded.  Nor  was  it 
easy  to  obtain  access  to  those  unpublished  documents  which  constitute  the  best 
sources  of  information.  Neither  can  it  be  denied  that  Watson  himself  was 
not  so  solicitous  as  he  should  have  been  to  profit  by  opportunities  which  a 
little  pains  might  have  put  within  his  reach, — presenting,  in  this  respect,  a  con- 
trast to  his  more  celebrated  predecessor,  Robertson  ;  that  he  contented  himself 
too  easily  with  such  cheap  and  commonplace  materials  as  lay  directly  in  his 
path ;  and  that,  consequently,  the  foundations  of  his  history  are  much  too 
slight  for  the  superstmcture.  For  these  reasons,  the  rei^  of  Philip  the 
Second  must  still  be  regarded  as  open  ground  for  Englisn  and  American 
writers. 

And  at  no  time  could  the  history  of  this  reign  have  been  undertaken  with 
the  same  advantages  as  at  present,  when  the  more  enlightened  policy  of  the 
European  governments  has  opened  their  national  archives  to  the  inspection 
of  the  scholar ;  when  he  is  allowed  access,  in  particular,  to  the  Archives  of 
Simancas,  which  have  held  the  secrets  of  the  Spanish  monarchy  hermetically 
sealed  for  ages. 

The  history  of  Philip  the  Second  is  the  history  of  Europe  during  the  latter 
half  of  the  sixteenth  century.  It  covers  the  period  when  the  doctrines  of  the 
Reformation  were  agitating  the  minds  of  men  m  so  fearful  a  manner  as  to  shake 
the  very  foundations  of  the  Romish  hierarchy  in  the  fierce  contest  which  divided 
Christendom.  Philip,  both  from  his  personal  character  and  from  his  position 
as  sovereign  of  the  most  potent  monarchy  in  Europe,  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  party  which  strove  to  uphold  the  fortunes  of  the  ancient  Church ;  and 
thus  his  policy  led  him  perpetually  to  interfere  in  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
other  European  states, — making  it  necessary  to  look  for  the  materials  for  his 
history  quite  as  much  without  the  Peninsula  as  within  it.  In  this  respect 
the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  presents  a  strong  contrast  to  that  of 
Philip  the  Second ;  and  it  was  the  consideration  of  this,  when  I  had  com- 
pleted my  hjstory  of  the  former,  and  proposed  at  some  future  day  to  enter 
upon  that  of  the  latter,  that  led  me  to  set  about  a  collection  of  authentic 
materials  from  the  public  archives  in  the  great  European  capitals.  It  was  a 
work  of  difficulty ;  and,  although  I  had  made  some  progress  in  it,  I  did  not 


Tl 


PREFACE. 


I 


1 


feel  assured  of  success  until  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  obtain  the  co-operation 
of  mj  friend  Don  Pascual  de  Gayangos,  Professor  of  Arabic  in  the  University 
of  IVladrid.  This  eminent  scholar  was  admirably  qualified  for  the  task  which 
he  so  kindly  undertook ;  since,  with  a  remarkaole  facility — such  as  long 
practice  only  can  give— in  deciphering  the  mysterious  handwriting  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  he  combined  such  a  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  history 
of  his  country  as  enabled  him  to  detect,  amidst  the  ocean  of  manuscripts 
which  he  inspected,  such  portions  as  were  essential  to  my  purpose. 

With  unwearied  assiduity  he  devoted  himself  to  the  exammation  of  many 
of  the  principal  collections,  both  in  England  and  on  the  Continent.  Among 
these  may  be  mentioned  the  British  museum  and  the  State- Paper  Office,  in 
London  ;  the  Library  of  the  Dukes  of  Burgimdy,  in  Brussels  ;  that  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Leyden  ;  the  Royal  Library,  at  the  Ha^ue  ;  the  Royal  Library  of 
Paris,  and  the  Archives  of  the  Kingdom,  in  the  Hotel  Soubise ;  the  Library 
of  the  Academy  of  History,  the  National  Library  at  Madrid,  and,  more  im- 
portant than  either,  the  ancient  Archives  of  Simancas,  within  whose  hallowed 
precincts  Senor  Gayangos  was  one  of  the  first  scholars  permitted  to  enter. 

Besides  these  puolic  repositories,  there  are  several  private  collections  to  the 
owners  of  which  I  am  largely  indebted  for  the  liberal  manner  in  which  they 
have  opened  them  for  my  oenefit.  I  may  mention  in  particular  the  late  Lady 
Holland,  who  kindly  permitted  copies  to  be  made  by  Seiior  Gayangos  from 
the  manuscripts  preserved  in  Holland  House  ;  Sir  Thomas  Phillips,  Bart,  who 
freely  extended  the  same  courtesy  in  respect  to  the  present  work  which  he  had 
shown  to  me  on  a  former  occasion  ;  and  Patrick  Eraser  Tytler,  Esq.,  the  late 
excellent  historian  of  Scotland,  who  generously  placed  at  my  disposal  sundry 
documents  copied  hy  him  in  the  public  offices  with  his  own  hand  for  the 
illustration  of  the  reign  of  Mary  Tudor. 

In  Spain  the  collection  made  by  Seiior  Gayangos  was  enriched  by  materials 
drawn  from  the  family  archives  of  the  raarauis  of  Santa  Cruz,  whose  illus- 
trious ancestor  first  had  charge  of  the  Spanish  armada ;  from  the  archives  of 
Medina  Sidonia,  containing  papers  of  the  duke  who  succeeded  to  the  command 
of  that  ill-starred  expedition ;  and  from  the  archives  of  the  house  of  Alva,— a 
name  associated  with  the  most  memorable  acts  of  the  government  of  Philip. 

The  manuscripts  thus  drawn  from  various  quarters  were  fortified  by  such 
printed  works  as,  having  made  their  appearance  in  the  time  of  Philip  the 
Second,  could  throw  any  light  on  his  government.  Where  such  works  were 
not  to  be  purchased,  Senor  Gayangos  caused  copies  to  be  made  of  them,  or  of 
those  portions  which  were  important  to  my  purpose.  The  result  of  his  kind, 
untiring  labours  has  been  to  put  me  in  possession  of  such  a  collection  of 
authentic  materials  for  the  illustration  of  the  reign  of  Philip  as  no  one  before 
had  probably  attempted  to  make.  Nor  until  now  had  tne  time  come  for 
making  the  attempt  with  success. 

There  still  remained,  however,  some  places  to  be  examined  where  I  might 
expect  to  find  documents  that  would  be  of  use  to  me.  Indeed,  it  is  in  the 
nature  of  such  a  collection,  covering  so  wide  an  extent  of  ground,  that  it  can 
never  be  complete.  The  historian  may  be  satisfied  if  he  has  such  authentic 
materials  at  his  command  as,  while  they  solve  much  that  has  hitherto  been 
enigmatical  in  the  accounts  of  the  time,  will  enable  him  to  present  in  their 
true  light  the  character  of  Philip  and  the  policy  of  his  government.  I  must 
acknowledge  my  obligations  to  more  than  one  person  who  has  given  me  im- 
portant aid  in  prosecuting  my  further  researches. 

One  of  the  first  of  them  is  my  friend  Mr.  Edward  Everett,  who  in  his  long 
{Uid  brilliant  career  as  a  statesman  has  lost  nothhig  of  that  love  of  letters 


PREFACE. 


yu 


which  formed  his  first  claim  to  distinction.  The  year  before  his  appointment 
to  the  English  mission  he  passed  on  the  Continent,  where,  with  the  kindness 
that  belongs  to  his  nature,  he  spent  much  time  in  examining  for  me  the  great 
libraries,  first  in  Paris,  and  afterwards  more  effectually  in  Florence,  i  rem 
the  Archivio  Mediceo^  in  which  he  was  permitted  by  the  grand  duke  to  con- 
duct his  researches,  he  obtained  copies  of  sundry  valuable  documents,  and 
among  them  the  letters  of  the  Tuscan  ministers,  which  have  helped  to  guide 
me  in  some  of  the  most  intricate  parts  of  my  narrative.  A  still  largor  amount 
of  materials  he  derived  from  the  private  library  of  Count  Guicciardini,  the 
descendant  of  the  illustrious  historian  of  that  name.  I  am  happy  to  express 
my  lively  sense  of  the  courtesy  shown  by  this  nobleman ;  also  my  gratitude  for 
kind  offices  rendered  me  by  Prince  Corsini ;  and  no  less  by  the  Marquis  Gino 
Capponi,  whose  name  will  be  always  held  in  honour  for  the  enlightened  patro- 
nage which  he  has  extended  to  learning  while  suflering,  himself,  under  the 
severest  privation  that  can  befall  the  scholar. 

There  was  still  an  important  deficiency  in  my  collection,— that  of  the 
Relazioni  Venete,  as  the  reports  are  called  which  were  made  by  ambassadors 
of  Venice  on  their  return  from  their  foreign  missions.  The  value  of  these 
reports,  for  the  information  they  give  of  the  countries  visited  by  the  envoys,  is 
well  known  to  historians.  The  deficiency  was  amply  supplied  bv  the  un- 
wearied kindness  of  my  friend  Mr.  Fay,  who  now  so  ably  fills  the  post  of 
minister  from  the  United  States  to  Switzerland.  When  connected  with  the 
American  legation  at  Berlin,  he  in  the  most  obliging  manner  assisted  me  in 
making  arrangements  for  obtaining  the  documents  I  desired,  which,  with  other 
papers  of  importance,  were  copied  for  me  from  the  manuscripts  m  the  Royal 
Library  of  Berlin  and  the  Ducal  Library  of  Gotha.  I  have  also,  in  connection 
with  this,  to  express  my  obligations  to  the  distinguished  Ubrarian  of  the 
former  institution,  Mr.  Pertz,  for  the  good  will  which  he  showed  in  promotmg 
mv  views 

Through  Mr.  Fay  I  also  obtained  the  authority  of  Prince  Mettemich  to 
inspect  3ie  Archives  of  the  Empire  in  Vienna,  which  I  inferred,  from  the 
intimate  relations  subsisting  between  the  courts  of  Madrid  and  Vienna  in  that 
day,  must  contain  much  valuable  matter  relevant  to  my  subject.  The  result 
did  not  correspond  to  my  expectations.  I  am  happy,  however,  to  have  the 
opportunity  of  publicly  offering  my  acknowledgments  to  that  eminent  scholar 
Dr.  Ferdinand  Wolf  for  the  obliging  manner  in  which  he  conducted  the  in- 
vestigation for  me,  as  well  in  the  archives  above  mentioned  as,  with  better 
results,  in  the  Imperial  Library,  with  which  he  is  officially  connected. 

In  concluding  the  list  of  those  to  whose  good  offices  I  have  been  indebted,  I 
must  not  omit  the  names  of  M.  de  Salvandy,  minister  of  public  instruction  in 
France  at  the  time  I  was  engaged  in  making  my  collection  ;  Mr.  Rush,  then 
the  minister  of  the  United  States  at  the  French  court ;  Mr.  Rives,  of  Vu-ginia, 
his  successor  in  that  office ;  and  last,  not  least,  mv  friend  Count  de  Circourt^  a 
scholar  whose  noble  contributions  to  the  periodical  literature  of  his  country,  on 
the  greatest  variety  of  topics,  have  given  him  a  prominent  place  among  the 

writers  of  our  time.  ^        ,  ,         .    ,     .i     ^  t  t. 

I  am  happy,  also,  to  tender  my  acknowledgments  for  the  favours  1  have 
received  from  Mr.  Van  de  Weyer,  minister  from  Beldum  to  the  court  of  St. 
James;  from  Mr.  B.  Homer  Dixon,  consul  for  the  Netherlands  at  Boston; 
and  from  my  friend  and  kinsman  Mr.  Thomas  Hickling,  consul  for  the  United 
States  at  St.  Michael's,  who  kindly  furnished  me  with  sundry  manuscnpte 
exhibiting  the  condition  of  the  Azores  at  the  period  when  those  islands  passed, 
with  Portugal,  under  the  sceptre  of  Philip  the  Second. 


Ti 


PREFACE. 


n 


) 


feel  assured  of  success  until  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  obtain  the  co-operation 
of  my  friend  Don  Pascual  de  Gayangos,  Professor  of  Arabic  in  the  University 
of  Madrid.  This  eminent  scholar  was  admirably  qualified  for  the  task  which 
he  so  kindly  undertook  ;  since,  with  a  remarkable  facility — such  as  long 
practice  only  can  give— in  deciphering  the  mysterious  handwriting  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  he  combined  such  a  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  history 
of  his  country  as  enabled  him  to  detect,  amidst  the  ocean  of  manuscripts 
which  he  inspected,  such  portions  as  were  essential  to  my  purpose. 

With  unwearied  assiduity  he  devoted  himself  to  the  examniation  of  many 
of  the  principal  collections,  both  in  England  and  on  the  Continent.  Among 
these  may  be  mentioned  the  British  Museum  and  the  State- Paper  Office,  in 
London  ;  the  Library  of  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy,  in  Brussels  ;  that  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Leyden  ;  the  Royal  Library,  at  the  Hague  ;  the  Royal  Library  of 
Paris,  and  the  Archives  of  the  Kingdom,  in  the  Hotel  Soubise  ;  the  Library 
of  the  Academy  of  History,  the  National  Library  at  Madrid,  and,  more  im- 
portant than  either,  the  ancient  Archives  of  Simancas,  within  whose  hallowed 
precincts  Senor  Gayangos  was  one  of  the  first  scholars  permitted  to  enter. 

Besides  these  public  repositories,  there  are  several  private  collections  to  the 
owners  of  which  I  am  largely  indebted  for  the  liberal  manner  in  which  they 
have  opened  them  for  my  benefit.  I  may  mention  in  particular  the  late  Lady 
Holland,  who  kindly  permitted  copies  to  be  made  by  Senor  Gayangos  from 
the  manuscripts  preserved  in  Holland  House  ;  Sir  Thomas  Phillips,  Bart,  who 
freely  extended  tne  same  courtesy  in  respect  to  the  present  work  which  he  had 
shown  to  me  on  a  former  occasion  ;  and  Patrick  Fraser  Tytler,  Esq.,  the  late 
excellent  historian  of  Scotland,  who  generously  placed  at  my  disposal  sundry 
documents  copied  hj  him  in  the  public  offices  with  his  own  hand  for  the 
illustration  of  the  reign  of  Mary  Tudor. 

In  Spain  the  collection  made  by  Seiior  Gayangos  was  enriched  by  materials 
drawn  from  the  family  archives  of  the  marnuis  of  Santa  Cruz,  whose  illus- 
trious ancestor  first  had  charge  of  the  Spanisn  armada ;  from  the  archives  of 
Medina  Sidonia,  containing  papers  of  the  duke  who  succeeded  to  the  command 
of  that  ill-starred  expedition ;  and  from  the  archives  of  the  house  of  Alva,— a 
name  associated  with  the  most  memorable  acts  of  the  government  of  Philip. 

The  manuscripts  thus  drawn  from  various  quarters  were  fortified  by  such 
printed  works  as,  having  made  their  appearance  in  the  time  of  Philip  the 
Second,  could  throw  any  light  on  his  government.  Where  such  works  were 
not  to  be  purchased,  Senor  Gayangos  caused  copies  to  be  made  of  them,  or  of 
those  portions  which  were  important  to  my  purpose.  The  result  of  his  kind, 
untiring  labours  has  been  to  put  me  in  possession  of  such  a  collection  of 
authentic  materials  for  the  illustration  of  tne  reign  of  Philip  as  no  one  before 
had  probably  attempted  to  make.  Nor  until  now  had  tne  time  come  for 
making  the  attempt  with  success. 

There  still  remained,  however,  some  places  to  be  examined  where  I  might 
expect  to  find  documents  that  would  be  of  use  to  me.  Indeed,  it  is  in  the 
nature  of  such  a  collection,  covering  so  wide  an  extent  of  ground,  that  it  can 
never  be  complete.  The  historian  may  be  satisfied  if  he  has  such  authentic 
materials  at  his  command  as,  while  they  solve  much  that  has  hitherto  been 
enigmatical  in  the  accounts  of  the  time,  will  enable  him  to  present  in  their 
true  light  the  character  of  Philip  and  the  policy  of  his  government.  I  must 
acknowledge  my  obligations  to  more  than  one  person  who  has  given  me  im- 
portant aid  in  prosecuting  my  further  researches. 

One  of  the  first  of  them  is  my  friend  Mr.  Edward  Everett,  who  in  his  long 
fmd  brilliant  career  as  a  statesman  has  lost  nothhig  of  that  love  of  letters 


PREFACE. 


Vll 


I 


which  formed  his  first  claim  to  distinction.  The  year  before  his  appointment 
to  the  English  mission  he  passed  on  the  Continent,  where,  with  the  kindness 
that  belongs  to  his  nature,  he  spent  much  time  in  examining  for  me  the  great 
libraries,  first  in  Paris,  and  afterwards  more  effectually  in  Florence.  From 
the  Archivio  Mediceo^  in  which  he  was  permitted  by  the  grand  duke  to  con- 
duct his  researches,  he  obtained  copies  of  sundry  valuable  documents,  and 
among  them  the  letters  of  the  Tuscan  ministers,  which  have  helped  to  guide 
me  in  some  of  the  most  intricate  parts  of  my  narrative.  A  still  larg^  amount 
of  materials  he  derived  from  the  private  library  of  Count  Guicciardini,  the 
descendant  of  the  illustrious  historian  of  that  name.  1  am  happy  to  express 
my  lively  sense  of  the  courtesy  shown  by  this  nobleman ;  also  my  gratitude  for 
kind  offices  rendered  me  by  Prince  Corsini ;  and  no  less  by  the  Marquis  Gino 
Capponi,  whose  name  will  be  always  held  in  honour  for  the  enlightened  patro- 
nage which  he  has  extended  to  learning  while  sufiering,  himself,  under  the 
severest  privation  that  can  befall  the  scholar. 

There  was  still  an  important  deficiency  in  my  collection,— that  of  the 
Relazioni  Venete^  as  the  reports  are  called  which  were  made  by  ambassadors 
of  Venice  on  their  return  from  their  foreign  missions.  The  value  of  these 
reports,  for  the  information  they  give  of  the  countries  visited  by  the  envoys,  is 
well  known  to  historians.  The  deficiency  was  amply  supplied  bv  the  un- 
wearied kindness  of  my  friend  Mr.  Fay,  who  now  so  ably  fills  the  post  of 
minister  from  the  United  States  to  Switzerland.  When  connected  with  the 
American  legation  at  Berlin,  he  in  the  most  obliging  manner  assisted  me  in 
making  arrangements  for  obtaining  the  documents  I  desired,  which,  with  other 
papers  of  importance,  were  copied  for  me  from  the  manuscripts  in  the  Royal 
Library  of  Berlin  and  the  Ducal  Library  of  Gotha.  I  have  also,  in  connection 
with  this,  to  express  my  obligations  to  the  distinguished  Ubrarian  of  the 
former  institution,  Mr.  Pertz,  for  the  good  will  which  he  showed  in  promotmg 
my  views.  ^  .       _  _ 

Through  Mr.  Fay  I  also  obtained  the  authority  of  Pnnce  Mettemich  to 
inspect  the  Archives  of  the  Empire  in  Vienna,  which  I  inferred,  from  the 
intimate  relations  subsisting  between  the  courts  of  Madrid  and  Vienna  in  that 
day,  must  contain  much  valuable  matter  relevant  to  my  subject.  The  result 
did  not  correspond  to  my  expectations.  I  am  happy,  however,  to  have  the 
opportunity  of  pubUcly  off'ering  my  acknowledgments  to  that  eminent  scholar 
Dr.  Ferdinand  Wolf  for  the  obhging  manner  in  which  he  conducted  the  in- 
vestigation for  me,  as  well  in  the  archives  above  mentioned  as,  with  better 
results,  in  the  Imperial  Library,  with  which  he  is  officially  connected. 

In  concluding  the  Hst  of  those  to  whose  good  offices  I  have  been  indebted,  I 
nnist  not  omit  the  names  of  M.  de  Salvandy,  minister  of  public  instruction  in 
France  at  the  time  I  was  engaged  in  making  my  collection  ;  Mr.  Rush,  then 
the  minister  of  the  United  States  at  the  French  court ;  Mr.  Rives,  of  Virginia, 
his  successor  in  that  office ;  and  last,  not  least,  my  friend  Count  de  Circourt,  a 
scholar  whose  noble  contributions  to  the  periodical  literature  of  his  country,  on 
the  greatest  variety  of  topics,  have  given  him  a  prominent  place  among  the 

■writers  of  our  time.  ^       i     ^  t  i. 

I  am  happy,  also,  to  tender  my  acknowledgments  for  the  favours  I  have 
received  from  Mr.  Van  de  Weyer,  minister  from  Belgium  to  the  court  of  St. 
James ;  from  Mr.  B.  Homer  Dixon,  consul  for  the  Netherlands  at  Boston ; 
and  from  my  friend  and  kinsman  Mr.  Thomas  Hicklin^,  consul  for  the  United 
States  at  St.  Michael's,  who  kindly  furnished  me  with  sundry  manuscripte 
exhibiting  the  condition  of  the  Azores  at  the  period  when  those  islands  passed, 
with  Portugal,  under  the  sceptre  of  Philip  the  Second. 


I 


i 


I 


VIU 


PREFACE. 


Having  thus  acquainted  the  reader  with  the  sources  whence  I  have  derived 
my  materials,  I  must  now  say  a  few  words  in  regard  to  the  conduct  of  my 
narrative.  An  obvious  difficulty  in  the  path  of  the  historian  of  this  period 
arises  from  the  nature  of  the  subject,  emoracing,  as  it  does,  such  a  variety  of 
independent,  not  to  say  incongruous,  topics,  that  it  is  no  easy  matter  to  pre- 
serve anything  like  unity  of  interest  in  the  story.  Thus  the  Revolution  of  the 
Netherlands,  although,  strictly  speaking,  only  an  episode  to  the  main  body  of 
the  narrative,  from  its  importance  well  deserves  to  be  treated  in  a  separate 
and  independent  narrative  by  itself.*  Running  along  through  the  whole 
extent  of  Philip's  reign,  it  is  continually  distracting  the  attention  of  the  his- 
torian, creating  an  embarrassment  something  like  that  which  arises  from  what 
is  termed  a  double  plot  in  the  drama.  The  best  way  of  obviating  this  is  to 
keep  in  view  the  dominant  principle  which  controlled  all  the  movements  of  the 
complicated  machinery,  so  to  speak,  and  impressed  on  them  a  unity  of  action. 
This  principle  is  to  be  found  in  the  policy  of  Philip,  the  great  aim  of  which 
was  to  uphold  the  supremacy  of  the  Church,  and,  as  a  consequence,  that  of  the 
crown.  "  Peace  and  public  order,"  he  writes  on  one  occasion,  "  are  to  be 
maintained  in  my  dominions  only  by  maintaining  the  authority  of  the  Holy 
See."  It  was  this  policv,  almost  as  sure  and  steady  in  its  operation  as  the 
laws  of  Nature  herself,  that  may  be  said  to  have  directed  the  march  of  events 
through  the  whole  of  his  long  reign  ;  and  it  is  only  by  keeping  this  constantly 
in  view  that  the  student  will  be  enabled  to  obtain  *a  clue  to  guide  him  through 
the  intricate  passages  in  the  history  of  Philip,  and  the  best  means  of  solving 
what  would  otherwise  remain  enigmatical  in  his  conduct. 

In  the  coiuDosition  of  the  work  I  have  for  the  most  part  conformed  to  the 
plan  which  I  had  before  adopted.  Far  from  confining  myself  to  a  record  of 
po  itical  events,  I  have  endeavoured  to  present  a  picture  of  the  intellectual 
culture  and  the  manners  of  the  people.  I  have  not  even  refused  yuch  aid  as 
could  be  obtained  from  the  displav  of  pageants  and  court  ceremonies,  which, 
although  exhibiting  httle  more  than  the  costume  of  the  time,  may  serve  to 
bring  the  outward  form  of  a  picturesque  age  more  vividly  before  the  eye  of 
the  reader.  In  the  arrangement  of  the  narrative  I  have  not  confined  myself 
altogether  to  the  chronolo^ncal  order  of  events,  but  have  thrown  them  into 
masses,  according  to  the  subjects  to  which  they  relate,  so  as  to  produce  as  far 
as  possible  a  distinct  impression  on  the  reader.  And  in  this  way  I  have  post- 
poned  more  than  one  matter  of  importance  to  a  later  portion  of  the  work, 
which  a  strict  regard  to  time  would  assign  more  properly  to  an  earlier  division 
of  the  subject.  Finally,  I  have  been  careful  to  fortify  the  text  with  citations 
from  the  ongmal  authorities  on  which  it  depends,  especially  where  these  are 
rare  and  difficult  of  access. 

,.i"  the  part  relating  to  the  Netheriands  I  have  pursued  a  course  somewhat 
ditterent  from  what  I  have  done  in  other  parts  of  the  work.  The  scholars  of 
that  country,  ma  truly  patriotic  spirit,  have  devoted  themselves  of  late  years 
to  explonn^  their  own  archives,  as  well  as  those  of  Simancas,  for  the  purpose 
of  il  ustrating  their  national  annals.  The  results  they  have  given  to  the 
worid  m  a  series  of  publications,  which  are  still  in  progress.  Tlie  historian 
has  reason  to  be  deeply  grateful  to  those  pioneers,  whose  labours  have  put  him 


♦  It  is  gratifying  to  learn  that  before  long 
such  a  history  may  be  expected,— if  indeed  it 
should  not  appear  before  the  publication  of 
this  work,— from  the  pen  of  our  accomplished 
countryman  Mr.  J,  Lothrop  Motley,  who 
during  the  last  few  years,  for  the  better  prose- 
cution of  bis  labours,  has  tstablished  bis  resi- 


dence in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  scenes  of 
his  narrative.  No  one  acquainted  with  the 
fine  powers  of  mind  possessed  by  this  scholar, 
and  the  earnestness  with  which  he  has  de- 
voted himself  to  his  task,  can  doubt  that  he 
will  do  full  justice  to  bis  ImportAnt  but  difB- 
cult  sutgect. 


PREFACE. 


IX 


in  possession  of  materials  which  afford  the  most  substantial  basis  for  his 
narrative.  For  what  basis  can  compare  with  that  afforded  by  the  written  cor- 
respondence of  the  parties  themselves  ?  It  is  on  this  sure  ground  that  I  have 
mainly  relied  in  this  part  of  my  story ;  and  I  have  adopted  the  practice  of  in- 
corporating extracts  from  the  letters  in  the  body  of  the  text,  which,  if  it  may 
sometimes  give  an  air  of  prolixity  to  the  narrative,  will  have  the  advantage  of 
bringing  the  reader  into  a  sort  of  personal  acquaintance  with  the  actors,  as  he 
listens  to  the  words  spoken  by  themselves. 

In  the  earlier  part  of  this  Preface  I  have  made  the  acknowledgments  due 
for  assistance  I  have  received  in  the  collection  of  my  materials  ;  and  I  must 
not  now  conclude  without  recordin^my  obligations,  of  another  kind,  to  two  of 
my  personal  friends,— Mr.  Charies  Folsom,  the  learned  librarian  of  the  Boston 
Athenaeum,  who  has  repeated  the  good  offices  he  had  before  rendered  me  in 
revising  my  manuscript  for  the  press ;  and  Mr.  John  Foster  Kirk,  whose 
familiarity  with  the  history  and  languages  of  Modern  Europe  has  greatly  aided 
me  in  the  prosecution  of  my  researches,  while  his  sagacious  criticism  has  done 
me  no  less  service  in  the  preparation  of  this  volume. 

Notwithstanding  the  advantages  I  have  enjoyed  for  the  composition  of  this 
work,  and  especially  those  derived  from  the  possession  of  new  and  original 
materials,  I  am  fully  sensible  that  I  am  far  from  having  done  justice  to  a 
subject  so  vast  in  its  extent  and  so  complicated  in  its  relations.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  urge  in  my  defence  any  physical  embarrassments  under  which  I 
labour ;  since  that  will  hardly  be  an  excuse  for  not  doing  well  what  it  was  not 
necessary  to  do  at  all.  But  1  may  be  permitted  to  say  tliat  what  I  have  done 
has  been  the  result  of  careful  preparation  ;  that  I  have  endeavoured  to  write 
in  a  spirit  of  candour  and  good  faith  ;  and  that,  whatever  may  be  the  de- 
ficiencies of  my  work,  it  can  hardly  fail— considering  the  advantages  I  have 
enjoyed  over  my  predecessors— to  present  the  reader  with  such  new  and 
authentic  statements  of  facts  as  may  afford  him  a  better  point  of  view  than 
that  which  he  has  hitherto  possessed  for  surveying  the  history  of  Philip  the 
Second, 

Boston,  JWy,  1855. 


xxiv 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Philip's  Fondness  for  Art         . .        . .  6^2 

Completion  of  the  Escorial  . .        . .  672 

The  Architects 673 

Cliaracter  of  the  Structure    . .        . .  673 

Its  Whimsical  Design 674 

Its  Magnitude 674 

Interior  Decorations         675 

Ravages  it  has  undergone     . .        . .  675 


PAOB 

Its  present  Condition       675 

Anne  of  Austria          ..         .,         ,.  675 

Her  Reception  in  Spain 676 

Her  Marriage  with  Philip     . ,        . .  677 

Her  Residence  at  the  Esc<jrial    . ,        . .  677 

Her  Character  and  Habits     . .        . .  677 

Her  Death 678 


/ 


t=^ 


'J 


\ 


CONTENTS. 


-•o*- 


BOOK  L 


i 
I 


I    !'■■ 


I 


CHAPTER  I. 

Abdication  of  Charlks  the  Fifth 
Rise  of  the  Spanish  Empire  . . 
Internal  Tranquillity  of  Spain  .. 
Charles  V.  not  a  Spaniard     . . 
State  of  Europe  at  his  Accession 

His  Warlike  Career 

Reverses  of  his  Later  Years 

His  111  Health  and  Melancholy 

He  determines  to  abdicate 

Convenes  the  KsUtes  of  the  Netherlands 

His  Appearance  in  the  Assembly 

Speech  to  the  Deputies         . .        . . 

Address  to  Philip 

Emotions  of  the  Audience    . . 
Speeches  of  Philip  and  Granvelle 
Charles  resigns  the  Crown  of  Spain 
Retains  the  Title  of  Kmperor    . . 
Leaves  the  Netherlands        ..        •< 

Arrives  at  Laredo 

His  Journey  to  Valladolid    . .        . « 
He  takes  Leave  of  his  Family    . . 
His  Stay  at  Jarandilla  .•        •< 

Description  of  Yubte        .  *        ■ . 


FACE 
1 
1 
2 
2 
2 
3 
3 
3 
4 
4 
5 
6 
7 
1 
1 
8 
8 
8 
9 
9 
10 
10 
10 


CHAPTER  n. 

Early  Days  of  Philip 11 

Birth  of  Philip  II H 

Recognition  as  Heir  to  the  Crown        . .  12 

His  Tutors        12 

Death  of  his  Mother         13 

His  early  Familiarity  with  Affairs . .  14 

First  Lesson  in  War        1* 

He  is  made  Regent 15 

His  Father's  Counsel  to  him      . .        . .  16 

Bride  selected  for  Philip       ..        *.  16 

The  Infanta  sets  out  for  Castile. .        . .  16 

Arrives  at  Salamanca IT 

Royal  Marriage •  IT 

Death  of  the  Princess 17 

Philip  summoned  to  Flanders    ..        ..  18 

Remodels  his  Household       . .        . .  18 

Arrives  at  Genoa 19 

Receives  Embassies 19 

Entertainment  at  Milan 20 

Honours  paid  him  on  the  Route     . .  21 


PAGE 

Reception  at  Bmssels 21 

Charles  his  Instructor  in  Politics    . ,  22 

Tour  through  the  Provinces       . .        . .  22 

Loyal  Demonstrations           . .        . .  23 

Tourney  in  Brussels        23 

Philip's  Skill  with  the  Lance          . .  24 
His  Dislike  to  Active  Exercises. .        ..25 

Unpopularity  in  Flanders    . .        . .  25 
Scheme  for  securing  to  him  the  Imperial 

Crown 56 

Ferdinand  refuses  to  waive  his  Claims  26 

Philip  disliked  by  the  Germans. ,        . .  26 

The  Project  unpopular  in  Spain     ..  27 

Private  Compact • .  27 

Philip  leaves  the  Netherlands        . .  28 

Resumes  the  Government  of  Spain      . .  23 

State  of  Spain 28 

Strength  of  the  National  Spirit . .        . .  29 
Philip  the  Type  of  the  Spanish  Cha- 
racter  •        ••  29 


CHAPTER  m. 


English  Alliance 
Religious  Revolution  in  England 
Indifference  of  the  People 
Micheli's  Description  of  England 
His  Portrait  of  Mary 

Her  Bigotry 

Proofs  of  her  Sincerity     . . 
Her  Treatment  of  Elizabeth  . . 
Persecution  of  the  Protestants 
Charles  V.'s  Relations  with  Mary 
Scheme  for  uniting  her  to  Philip 
Crafty  Mode  of  Proceeding    . . 

Coquetry  of  Mary 

Offer  of  Philip's  Hand 
Efforts  to  prevent  the  Match 

Mary's  Vow 

Remonstrance  of  the  Commons  . 
Egmont's  Embassy    . . 

Mary's  Prudery 

The  Marriage-Treaty . . 
Popular  Discontent  . . 

Insurrection 

The  Queen's  Intrepidity  . .        . 
The  Rebels  defeated   .. 


30 
30 
30 
31 
32 
33 
33 
33 
34 
34 
35 
3S 
36 
37 
38 
38 
38 
39 
39 
40 
40 
40 
41 
41 


3di 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

_  .  PAGE 

ExGLTSH  Alliance          42 

Ratification  of  the  Treaty     ,.        ,,  42 

Mary's  Message  to  Philip          . .        . .  42 

His  Disinclination  to  the  Match      ..  43 

He  sends  an  Embassy  to  Mary  . .        . .  43 

Joanna  made  Regent  of  Spain         . .  43 

Her  Character         44 

Philip  sails  for  England        ..        ..  45 

Lands  at  Southampton 46 

His  Reception  ..        45 

His  Affability         46 

Progress  to  Winchester         . .        . .  46 

Interviews  with  Mary 47 

The  Marriage-Ceremony  performed  48 

Banquet  and  Ball 43 

Public  Entry  into  London     . .        . .  49 

Residt^ice  at  Hampton  Court     . .        . .  60 

Philip's  Discretion 61 

Punctiliousness    in   Religious   Observ- 
ances       . .        61 

Sincerity  of  his  Religious  Belief     . .  61 

Arrival  of  the  Legate 62 

Character  ot  Pole        62 

Meeting  of  Parliament 62 

England  reconciled  to  the  Church  . .  63 

Persecution 53 

Denounced  by  the  King's  Confessor  63 

Philip's  Influence  with  Mary     ..         ..  64 

Her  l^regnancy  announced    . .        . ,  64 

Mortifying  Result 66 

Philip's  Discontent 66 

Unpopularity  of  the  Spaniards  ..        ..  65 

Philip  leaves  England           ..         ..  66 

Arrives  at  Brussels         66 


CHAPTER  V. 

War  WITH  THE  Pope 66 

Extent  of  Philip's  Possessions         . .  66 

His  Powerful  Position 57 

Absolute  Authority "  67 

Relations  with  the  Pope 67 

Early  History  of  Paul  IV 68 

His  Enmity  to  the  Emperor       . .        . .  68 

Denunciations  of  the  Spaniards       ..  69 

Character  of  the  Pope 69 

His  Nephews eo 

Relations  with  France eo 

Character  of  Henry  II ei 

The  Constable  Montmorency     , .        , .  61 

Francis,  Duke  of  Guise         .,        ,.  62 

CarafFa  succeeds  in  his  Mission  . .        . .  62 

Terms  of  the  Treaty 62 

Spaniards  maltreated  by  Paul    ..*'..  63 

Alva  Viceroy  of  Naples        ..        ..  63 

His  Fkrly  Career 63 

His  Military  Talents **  64 

Council  of  I  heologians 65 

Sanctions  Retaliatory  Measures      , .  65 

Alva  issues  a  Manifesto 66 

Musters  an  Army       .  66 

Enters  the  Papal"  Territory  "..**..  66 

Rapid  Successes         66 


PACE 

Paul's  Fiery  Temper       67 

The  Papal  Forces        67 

Ostia  besieged        68 

Unsuccessful  Assault 68 

The  Place  surrenders       69 

Negotiations  and  Truce        . .        . .  69 


CHAPTER  Vr. 

War  WITH  THE  Pope 70 

The  French  Army 70 

The  Italian  Powers  7o 

Duke  of  Ferrara  breaks  with  Guise . .  71 

Paul  renews  the  War 7i 

Campli  taken  by  the  French . .        . ,  71 

Italy  in  the  Sixteenth  Century  ..        ,,  71 

Guise  lays  Siege  to  Civitella . .         , .  72 

Discontents  in  the  French  Army  . .  73 

Alva's  Preparations 73 

He  takes  the  Field 74 

Raises  the  Siege  of  Civitella  . .        . .  74 

Rttreat  of  the  French 76 

Alva's  Slow  Pursuit 75 

Successes  of  Colonna        76 

Capture  and  Sack  of  Segni     . .        . ,  76 

Paul  refuses  to  make  Concessions        . ,  76 

Alva  plans  an  Attack  on  Rome      . .  76 

Abandons  the  Design       77 

Various  Opinions  as  to  the  Affifiir  , .  77 

Alarm  of  the  Romans 78 

Departure  of  Guise 73 

Negotiations  opened        ,  73 

Concessions  made  by  Alva   , .        . ,  79 

He  enters  Rome 79 

Receives  Absolution  from  the  Pope  79 

Results  of  the  War  go 

Paul  the  Chief  Sufferer         ..        ..  80 

His  Treatment  of  his  Kinsmen  . .        , ,  81 

Rigid  Church-Discipline       ,,        ,.  81 

Riots  at  his  Death 81 

His  Patriotism gl 


CHAPTER  Vn. 


War  with  France 
Preparations  in  the  Netherlands 
Philip  visits  England 
Pretexts  for  War  with  France 

War  proclaimed 

Mary's  Forlorn  Condition      ,. 
Excuses  for  her  Errors    ..        ,. 
Forces  raised  by  Philip 
Duke  of  Savoy  appointed  General 

His  Character 

Plan  of  the  Campaign 

St.  Quentin  invested  . . 

Coligni  undertakes  the  Defence. . 

Condition  of  the  Place 

Attempt  to  reinforce  it    . ,        . . 

Montmorency  brings  up  his  Army 

Takes  up  a  Position 

Sends  Troops  across  the  Somme 

Cavalry  detached  against  him    . . 

His  Self -Confidence    .. 


82 
82 
82 
83 
83 
83 
83 
84 
84 
85 
85 
86 
86 
86 
87 
88 
88 
88 
89 
8t 


I 


CONTENTS. 


I 


i 


\i  < 


■  I 

11 


i 


'    t 
I 


page 

He  endeavours  to  retire 90 

Is  overtaken  by  Egmont       . .        . .  90 

Battle  of  St.  Quentin        90 

French  Cavalry  routed          . .         . .  91 

The  Infantry  makes  a  Stand      . .        . .  91 

Overpowered  by  Numbers    . .        >  •  91 

Dreadful  Carnage 91 

Retreat  to  La  Fere 92 

The  Victory  complete 92 

Philip  visits  the  Camp           • .         . .  92 

Disposes  of  the  Prisoners 93 

Proposal  to  march  on  Paris  . .        . .  94 

Rejected  by  Philip            94 

Siege  of  St.  Quentin  resumed          . .  94 

Efforts  of  the  Besieged 94 

Preparations  for  the  Assault. ...  95 

Struggle  at  the  Breaches 96 

Capture  of  the  Town 96 

Maltreatment  of  the  Inhabitants         . .  98 

Philip  protects  them 97 

Further  Successes 97 

Operations  suspended 98 

Results  of  the  Campaign 98 


CHAPTER  Vm. 

War  wttp  France         99 

National  Spirit  aroused  in  France  . .  99 

New  Army  raised 99 

Desire  to  recover  Calais        . .        . .  99 

Its  Defenceless  State        100 

Capture  of  the  Forts 100 

Surrender  of  the  Town 100 

Sensation  in  England  and  France  . .  100 

Inactivity  of  Guise           IJJ 

Foray  into  Flandtrs    ..        ••    ,   ••  Jxi 

Retreat  of  the  French  intercepted        . .  102 

DiBpopjtions  pf  Thermes       ..        ..  102 

Battle  of  Gravelines         103 

Overthrow  of  the  French      ..        ..  104 

Spoils  of  Victory 104 

The  Monarchs  take  the  Field         . .  104 

lioth  weary  of  the  War 105 

Their  Financial  Embarrassments   . .  105 

Religious  DiflHculties       106 

Negotiations  opened 106 

Congress  meets  at  Cercamps     ..        ,,  \Vl 

Death  of  Mary  Tudor JOT 

Feria's  Mission  to  England        ..        ..107 

Mary's  Character        108 

Michell's  Portrait  of  Elizabeth   ..        ..109 

Philip  offers  her  his  Hand    •  •    ^^  •  •  109 

Remonstrates  against  Religious  Changes  110 

His  Suit  unsuccessful      ..         ..         ..  110 

Negotiations  at  Cateau-Cambrcsls  ..  Ill 

Difficulties  In  Regard  to  Calais  . .        . .  JIJ 

Question  brought  to  an  Issue          . .  112 

Treaty  signed        ^1* 


Terms  advantageous  to  Philip  . . 
His  Reputation  increased 
Marriage-Contract  with  Isabella 
Eliza1>eth  of  England  piqued 
Marriage  of  Philip  by  Proxy     . 
Death  of  Henry  II 


XIU 

PAGE 

.  112 
113 

.  114 
114 

.  116 
116 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Latter  Days  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  .  116 

The  Jeronymlte  Convent  at  Yuste . ,  117 

The  Buildings  enlarged lit 

Furniture  of  Charles's  Apartments. ,  117 

Works  of  Art         118 

The  Emperor's  Garden          ..        ..  118 

Present  Appearance  of  Yuste    ..        ..  119 

The  Kmperor's  Arrival         . .        . .  120 

His  Household       120 

Mode  of  employing  his  Time          . .  121 

His  Devotion         121 

Fondness  for  Music 122 

Turn  for  Mechanical  Arts          . .         . .  122 

His  Timepieces           123 

Reception  of  Visitors       123 

Erroneous  OpUiions  respecting  his  Seclu- 
sion       124 

Advice  sought  by  the  Government       ..  124 

His  Anxiety  during  the  War          . .  126 

Projects  respecting  Portugal      ..        ..  126 

He  assists  In  raising  Supplies         . .  126 

Denounces  Delinquents  at  Seville        ..  126 

State  of  his  Health 126 

Death  of  Queen  Eleanor 127 

Charles's  Bigotry  and  Intolerance  . .  127 

Declining  Health 127 

Rehearsal  of  his  Obsequies   . .        . .  128 

Not  mentioned  in  Letters          . .        . .  128 

Authority  for  the  Story        ..        ..  129 

Misstatement  of  Dates 129 

Morbid  Tastes  of  Charles      ..        ..  130 

His  Last  Illness 130 

He  arranges  his  Affairs        . .        . .  131 

His  Injunctions  to  Philip 131 

Religious  Preparations         . .        . .  131 

His  Death 132 

Disposal  of  his  Remains        . .        . .  132 

Funeral  Honoiu-s  at  Brussels     . .        . .  133 

Peculiarities  of  Charles         . .        . .  134 

His  Tardy  Development 134 

His  Self-Rellance        136 

Vastness  of  his  Schemes 136 

His  Gluttony ..  136 

His  Memoirs          •        .•  137 

Translation  of  a  French  Poem         ..  138 

Desire  of  Posthumous  Fame      . .        . .  138 

His  Bigotry 139 

Manuscript  Work  of  Gonzalez   . .        . .  140 

Stirling,  Amedee  Plchot,  and  Mignet  140 


t! 


Ill  . 


/ 


XIV 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK  11. 


CHAPTER  I. 

View  of  the  Netherlands    .. 
Provinces  of  the  Netherlands 
Condition  in  the  Middle  Ages    . . 
Not  fuspd  into  a  Nation        . . 
A  Confederacy  of  States  . .        . . 
Power  of  the  Sovereign 
Ascendency  of  Charles  V. 
Manufactures  of  the  Netherlands 
Extent  of  their  Commerce 
Antwerp  the  Commercial  Capital 
Prosperity  of  all  Classes  . . 
Difihision  of  Education 
Introduction  of  Protestantism    . . 
Laws  for  its  Suppression 
Establishment  of  an  Inquisition 
Different  from  the  Spanish   . . 
Number  of  its  Victims    . . 
Injury  to  Trade 
Revenues  of  the  Netherlands    . . 


PAOB 

142 

142 
,     143 

143 
.     143 

144 
.     144 

145 
.     145 

146 
.     146 

147 
.     147 

148 
.     148 

149 
.     149 

150 
.     160 


CHAPTER  II. 

System  established  by  Philip        ..  151 

Philip  visits  the  Provinces    ..        ..  161 

His  Chilling  Demeanour 162 

He  renews  the  Edicts 162 

The  Ecclesiastical  Establishment         ..  152 

Scheme  of  New  Bishoprics   . .        . .  153 

Philip's  Financial  Policy 163 

Candidates  for  the  Regency  . .        ..  164 

Margaret  of  Parma  164 

Her  Education  and  Early  Career     ..  154 

Her  Character        155 

She  arrives  at  Brussels         ..        ..  156 

The  States-General  at  Ghent     . .         . .  166 

Remonstrate  against  Spanish  Garrisons  166 

Philip's  Displeasure 167 

He  takes  I^eave  of  the  States  . .  168 

Instructions  to  the  Regent         ..        ..  158 

Her  chief  Advisers 158 

Granvelle 159 

Early  distinguished 160 

Succeeds  his  Father  160 

Obtains  the  Confidence  of  Philip     . .  161 

Philip  completes  his  Arrangements     . .  162 

Leaves  the  Netherlands        . .        . .  163 


CHAPTER  ni. 

Protestantism  in  Spain         ..        ..164 

The  Royal  Fleet  wrecked     ..        ..  164 

Philip's  Narrow  Escape 164 

He  resumes  the  Grovemment          ..  164 

Spain  affected  by  the  Reformation       ..  164 

Circulation  of  Protestant  Books      ..  165 

Powers  of  the  Inquisition  enlarged      . .  166 

The  Reformers  detected        . .        « .  167 

Great  Number  arrested 167 

Disclosures  extorted 167 


fagb 

Autos  deFe          167  - 

Description  of  one  at  Valladolid     . .  168  - 

The  Procession ..  168 

Assembly  in  the  Square        . .        . .  169 
The  Sermon  and  the  Oath          ..        ..169 

The  "Reconciled" 169 

The  Martyrs          HO 

Carlos  deSeso 170 

Domingo  de  RoxM           171 

Place  of  Execution •  171 

Bartolome  Carranza         172 

Suspicions  of  his  Orthodoxy  . .        • .  173 

His  Arrest «.        ••  1^3 

Council  of  Trent  remonstrates        .  •  174 

Cause  carried  to  Rome 174 

Decision  of  Gregory  XIII 176 

Carranza's  Death 175 

Heresy  extinguished  in  Spain         ..  176 
Effects  of  the  J'ersecution           ..        ..177 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Philip's  Third  Marriage       ..        ..  177 

Isabella  arrives  in  Spain       . .         . .  177 

Preparations  to  welcome  her     . .        .  •  178 

Meeting  with  Philip 178 

Her  Beauty 179 

Don  Carlos        179 

Festivities  at  Guadalajara          . .        • .  179 

Reception  at  Toledo 180 

The  Spanish  Character 181 

Illness  of  Isabella       181 

Her  Popularity 181 

Taste  and  Profusion  in  Dress          . .  182 

Custom  of  Dining  in  Public       ..        ..  183 

The  Capital  of  Spain 183 

Madrid  exalted  by  the  Spaniards         ..  184 

Different  View  of  Foreigners          ..  184 

CHAPTER  V. 

Discontent  in  the  Netherlands    ..  186 

The  Reformation        185 

Philip  its  Great  Opponent         ..        ..  186 

Orthodoxy  of  the  Spaniards  . .        . .  186 

Different  Spirit  in  the  Netherlands      ..  186 

Philip's  Course  erroneous     , .        . .  188 

Elements  of  Discontent 188 

Antipathy  to  the  Spaniards  . .         ..  189 

Need  of  a  Considerate  Policy     . .        . .  189 

The  Prince  of  Orange 189 

Educated  at  Court 190 

Esteemed  by  Charles  V 190 

Opposed  to  the  Designs  of  Philip         . .  191 

Mutual  Aversion        191 

William's  Second  Marriage       .,        ..192 

His  Convivial  Habits 192 

Impenetrable  Reserve 193 

Tact  and  Eloquence 193 

Indifference  to  Religion 193 

Tolerant  Spirit 193 


I 


CONTENTS. 


XV 


CHAPTER  VL 

PAGE 

Opposition  to  the  Government       ,,  194 

Detention  of  the  Spanish  Troops     . .  194 

Their  Lax  Discipliue        194 

The  Regent  dismisses  them  . .        . .  195 

Dilatoriness  of  Philip       195 

New  Ecclesiastical  System   ..        ..  195 

Obstacles  to  its  Introduction      ..        ..  196 

Odium  cast  on  Granvelle      . ,        . .  197 

His  Position  and  Authority       ..        ..  198 

Modeof  conducting  Affairs  ..        ..  198 

Sumptuous  Style  of  Living        ..         ..  199 

Complaints  of  Orange  and  Egmont. .  199 

Religious  Troubles  in  France    ..        ..  200 

Meetingof  the  Golden  Fleece          ..  201 

Montigny  sent  to  Spain 201 

Open  Hostility  to  Granvelle  . .        . .  202 

Montigny '8  Report           202 

Suggestions  of  Philip 203 

Calvinist  Propagandism 2u3 

Tumult  at  Valenciennes       . .        . .  204 

DiflBcnlty  of  executing  the  Edicts         ..  204 

Granvelle's  Unpopularity      , .        . .  205 


CHAPTER  Vn. 

Granvelle  compelled  to  withdraw  206 

Continued  Attacks  on  Granvelle    . .  206 

League  formed  against  him       . .        . .  206 

Petition  for  his  Removal       . .         . .  207 

Philip  requires  Specific  Charges. .        . .  208 

Second  Letter  of  the  Lords    . .        . .  208 

They  withdraw  from  the  Council         ..  209 

Granvelle  abandoned  by  the  Regent  210 

His  Courage  211 

Feeling  at  Madrid       211 

Alva's  Advice        211 

Philip  hesitates  212 

Margaret  presses  for  a  Decision  . .        . .  212 

He  desires  Granvelle  to  withdraw  . .  213 

His  Haughty  Letter  to  the  Lords         . .  213 

Granvelle  announces  his  Departure  214 

Joy  of  the  Country  214 

The  Liveries 214 

Granvelle  leaves  Brussels  ..        ..  216 

The  Lords  re-enter  the  Council       ..  215 

Granvelle  in  Retirement 216 

The  Granvelle  Papers  ..        ..  217 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

Changes  demanded  by  the  Lords  ..  218 

Philip's  Policy 218 

Causes  of  his  Unpopularity       . .        . .  219 

His  Inflexibility         219 

Changes  in  the  Netherlands      ..        ..  219 

Philip  a  Foreigner 219 

Zeal  of  the  Nobles  220 

Their  Influence  with  Margaret       ..  220 

Opposition  of  Viglius 221 

Mutual  Accusations 221 

Aims  of  the  Lords 222 

The  Edicts  unexecuted  ..        ..  223 

Financial  Difficulties       224 


PAGE 

The  Council  of  Trent •  226 

Opposition  to  its  Decrees 225 

Egmont's  Mission       226 

His  Instructions 2S6 

Discussion  in  the  Council     . .        . .  226 

Pledge  of  Egmont's  Friends       . .        . .  227 

Banquet  at  Cambray 228 

Egmont's  Reception  at  Madrid  . .        . .  228 

Question  propounded  by  Philip      . .  228 

Delusion  of  Lgmont         229 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Philip's  Inflexibility 230 

Result  of  Egmont's  Mission . .        . .  230 

General  Dissatisfaction 230 

Margaret  remonstrates  with  the  King  231 

His  Equivocal  Conduct 231 

Granvelle's  Correspondence . .        ..  232 

Granvelle  sent  to  Rome 232 

"The  Royal  Determination  announced  233 

The  Despatch  received  at  Brussels       . .  234 

Its  Publication 234 

Despair  of  the  People 234 

Seditious  Discussions 235 

The  Lower  Nobility        236 

The  Union  and  the  Compromise     . .  236 
The  Leaders  of  the  Party           ..        ..237 

Its  Rapid  Increase 237 

Refusals  to  execute  the  Edicts  . .        . .  238 

Conference  of  Bayonne         . .        . .  239 

Its  Real  Object 239 

Panic  in  the  Netherlands      . ,        . .  240 

Painful  Situation  of  the  Regent. ,        . .  240 

Her  Preparations  for  Defence          ..  241 

Temperate  Conduct  of  Orange    ..         ..  242 

Consultation  of  the  Nobles  ..        •.  243 

Impulsive  Character  of  Egmont          . .  243 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  Confederates        244 

Different  Classes  of  Malecontents   . .  244 

Petition  prepared 244 

Discussion  as  to  receiving  it. .        . .  246 

Speech  of  Orange 245 

Confederates  enter  Brussels  . .        . .  246 

Present  the  Petition        246 

Its  Purport       246 

Answer  of  Margaret        247 

Banquet  at  Culemboi^  House         . .  248 

TheGueux 249 

Symbols  and  Devices •  249 

The  People  emboldened 250 


CHAPTER  XL 

Freedom  of  Worship  ..        ..        ..  250 

Brederode  at  Antwerp          . .        . .  260 

Mission  of  Bergen  and  Montigny          . .  261 

The  "  Moderation " 261 

Singular  Fraud 262 

Sects  of  the  Reformers         . .        . .  262 

Field-Preaching 253 


V  F 


XVI 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Attended  by  Great  Multitudes       . .  254 

Alarm  at  Antwerp  ^* 

Orange  sent  there       ^»^ 

He  restores  Quiet ^^ 

Activity  of  ttie  Regent         ..        ..  f^ 

Her  Anxiety  f^. 

Dilatory  Course  of  Philip      ..        ••  256 

His  Dissimulation *^' 

Meeting  at  St.  Trond  •  •         •  •        •  •  fj. 

Moderate  Party  disgusted  ..        "  ,„ 

Deputation  to  Brussels  . .        .  •  ^^^ 

Boldness  of  tlie  Confederates      ..        "  ^^ 

Military  Preparations  ..        ••  258 

Royal  Council  at  Madrid j^^ 

It  advises  Concessions  ••         ••  259 

Philip  consents 2b0 

His  Insincerity  *°J 

Character  of  Pius  V.        . .         •  •        •  •  j^^\ 

He  urges  an  Extermination  of  Heretics  2b3 

Philip's  Perfidy      ..        ..         ••         "  ^J, 

His  Concessions  distrusted    ..        ..  -«*>«> 


CHAPTER  XII. 

The  Iconoclasts JW 

Progress  of  the  Reformers    . .        . .  264 

Violence  of  the  Preachers  ..        ••  ^®* 

Outbreak  of  the  Iconoclasts  . .        . .  265 

Scandalous  Proceedings  at  Antwerp    ..  265 

The  Cathedral  sacked 266 

Timidity  of  the  Citizens 267 

Outrages  throughout  the  Land       . .  267 

Extent  of  the  Devastation  . .         .  •  268 

Consternation  at  Brussels     . .         . .  269 

The  Capital  in  Peril         269 

Demand  for  Freedom  of  Worship   . .  269 

Margaret  refuses  to  grant  it       . .         . .  269 

She  prepares  to  quit  Brussels  . .  270 

Is  compelled  to  remain 270 

Terms  made  with  the  Confederates  271 

The  Disorders  suppressed  ..        .•  271 

Compact  with  the  Reformers  ..  271 

The  Confederates  lose  their  Influence  ..  273 

Margaret  changes  her  Course  . .  273 

Seeks  the  Advice  of  Viglliis       ..        ..  273 

Denounces  her  late  Advisers  . .  274 

Indifference  of  Orange  and  Hoome       . .  274 
DlBFerent  Feelings  of  Egmont          . .  274 

Philip  informed  of  the  Disturbances     . .     275 
View  taken  in  the  Royal  Council    . .  276 

Secret  Intelligence  of  Orange     . .        •  •    ^'J 
Intercepted  Letter  of  Alava  . .         . .  277 

Conference  at  Dendermonde       . .         ' '    ^11 
Egmont  prevents  a  Decision. .         . .  277 

Charges  the  Regent  with  Perfidy         ..    278 
Rumours  of  Philip's  Designs  . .  278 

Preparations  for  Resistance       . .        . .    278 


Appeal  to  the  German  Protestants. . 
Orange  a  Lutheran  at  Heart 


PAGE 

279 

,     279 


CHAPTER  Xin. 

The  Regent's  AcTHORrrr  re-estab- 
lished    280 

The  Party  of  Reform  divided  . .  280 

Margaret  profits  by  their  Dissensions  . .  280 

Publishes  a  New  Edict  . .         . .  281 

Levies  Troops        281 

Resistance  of  Valenciennes  ..         ..  281 

New  Petition  of  the  Confederates         . .  282 

Margaret's  Haughty  Reply  ..        ..  283 

The  Confederates  take  up  Arms  . .  28d 

Troops  sent  against  them     . .         . .  2«3 

The  Insurgents  defeated 284 

Tumult  in  Antwerp 284 

Appeased  by  Orange        285 

Siege  of  Valenciennes 286 

It  refuses  to  capitulate 287 

Its  Bombardment       287 

Preparations  for  Assault 288 

Unconditional  Surrender       . .         . .  288 

The  Insurrection  quelled  . .        . .  239 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Tranqutllttt  restored          ..        ..  289 

Oath  of  Implicit  Obedience  . .        ..  289 

Orange  requested  to  subscribe  . .        . .  290 

He  refuses         290 

His  Hazardous  Position 290 

A ttimpt  to  persuade  him      ..         ..  291 

Interview  with  Egmont 291 

Difference  of  their  Characters          . .  292 

"rheir  Affection  for  each  other    ..         ..  292 

William  quits  the  Netherlands       ..  293 

Resides  at  Dillemburg 293 

Joined  by  many  of  the  Nobles        . .  293 

H<iorne  takes  the  Oath 293 

Egmont's  Loyalty 294 

Submission  of  Antwerp 294 

Margaret  visits  it        294 

Cruel  Edict  published 295 

Revoked  by  the  King 295 

Embassy  from  the  German  Princes      . .  298 

Death  of  Brederode 296 

His  Adherents  scattered 296 

Resistance  subdued  in  Holland       . .  297 

Severity  of  the  Government       . .         . .  297 

Alarm  caused  by  Alva's  Appointment  298 

Margaret  disgtisted          298 

Apparent  Order  in  the  Country       . .  299 

Dangerous  Elements  at  Work   . .        . .  299 


CONTENTS. 


xvn 


BOOK  III. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Alva  sent  to  the  Netherlands 
The  King's  Intended  Visit    . . 
His  Sincerity  distrusted  . .         . . 
Discussion  in  the  Royal  Council     . . 
Two  Courses  proposed     . .         .  • 
The  King  resolves  to  send  Alva      .. 
Proclaims  his  Purpose  to  follow 
Alva  receives  his  Instructions 

Sails  for  Italy        

Composition  of  his  Army 

Order  of  March 

Passage  of  the  Alps 

Perilous  Route       

Admirable  Discipline 

Arrival  at  Thionville 

Entry  into  Brussels 

Interview  with  the  Regefit 
Alva's  Commission     .. 
Extent  of  his  Powers 
Mortification  of  Margaret      . . 
Her  Remonstrances  fruitless     . . 

Alva's  Reputation 

Apprehensions  of  the  People     . . 
Gloom  of  Brussels 
Snare  prepared  for  the  Nobles  . . 
Egmont  and  Hoome  arrested 
Sent  to  the  Castle  of  Ghent 
Sensation  in  the  Country 
Margaret  determines  to  retire    . . 
Satisfaction  at  Madrid 
Remark  of  Granvelle 


CHAPTER  IIL 


PAGE 

300 

300 

,     300 

301 

,     301 

302 
.     302 

303 
.     304 

304 
.     304 

305 
.     306 

306 
.     307 

308 
.     308 

308 
.     308 

309 
.     310 

311 
.     312 

312 
.     313 

314 
.     314 

315 
.     315 

316 
.     316 


CHAPTER  II. 

Cruel  Policy  of  Alva 
Order  in  the  Netherlands      . . 
Emigration  prohibited     . . 
The  Council  of  Blood  . . 

Its  Members  

Method  of  Proceeding. . 

Enormous  Powers 

Illegal  Cha-acter 
Alva  in  Ne.'d  of  Money  . . 
Financial  Expedients . . 
Summons  sent  to  Orange. . 
His  Son  removed  to  Spain    . . 
Civil  War  in  France 
Catherine  de  Medicis  . . 
Advice  of  Philip  and  Alva 
The  Huguenots  defeated 
Humiliating  Position  of  Margaret 
Her  Resignation  accepted     .. 
Last  Request  to  Philip     . .         .  • 
She  takes  Leave  of  the  People 

Their  Regret  

She  retires  to  Italy     . . 
Her  Political  Career 
Difficulties  of  her  Position    . . 


316 

316 

317 

317 

317 

319 

319 

320 

321 

321 

322 

322 

323 

323 

323 

324 

324 

325 

325 

326 

326 

327 

327 

327 


Reign  of  Terror  

Decree  of  the  Inquisition 
Enlarged  Powers  of  Alva 
Pursuit  of  Suspected  Parties 

Numerous  Arrests  

Alva's  Merciless  Spirit 

Unrelenting  Persecution 

Fortitude  of  the  Victims 

Universal  Terror • 

Banishment  and  Confiscation 

General  Distress 

Vargas  and  Hessels     . . 

The  "Wild  Gueux"        

Remonstrances  of  Maximilian 

Philip's  Stem  Reply        

The  People  appeal  to  Orange 

He  raises  Troops 

Publishes  a  "  Justification  ". . 

Plan  of  Invasion 

Pecuniary  Difficulties..        .. 
Defeat  of  Hoogstraten  and  Cocqueville 
Count  Louis  at  Heyligerlee  . . 

Attacked  by  Aremberg 

The  Patriots  victorious 
Indignation  of  Alva  ..         .. 

He  prepares  to  take  the  Field 
Displays  his  Vindictive  Feelings 
Tragic  Scenes  at  Brussels     . . 


fagb 
329 
329 
329 
330 

,  330 
331 

,  331 
332 

.  333 
333 

,  333 
334 

,  335 
335 

.  335 
336 

,  336 
337 

.  337 
337 
338 
338 

.  339 
339 

.  340 
340 

.  340 
341 


CHAPTER  rV. 

Trials  of  Egmont  and  Hoornb      ..    342 
The  Prisoners  at  Ghent  . .         . .  342 

Sequestration  of  their  Property  . .        •  •     ?1  J 

Their  Examination 343 

Efforts  in  their  Behalf      •  •         •  •         •  •     ^^ 

The  Statutes  of  the  Toison  d  Or     . . 
Intercession  of  Granvelle 
Articles  of  Accusation 

Egmont's  Defence 

Manly  Language  of  Hoorne  . . 
Elaborate  Defence  by  Counsel    . .        . 
Piteous  Appeal  of  the  Countess  Egmont    347 

Further  Delay  forbidden 348 

The  Prisoners  sentenced       . .        . .  ^*° 

The  Rights  of  the  Toison           . .        . .    349 
Mockery  of  Justice 


344 
344 
345 
346 
346 
347 


350 


CHAPTER  V. 

Execution  of  Egmont  and  Hoorne 
The  Counts  removed  to  Brussels     . . 
Lodged  in  the  Maison  du  Roi     . .         . 
Sentence  communicated  to  Egmont 

His  Emotions         

His  Preparations  for  Death  . . 
Affecting  Letter  to  the  King      . . 


351 
351 
352 
352 
352 
353 
353 


I<       A 


I 


ii 


XVlll 


Final  Arrangements  . . 
The  Place  of  Ex-icution    . . 
Mournful  Air  of  the  City      . . 
Egmont's  Noble  Bearing  . . 

The  Fatal  Stroke         

Horror  of  the  Spectators  . .        . . 
Hoonie  conducted  to  the  Scaffold    . . 

His  Execution        

Removal  of  the  Bodies 
Egmont's  Character 
AVant  of  Fixed  Principles     . . 
The  Idol  of  his  Countrymen 

Supposed  Enmity  of  Alva     .. 

Stern  Policy  of  the  Duke . . 

His  Narrow,  Inflexible  Mind  •• 

His  Compasoion  for  Egmont  s  Widow 

Her  Pitiable  Condition 

She  solicits  Aid  from  the  King  . . 

Receives  a  Meagre  Pens^iou  . . 

Results  of  Egmont's  Execution  . . 

Not  foreseen  by  Alva. .        . .        •  • 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Secret  Execution  of  Montignt 
Bergen  and  Montigny 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

353       Conjectures  as  to  their  Fate       ..        ••  ^^ 

..    354        Purpose  of  their  Embassy     ..        ..  J^a 

365       Their  Reluctance  to  undertake  It         ..  ^^s 

..    365        Anxiety  to  return       ^JJ 

365  A  Perplexing  Dilemma ^' 

..     355        Bergen's  Death           ..        ...        .•  ^' 

356        Montigny  confined  at  Segovia    ..        •'  ^J' 

. .     366        Attempt  to  escape :»*° 

366  The  Plot  detected..         ^^s 

.    367       Supplications  of  his  Wife     . .        ..  db» 

'      358        Process  instituted  against  him  ..        "  ^ 

369        The  Sentence  kept  secret      . .        . .  ^o» 

359  Prisoner  removed  to  Simancas  . .         *  *  oii 
..    369       Hlusive  Hopes  . .        ..        ••        .•  tl: 

360  Pretence  for  Stricter  Confinement        ..  ^n 
,.    360       Instructions  to  Arellano       •          ••  il^ 

361  Montigny  unprepared  for  his  Fate       ..  -ii^ 

362  Receives  tlie  Consolations  of  Religion  373 
362        His  Last  Wishes 3JJ 

..    363       His  Execution  . .       .••    ^  ••        •*  ,1: 

364       False  Reports  dissemniated        ..        "  qic 

Popular  Suspicions ^J* 

Philips  Magnanimity      ....         .•  »'^ 

Montigny'8  Estates  confiscated        . .  ^^ 

Atrocity  of  the  Proceedings        . .        *  *  oic 

..    364        Groen  and  Gachard ^*^ 

364 


CONTENTS. 


I 


BOOK  IV. 


CHAPTER  I. 


CHAPTER  II. 


The  Ottoman  Empire 3^9 

Metliod  pursued  in  this  Work         ..  379 

Ottoman  Power  in  the  Sixteenth  Century  380 

Government  of  Turkey         ..         ..  380 

Conscription  of  Christian  Children       . .  380 

The  Janizaries 381 

Conquests  of  the  Turks 382 

Their  Naval  Power     . .        . .        .  •  382 

The  AfHcan  Corsairs        382 

Terror  of  the  Spanish  Coasts           . .  383 

Perpetual  War  on  the  Mediterranean  . .  383 

The  Captives  in  Barbary       . .        . .  383 

Dragut         384 

Fleet  sent  against  Tripoli     ..        ..  384 

Refits  at  Malta 385 

Spaniards  occupy  Gelves       . .        . .  385 
Victory  of  the  Turkish  Fleet     ..        ..385 

Attack  on  Gelves        386 

Extremity  of  the  Garrison         . .        • .  387 

Desperate  Sully           387 

Slaughter  of  the  Christians        . .        . .  387 

Spanish  Possessions  in  Africa         . .  388 

Calamitous  Shipwreck 388 

Expedition  from  Algiers       ..        ..  388 

Siege  of  Oran  and  Mazarqulvir  . .        . .  389 

Assault  on  Fort  St.  Mioiiael . .        . .  390 

Invincible  Courage  of  tiie  Spaniards    . .  390 

Stormmg  of  Mazarquivir      ..        ..  391 

Martin  de  Cordova 392 

Famine  among  the  Christians         . .  392 

Succours  from  Spain        393 

The  Siege  raised          393 

Conquest  of  Pefion  de  Velez       . .        . .  394 


The  Kktghts  Hospitallers  OF  St  John  395 

The  Knights  of  St.  John       . .        . .  395 

Conflicts  with  the  Moslems        . .        . .  395 

Wealth  of  the  Order 395 

Its  Statutes  and  Government     . .         .  •  39* 

Fidelity  to  its  Principles      . .        • .  396 

The  Knights  driven  from  Rhoties         . .  397 

Cession  of  Malta  by  Chai  les  V.       .  •  397 

Change  in  its  Condition 397 

The  Maltese  Navy 398 

Sweeps  the  Turkish  Seas 398 

Solyman  prepares  to  take  Vengeance  399 

Parisot  de  la  V^alette        399 

Preparations  for  Defence       ..         ..  399 

Sicilian  Viceroy  promises  Aid   ..        ..  400 

Muster  of  the  Knights          . .        . .  *00 


CHAPTER  ni. 

Siege  OF  Malta **  *^ 

Defcription  of  Malta *00 

Its  Harbours  and  Defences         . .        . .  401 

Force  under  La  Valette        . .        . .  *0l 

Castle  of  St.  Elmo 402 

The  Turkish  Armament       ..        ..  402 

Troops  disembarked        403 

Skirmishes        403 

Turks  lay  Siege  to  St.  Elmo      . .        . .  404 

Garrison  reiuforced 404 

The  Outworks  taken       405 

Fierce  Struggle  in  the  Ditch  . .         . .  405 

New  Batteries  raised       406 


PAGE 

Effect  of  the  Fire  on  St.  Elmo   . .        •  •  'JJJ 

Garrison  propose  to  abandon  it        . .  407 

Commisslontrs  inspect  it 408 

Report  it  tenable  ..             ..        ••  408 

The  Garrison  humbled    ..        ..        "  t^Q 

Permitted  to  remain 409 

Assault  by  the  Turks 409 

Struggle  at  the  Breach           ..         ..  4iu 

Attempted  Escalade         4io 

The  Turks  driven  back         ..        ..  411 

Reinforcement  from  11  Borgo  ..           ..  411 

Communications  cut  ofif        ..         ..  412 

Mournful  Celebration       413 

Fresh  Assault 4ld 

I.A8t  Triumph  of  the  Garrison   ..        ..414 

Their  Desperate  Condition     . .        . .  414 

Their  Heroic  Constancy 414 

Incredible  Resistance            . .        •  •  415 

St.  Elmo  taken 416 

Brutal  Conduct  of  Mustepha           . .  41° 

Death  of  Dragut 416 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Siege  OF  Malta ^]l 

II  liorgo  and  La  Sangle         ..        ..  4i7 

Reinforcement  from  Sicily         ..        ••  4i8 

Mustapha  offers  Terms         ..        ..  419 

The  Fortresses  invested 4i» 

Preparations  for  the  Assault  ..  420 

Advance  of  the  Turkish  Boats  . .        •  •  *?? 

Attack  on  the  "Spur"         ..        ..  421 

Courageous  Defence         *^^ 

Turkish  Barges  sunk *^^ 

Merciless  Slaughter *^^ 

Ha.-sem's  Attack  repulsed    . .        . .  *^^ 

Renewed  Cannonade        *^* 

Efforts  of  the  Besieged  . .        •  •  *;^* 

Timid  Policy  of  the  Viceroy       ..        ••  *;* 

Exhortations  of  La  Valette  . .         . .  4^& 

Successive  Assaults         4^b 

Perilous  Moment         ^jl 

Night  Attack         ••        *t° 

]>o6«e8  of  the  Christians        ..         ..  "» 

Their  Critical  Condition 4^» 

Resolute  Spirit  of  La  Valette         . .  428 


CHAPTER  V. 

Sif.geofMalta    ..  ^ *30 

Sute  of  the  Turkish  Army  . .        . .  430 

Fruitless  Expedients        Jdu 

The  Troops  dispirited. .        ..        ..  4^ J 

Arrival  of  the  Sicilian  Fleet       ..        "  lH 

Joy  of  the  Garrison     ..        ..        .•  Jdz 

Mustapha  prepares  to  give  Battle        ..  432 

Ardour  of  the  Spaniards       ..        ..  Jdd 

The  Turks  overpowered 4*» 

Driven  to  the  Ships *^* 

Departure  of  the  Fleet «4 

Arrival  of  the  Viceroy          ..        ..  4^* 

Hospitality  of  the  Knights         ..        "  *,* 

Fury  of  the  Sultan      . .         . .         •  •  "a 

Ixjsses  sustained  in  the  Sipge     ..         •*  *^^ 

The  Operations  revieweJ      ..        ••  «•*'» 


Errors  of  the  Turks         . .        . . 
Spirit  of  the  Defenders 
Character  of  La  Valette  . . 
Conduct  of  the  Viceroy 
Honours  paid  to  La  Valette 
He  builds  a  New  Capital 

His  Death 

Subsequent  History  of  the  Order 


XIX 

PAGE 
.     436 

436 
.     437 

437 
.     438 

439 
.     440 

440 


CHAPTER  VI. 

DoK  Carlos          441 

Fate  of  Carlos  and  Isabella   . .        . .  441 

Theme  of  Romantic  Fiction       ..        ..  441 

Early  Life  of  Carlos 442 

Charles  V.'s  Opinion  of  him      ..        ..443 

Mode  of  spending  the  Day    . .        . .  443 

Distaste  for  Study  and  Manly  Exercises  443 

Character  in  the  Venetian  Reports  . .  444 

Enfeebled  Constitution 444 

Recognition  as  Heir 445 

Removal  to  A IcaU           445 

Dangerous  Illness 446 

Miraculous  Cure 446 

Extravagant  Behaviour         . .        . .  447 

Anecdotes  of  Carlos         448 

Tiepolo's  Account  of  him      . .         . .  449 

Strong  Attachment  of  his  Friends        ..  450 

Disliked  by  his  Father          . .        . .  450 

Alliances  proposed  for  him        ..         ••  451 

His  Connection  with  the  Flemings. .  452 

Not  confirmed  by  Documents    . .        . .  452 

Outrage  on  Alva         452 

Project  of  Flight 463 

Indications  of  Insanity         . .        • .  *o3 

Flight  prevented 45* 

Quarrel  with  Don  John         . .         « •  465 

Carlos  deprived  of  Liberty         . .        .  •  466 

Strictly  guarded           456 

Process  against  him         . .        .  •        • .  457 

CHAPTER  Vn. 

Death  OF  Don  Carlos    ..        ..        ..  45T 

Sensation  throughout  Spain  . .        . .  4&7 

Philip's  Explanations      ..        ..        ..  467 

Letter  to  the  Queen  of  Portugal      . .  458 

Insanity  intimated  as  the  Ground        . .  459 

Difficulties  of  this  View         ..        ..  459 

Important  Documents  missing  ..        ••  *^, 

Communications  to  the  Nuncio       . .  46i 

Suspicions  of  Heresy jw 

Sympathy  with  the  Flemings         ..  462 

Parricidal  Designs. . *^ 

Philip's  A  version  to  his  bon . .        . .  *^ 

No  Intercourse  with  the  World  . .        •  •  **? 

Attendants  iind  Guards         ..         ..  465 

Fruitless  Efforts  in  his  Behalf   . .        ..  4ba 

The  Subject  buried  in  Silence         . .  Jbb 

Pai>ers  of  Carlos Jbo 

Philip's  Apprehensions         ..        ..  "• 

Desperation  of  Carlos       *Zl 

Disrecard  of  Admonitions     ..        ..  "» 

His  Excesses         *^* 

His  Health  destroyed *^* 

Change  in  his  Deportment         ..        ..    **• 


! 


li 


XVlll 


Final  Arrangements  . . 

The  Place  of  Ex'H:ution    . . 

Mournful  Air  of  the  City      . . 

Escmont's  Noble  Bearing  . . 

The  Fatal  Stroke 

Horror  of  the  Spectators  . .        . . 

Hoorne  conducted  to  the  Scaffold    . . 

His  Execution        

Removal  of  the  Bodies 

Egtuont's  Character 

Want  of  Fixed  Principles     . . 

The  Idol  of  his  Countrymen 

Supposed  Enmity  of  Alva     . . 

Stern  Policy  of  the  Duke . . 

His  Narrow,  Inflexible  Mind 

His  Compassion  for  Egmont's  Widow 

Her  Pitiable  Condition 

She  solicits  Aid  from  the  King  . . 

Receives  a  Meagre  Pension  . . 

Results  of  Egmont's  Execution  . . 


Not  foreseen  by  Alva 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Secret  ExEcrrtov  of  Montignt 
Bergen  and  Montigny 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

^%63       Conjectures  as  to  their  Fate       ..        ••  ^^ 

..    354        Purpose  of  their  Embassy     ..        ..  ^^» 

355        Their  Reluctance  to  undertake  it         ..  JM 

..    365        Anxiety  to  return       ^JJ 

355  A  Perplexing  Dilemma ^J' 

..     355        Bergen's  Death            ..         ••         ••  1*^' 

356  Montigny  confined  at  Segovia    ..        "  t^t. 
..    366        Attempt  to  escape ^*° 

366        The  Plot  detected  . .         ^JJ 

..    367        Supplications  of  his  Wife     . .        ..  ^^» 

358  Process  instituted  against  him  ..        ••  Ix^a 

359  The  Sentence  kept  secret      ..        ..  Jo» 

359  Prisoner  removed  to  Simancas  . .        *  *  ^iV 

. .    369       Illusive  Hopes  . .        ••«•••  o,} 

360  Pretence  for  Stricter  Confinement        ..  du 

..    360       Instructionsto  Arellano       ...  ^^ 

361  Montigny  unprepared  for  his  Fate       ..  J7^ 

362  Receives  tiie  Consolations  of  Religion  JJJ 
362       His  I.ast  Wishes ^73 

..    363       His  Execution  ..       .••     ^•'        ••  ,,; 

364       False  Reports  disseminated        ..        **  ql? 

Popular  Suspicions ^J* 

Philip's  Magnanimity  ^-^     _,  ••        ••  ^'l 

Montigny's  Estates  confiscated        . .  |^o 

Atrocity  of  the  Proceedings       ..        "  ttZ 

..    364       Groen  and  Gachard '*'"» 

364 


BOOK    IV. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Ottoman  Empire 379 

Method  pursued  in  this  Work         . .  379 

Ottoman  Power  in  the  Sixteenth  Century    380 
Government  of  Turkey         ..        ..  380 

Ctmscription  of  Christian  Children       . .    380 

The  Janizaries 381 

Conquests  of  the  Turks 382 

Their  Naval  Power     ..         ..         ••  382 

The  African  Corsairs        382 

Terror  of  the  Spanish  Coasts  . .  383 

Perpetual  War  on  the  Mediterranean  . .    383 
The  Captives  in  Barbary       . .        . .         383 

Dragut         384 

Fleet  sent  against  Tripoli     . .        . .  384 

Refits  at  Malta 385 

Spaniards  occupy  Gelves      . .        . .  385 

Victory  of  the  Turkish  Fleet     . .        . .    385 

Attack  on  Gelves        386 

Extremity  of  the  Garrison         . .        ••    ^% 

Desperate  Sally  387 

Slaughter  of  the  Christians        ..        ..387 
Spanish  Possessions  in  Africa         . .  388 

Calamitous  Shipwreck 388 

Expedition  from  Algiers       . .         • .  388 

Siege  of  Oran  and  Mazarquivir  . .        . .    389 
Assault  on  Fort  St.  Miciiael . .         . .  390 

Invincible  Courage  of  the  Spaniards    . .    390 
Stormmg  of  Mazarquivir      ..        ..  391 

Martin  de  Cordova 392 

Famine  among  the  Christians         . .  392 

Succours  from  Spain         393 

The  Siege  raised  393 

Conquest  of  Pefion  de  Velez       . .        . .    394 


CHAPTER  II. 


The  Kktghts  Hospitallers  OF  St  John 
The  Knights  of  St.  John 
Conflicts  with  the  Moslems 

Wealth  of  the  Order 

Its  Statutes  and  Government     . . 
Fidelity  to  its  Principles 
The  Knights  driven  from  Rhodes 
Cession  of  Malta  by  Chai  les  V. 

Change  in  its  Condition 

The  Maltese  Navy 

Sweeps  the  Turkish  Seas 

Solynian  prepares  to  toke  Vengeance 

Parisot  de  la  Valette        

Preparations  for  Defence       ..        .. 
Sicilian  Viceroy  promises  Aid    . . 
Muster  of  the  Knights 


395 

395 

395 

395 

396 

396 

397 

397 

397 

398 

398 

399 

399 

399 

400 

400 


CHAPTER  m. 

SiEGK  OF  Malta *JJ 

Depcription  of  Malta *00 

Its  Harbours  and  Defences         ..        ..401 

Force  under  La  Valette        . .        . .  401 

Castle  of  St.  Elmo 402 

The  Turkish  Armament       ..        ..  402 

Troops  disembarked        403 

Skirmishes        403 

Turks  lay  Siege  to  St.  Elmo      . .        . .  404 

Garrison  reinforced 404 

The  Outworks  taken        405 

Fierce  Struggle  in  the  Ditch  . .         . .  405 

New  Batteries  raised       406 


CONTENTS. 


»x 


i 


I 


PAGE 

Effect  of  the  Fire  on  St.  Elmo  . .        •  •  ■[  JJ 

Garrison  propose  to  abandon  it        .  •  407 

Commu'sioncrs  inspect  it 408 

Report  it  tenable   ..  ..         ••  408 

The  Garrison  humbled 40» 

Permitted  to  remain   ..        ..        ••  409 

Assault  by  the  Turks joa 

Struggle  at  the  Breach  ..        ..  4iu 

Attempted  Escalade         410 

The  Turks  driven  back         ..        ..  4ii 

Reinforcement  from  II  Borgo  . .  ••  411 

Communications  cut  off        ..         ..  412 

Mournful  Celebration       413 

Fresh  Assault 413 

Last  Triumph  of  the  Garrison   ..        ..414 

Their  Desperate  Condition     ..        ..  414 

Their  Heroic  ConsUncy 414 

Incr«lible  Resistance  ..        ••  415 

St.  Klroo  taken 4i5 

Brutal  Conduct  of  MusUpha  . .  4io 

Death  of  Dragut 416 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Siege  OF  Malta V;l 

II  Borgo  and  La  Sangle         . .        .  •  4i7 

Reinforcement  from  Sicily         ..        **  ijo 

Mustapha  offers  Terms         ..        ••  4i» 

The  Fortresses  invested 4iy 

Preparations  for  the  Assault           . .  420 

Advance  of  the  Turkish  Boats  . .        ..  420 

Attack  on  the  "  Spur  "          . .        .  •  4ii 

Courageous  Defence         ^^^ 

Turkish  Barges  sunk ♦'^ 

Merciless  Slaughter ^^^ 

Ha.-sem's  Attack  repulsed    . .        . .  J^J 

Renewed  Cannonade        4^4 

Efforts  of  the  Besieged          . .        • .  '*ft 

Timid  Policy  of  the  Viceroy       . .        •  •  T;! 

Exhortations  of  La  Valette  . .        . .  4^» 

Successive  Assaults         *^° 

Perilous  Moment        *i' 

Night  Attack         *;° 

Losses  of  the  Christians        ..        ..  «*» 

Their  Critical  Condition 4^» 

Resolute  Spirit  of  La  Valette         . .  4^» 


CHAPTER  V. 

Siege  OF  Malta    ..        J30 

Sute  of  the  Turkish  Army  . .        . .  430 

Fruitless  Expedients        "O 

The  Troops  dispirited. .         ..         ..  4^J 

Arrival  of  the  Sicilian  Fleet       ..        •*  J,i 

Joy  of  the  Garrison     ..         ••         ••  432 

Mustapha  prepares  to  give  Battle        ..  432 

Ardour  of  the  Spaniards       ..        ..  «;» 

The  Turks  overpowered *^ 

Driven  to  the  Ships Jjj 

Departure  of  the  Fleet *^* 

Arrival  of  the  Viceroy  ..        ••  4^* 

Hospitality  of  the  Knights         ..        *'  ztt 

Fury  of  the  Sultan      ..         ..         ••  435 

l/)8ses  sustained  in  the  Sipge     ..        ••  J^J 

The  Operations  revicweJ      . .        •  •  '^■^^ 


Errors  of  the  Turks         .  •        .  • 
Spirit  of  the  Defenders  . . 

Character  of  La  Valette  . . 
Conduct  of  the  Viceroy 
Honours  paid  to  La  Valette       . . 
He  builds  a  New  Capital 

His  Death •• 

Subsequent  History  of  the  Order 


PAGE 

.    436 

436 
.     437 

437 
.     438 

439 
.     440 

440 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Don  Carlos          441 

Fate  of  Carlos  and  Isabella   ..        ..  441 

Theme  of  Romantic  Fiction       . .        •  •  *f  i 

Early  Life  of  Carlos 442 

Charles  V.'s  Opinion  of  him      ..        ..443 

Mode  of  spending  the  Day     ..         ..  443 

Distaste  for  Study  and  Manly  Exercises  443 

Character  in  the  Venetian  Reports  . .  444 

Enfeebled  Constitution 444 

Recognition  as  Heir 445 

Removal  to  A  Icali           446 

Dangerous  Illness 446 

Miraculous  Cure 446 

Extravagant  Behaviour         . .        . .  447 

Anecdotes  of  Carlos         448 

Tiepolo's  Account  of  him     . .        . .  449 

Strong  Attachment  of  his  Friends        . .  450 

Disliked  by  his  Father          ..        ..  450 

Alliances  proposed  for  him        ..        ..  451 

His  Connection  with  the  Flemings. .  452 

Not  confirmed  by  Documents    . .        . .  452 

Outrage  on  Alva         452 

Project  of  Flight 453 

Indications  of  Insanity         . .         • .  463 

Flight  prevented 454 

Quarrel  with  Don  John         ..         ..  465 

Carlos  deprived  of  Liberty         . .        *  *  *^5 

Strictly  guarded          456 

Process  against  him         ■ .        •  •        •  •  4&T 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Death  of  Don  Carlos 457 

Sensation  throughout  Spain  . .        . .  4&7 

Piiilip's  Explanations       ..        ..        ..  457 

Letter  to  the  Que.n  of  Portugal      . .  458 

Insanity  intimated  as  the  Ground        . .  459 

Difficulties  of  this  View         ..        ..  459 

Important  Documents  missing  ..        ••  *°; 

Communications  to  the  Nuncio       . .  461 

Suspicions  of  Heresy jw 

Sympathy  with  the  Flemings         . .  462 

Parricidal  Designs.. 463 

Philip's  A  version  to  his  Son . .        . .  4W 

No  Intercourse  with  the  World  . .        "  ZZZ 

Attendants  jind  Guards         ..         ..  465 

Fruitless  Efforts  in  his  Behalf   . .        •  •  *°* 

The  Subject  buried  in  Silence         . .  4bb 

Papers  of  Carlos *J" 

Philip's  Apprehensions         ..        ••  *»' 

Desperation  of  Carlos ^^i 

Disregard  of  Admonitions     ..        ..  *^° 

His  Excesses  *^* 

His  Health  destroyed *^» 

Change  in  his  Deportment         ..        ..  «•" 


f 


CONTENTS. 


CONTENTS. 


XXI 


Philip's  Benediction         

Deatk  of  Carlos • 

Authority  for  this  Account 

Llorente's  Account 

Unsubstantiatetl  by  Proof 
Rumours  current  at  the  Time 
Discrepancies  of  the  various  Accounts 
Insufficiency  of  the  Evidence 
Suspicious  Circumstances 
Motives  for  getting  rid  of  Carlos      . . 
Unscrupulous  Character  of  I'hilip 

Quarrel  in  the  Palace 

Obsequies  of  Carlos  . . 

Public  Sorrow  . .         .  •         •  • 

Philip's  Feelings 

His  Responsibility 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


PAGE 
,      470 

471 
.     471 

471 
.     472 

473 

474 

474 
.     475 

475 
.     475 

476 
.     477 

477 
.     478 

479 


Death  OF  Isabella 
Amours  of  Carlos  and  Isabella 


480 
480 


Horrible  Tal©  of  Revenge 
No  Authority  but  Rumour   . . 
Means  of  establishing  the  Truth 
The  Queen's  Sympathy  for  Carlos 
His  Feeling  towards  her  . . 
No  Vulgar  Passion      . .        • . 
Philip's  Kindness  to  his  Wife     . . 
Her  Popularity  in  Spain 
Desire  to  reclaim  Carlos  . . 
Pity  for  his  Fate 

Her  Illness 

Her  Last  Hours  .  •         •  • 

Final  Interview  with  Philip 

Message  to  her  Family 

Her  Death 

Funeral  Honours 
Mission  of  Cardinal  fluise 
No  Mystery  in  the  Narrative 
Philip  not  jealous  of  Isabella     . . 
Her  Influence  over  him         . . 
BrantOme's  Portrait  of  her 


PAGE 
480 

481 

,     483 

482 

,     483 

483 
.     483 

484 
.     484 

484 
.     485 

486 
.     486 

486 
.     487 

487 
.     488 

488 
.     489 

489 
,.     489 


BOOK  V. 


CHAPTER  I. 


The  Moors  op  Spain *^^ 

Conquest  of  Spain  by  the  Arabs      . .  491 

Hostility  between  the  Two  Kaces        . .  491 

The  Country  recovered  by  the  Spaniards  492 
Effect  of  the  Struggle  on  the  National 

Character '*^2 


493 
493 
493 
494 
494 
495 
495 
495 
496 


Religious  Intolerance  of  the  Spaniards 

Attempts  to  convert  the  Moslems 

Policy  of  Ximenes       

-Suppression  of  the  Mahometan  Worship 

Outward  Conformity  to  Christianity 
"  Moors  abandon  their  National  Habits  . . 

Their  Condition  under  Philip  the  Second 

-  Their  Industry  and  Commerce  . . 

-  Treatment  by  the  Government 
Ordinance  of  1563 498 

•  Stringent  Measures  called  for  by  the 

Clergy 499 

Prepared  by  the  Government 
>  Severity  of  the  Enactments  . 

Approval  of  them  by  Philip 

Proclamation  at  Granada 
*  Indignation  of  the  Moriscoes 

Representations  to  Deza 

Appeal  to  the  Throne 603 

Rejection  of  their  Prayers    . .        . .  603 


499 
500 
501 
502 
502 
503 


CHAPTER  II. 

Rebellion  of  the  Moriscoes  . .        . .  604 

The  Edict  enforced 604 

Plans  for  Resistance  by  the  Moriscoes. .  605 

Their  Desct^nt  on  Granada     . .         . .  606 

Failureof  the  Attempt 507 

General  Insurrection 507 

Election  of  a  King 608 


Character  of  Aben-Humeya       . . 

His  Coronation 

His  Preparations  for  Defence    . . 
The  Christian  Population      . . 
Unsuspicious  of  their  Danger     . . 
Attacked  by  the  Moors— Panic 

General  Massacre 

Horrible  Cruelties 
Fate  of  the  Women  and  Children 
Fierceness  of  Al)en-Farax      . . 
Deposed  from  his  Command 


508 
608 
509 
509 
510 
610 
511 
611 
612 
613 
613 


CHAPTER  III. 

Rebellion  of  the  Moriscoes  . .        . .  514 

Consternation  In  the  Capital . .         . .  614 

Mutual  Fears  of  the  two  Races  . .         . .  514 

Garrison  of  the  Alhambra  strengthened  515 

Troops  mustered  by  Mondejar   . .         . .  615 

Civic  Militia— Feudal  Levies           ..  515 

Warlike  Ecclesiastics 616 

March  of  the  Army 616 

Pass  of  Tablate 617 

Bridge  crossed  by  a  Friar      . .        .  •  618 

The  Army  follows 61S 

The  Moriscoes  withdraw       ..        ..  518 
Entrance  into  the  Alpujarras     ..        ..618 

Night  Encampment  at  Lanjaron     . .  619 

Relief  of  Orgiba 619 

Mond^ar  pursues  his  March            . .  620 

Gloom  of  the  Mountain  Scenery            . .  520 

Defile  of  Alfajarali 620 

Sudden  Attack 621 

Bravery  of  the  Andalusian  Knights  521 

Precipitate  Retreat  of  the  Moriscoes     ..  521 

Capture  of  Bubion       621 

Humanity  of  Mond^ar 622 

Sufferings  of  the  Army         . .        . .  622 


Capture  of  Jubfles 

Prisoners  protected  by  Mondejar    . . 
Massacred  by  the  Soldiers 
Christian  Women  sent  to  Granada  ., 
Welcomed  by  the  Inhabitants  . . 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Rebellion  of  the  Moriscoes.. 

Mondcjar's  Policy       

Aben-Humeya  at  Pateraa         .. 

Offers  to  surrender 

Flight  to  the  Sierra  Nevada 
Disposition  of  the  Moorish  Prisoners 
Attack  on  Las  Guajaras  . . 
Evacuated  by  the  Garrison    . .        .  • 
Massacre  ordered  by  Mondejar  . . 
Cruelty  of  the  Count  of  Tendilla     . . 
Attempt  to  capture  Aben-Humeya 

His  Escape       

Heroism  of  Aben-Aboo    . . 
The  Marquis  of  Los  Velez    . . 
His  Campaign  in  the  Alpujarras 
Cruelties  committed  by  the  Troops 
Celebration  of  a  religious  Fete  . . 
Licentiousness  of  the  Soldiery 
Contrast    between   Mondejar   and 

Velez 
Accusations  against  the  former       . 
Decision  arrived  at  in  Madrid    . . 

Ellect  on  the  Army 

Moorish  Prisoners  in  Granada   . . 
Rumours  circulated  in  the  Capital  . 
Night  Attack  on  the  Prisoners  . . 
Fearful  Struggle  and  Massacre 
Apathy  of  the  Government 
Renewal  of  the  lusurrection . . 


PAGE 
623 
623 

.  524 
524 

.     524 


525 

525 

526 

526 

527 

527 

528 

528 

629 

529 

530 

630 

630 

531 

531 

532 

532 

533 


Los 


533 
534 
635 
535 
535 
636 
536 
537 
537 
638 


CHAPTER  V. 

Rebellion  of  the  Moriscoes 

Don  John  of  Austria 

Birth  and  Early  History  . .         . . 
Placed  under  the  Care  of  Quixada  . . 
Secrecy  in  regard  to  his  Origin  . . 
The  young  Gerunimo  at  Yuste        .. 
TestamenUry  Dispositions  of  the  Em- 
peror     r.  "     *    *  * 

The  Boy  presented  to  the  Regent 
Curious  Scene  . .         .  •        •  • 
Meeting  appointed  with  the  King 
Philip  acknowledges  his  Brother     . . 
Assigns  him  an  Establishment  .. 
Royal  Triumvirate  at  Alcal4 
Chivalrous  Character  of  Don  John 
His  Adventurous  Disposition 
He  is  intrusted  with  the  Command  of  a 

Fleet  . .         •  •         • • 
His  Cruise  in  the  Mediterranean  . . 

He   is   selected   for  the  Command  in 

Granada   

Restrictions  on  his  Authority 
His  Reception  at  Grauiida 
Answers  to  Petiti<iners 
Discussions  in  the  Council  of  War 


539 
539 
539 
540 
640 
641 

642 
542 
643 
543 
544 
544 
545 
645 
646 

647 
647 

647 
648 
548 
649 
650 


PAGE 

New  Levies  summoned        ..        ..  650 

Increased  Power  of  Aben-Humeya      . .  550 

Forays  into  the  Christian  Territory  651 

Movements  of  Los  Velez 652 

Extension  of  the  Rebellion  . .        . .  652 

Successful  Expedition  of  Requesens    . .  652 

Moriscoes  lay  Siege  to  Seron . .         . .  653 

Surrender  and  Massacre  of  the  Garrison  653 
Decree  for  removing  the  Moriscoes  from 

Granada ^f* 

Their  Consternation  and  Grief        . .  654 

Expulsion  from  the  City 555 

Farewell  to  their  Ancient  Home     . .  656 

Distribution  through  the  Country        . .  556 

Ruinous  Effects  on  Granada  . .        . .  556 
Character  of  the  Transaction      ,.        ..656 

CHAPTER  VL 

Rebellion  of  the  Moriscoes..        ..    557 
State  of  the  Troops  under  Los  Velez  657 

Encounter  with  Aben-Humeya..        ..    658 
Flight  of  the  Morisco  Prince . .         . .  658 

Desertions  from  the  Spanish  Camp      . .     659 
Mondejar  recalled  to  Court    . .         . .  659 

His  Character         •         ••     659 

Exterminating   Policy  of  the  Govern- 

ment        •        ••        ••    5!„ 

Sensual  Tyranny  of  Aben-Humeya  560 

Treachery  towards  Diego  Alguazil       . .     561 
Plan  of  Revenge  formed  by  Alguazil  561 

Conspiracy  against  Aben-Humeya       . .     662 

His  Assassination        663 

He  is  succeeded  by  Aben-Aboo  . .        . .     663 
Energy  of  the  new  Chief       . .         •  •  664 

Repulse  at  Orgiba  . .         ••  ^    ••         "III 
The  Place  evacuated  by  the  Garrison  665 

Continual  Forays 665 

Conflicts  in  the  Vega 666 

Don  John's  Desire  for  Action     . .         . .     666 
Philip  yields  to  his  Entreaties         . .  666 

Preparations  for  the  Campaign  . .        •  •    ^®  J 

Surprise  of  Guejar       667 

Mortification  of  Don  John  . .         *  *     ^»a 

Mendoza  the  Historian  . .        •  •  668 

CHAPTER  VTL 

Rebellion  OF  THE  Moriscoes..        ..  670 

Philip's  Instructions  to  his  Brother  670 

Don  John  takes  the  Field           . .         . .  671 

Discontent  of  Los  Velez        ..         ..  67 1 

His  Meeting  with  Don  John      . .        ..  6^^ 

He  retires  from  the  War       . .        . .  67  J 

Investment  of  Galera       67 j 

Description  of  the  Place        ..        ..  ^J* 

Munitions  and  Garrison 674 

Establishment  of  Batteries   ..        ..  6JJ 

The  Siege  opened 67& 

First  Assault »'* 

Spaniards  repulsed ^'^ 

Mines  opened  in  the  Rock    ..        ••  °'° 

Second  Assault '      r-t? 

Explosion  of  the  Mine  ..        ••  °'' 

Troops  rush  to  the  Attack         . .        •  •    °'* 


f 


xxu 


struggle  at  the  Ravelin 
Bravery  of  the  Morisco  Women 
111  Success  of  I'adilla  .,         ..         ,, 
Failure  of  the  Attack      . .        .  • 
Insubordination  of  the  Troops        .. 
Severe  IjOss  of  the  Spaniards 
Blootiy  Determination  of  Don  John 
Prudent  Advice  of  Philip  . , 

Condition  of  the  Besirgwl     . ,        , , 
Preparations  for  a  last  Attack   . . 
Cannonade  and  Explosions  ..         .. 

Third  Assault        

Irresistible  Fury  of  the  Spaniards  . . 
Struggle  in  the  Streets  and  Houses 
Desperation  of  the  Inhabitants 
Inhumanity  of  the  Conqueror    . . 

Wholesale  iVfassacre 

The  Town  demolished 

Tidings  communicated  to  Philip     .. 

Reputation  gained  by  Don  John 


CONTENTS. 


CONTENTS. 


XXIll 


PAGE 


PAGE 
678 

,  678 
678 
679 
679 
679 
6bO 

.  680 
680 
681 
682 
682 
682 
683 
683 
684 
684 
6H5 
685 
686 


CHAPTER  Vm. 

Rebellion  op  the  Moriscoes..        ..  686 

Seron  reconnoitred 686 

Sudden  Attack  by  the  Moriscoes  ,,  686 

Army  thrown  into  Confusion  ,,  687 

Indignation  of  Don  John 687 

Death  of  Quixada        688 

His  Character         689 

Doi^a  Magdalena  de  UUoa     . .        . .  689 

Rapid  Successes  of  Don  John     . .         . .  689 

Negotiations  opened  with  El  Habaqiii  690 

Merciless  Pursuit  of  the  Rebels..        ,.  690 

Guerilla  Warfare        591 

Conferences  at  Fondon 691 

Aben-Aboo  consents  to  treat  . .  692 

Arrangement  concluded 692 

Submission  tendered  by  El  Hahaqui  592 

Dissatisfaction  with  the  Treaty . .         . .  59i 

Vacillation  of  Aben-Aboo     ..         .,  693 

£1  Habaqui  engages  to  arrest  him       . .  694 

Fate«.f  El  Habaqui 694 

Mission  of  Palaci OS  595 

His  Interview  with  Aben-Aboo      . .  695 

Spirited  Declaration  of  that  Chief         . .  595 

Stern  Resolve  of  the  Government  . .  696 

War  of  Extermination 596 

Expedition  of  the  Duke  of  Arcos     . .  697 

March  across  the  Phdn  of  Calaluz        . .  697 

Engagement  with  the  Moriscoes     . .  697 

The  Rebellion  crushed     . .        . .        , ,  698 

Edict  of  Expulsion 698 

Removal  of  the  Moriscoes  . .        . .  598 

Don  John's  Impatience  to  resign    . .  699 

His  flnal  Dispositions 600 

Hiding-Place  of  Aben-Aboo  . .         . .  600 

Plot  formed  for  his  Capture        . .         . .  601 

His  Interview  with  El  Senix  ,.  601 

His  Murder..         ,.        , 601 

His  Body  brought  to  Granada         ..  601 

His  Head  placed  in  a  Cage  ..         .,  602 

Remarks  on  his  Career  . .        . .  602 

Wasted  Condition  of  the  Country         . .  603 

The  scattered  Moriscoes        . .        . .  604 

Cruelly  treated  by  the  Government     . .  604 


PAGE 

Their  Industry  and  Cheerfulness    . ,  604 

Increase  of  their  Numbers         , .         . .  606 

They  preserve  their  National  Feeling  605 

Mutual  Hatred  of  the  Two  Races         . .  606 

Expulsion  of  the  Moriscoes  from  Spain  606 

Works  of  Murmol  and  Circourt . .        . .  606 


CHAPTER  IX. 

War  wrrn  the  Turks  .,        ..        ,,  607 

Sultan  Selim  the  Second       . .        . .  607 

Determines  on  the  Conquest  of  Cyprus  608 

Spirit  of  Hus  the  Fifth          . .        . .  608 

His  Appeals  to  Philip 608 

King's  Entrance  into  Seville. .         ,.  609 

Determines  to  join  the  League  ..        .,  609 

Capture  of  Nicosia 610 

Vacillating  Conduct  of  Venice  ..        ..  610 

Meeting  of  Deputies  at  Rome          ..  610 

Treaty  of  Confederation 611 

Hati tied  and  proclaimed        ..        ..  611 

Turkish  Fleei  in  the  Adriatic    ..        ..  612 

Papal  Legate  at  Madrid        ..        ..  612 

Concessions  to  the  Crown           . ,        . .  612 

Fleets  of  Venice  and  Rome  . ,        . ,  613 

Preparations  in  Spain 613 

Enthusiasm  of  the  Nation    ..        ..  614 

Don  John's  Departure 614 

His  Reception  at  Naples       ..         ,,  614 

His  noble  Appearance 615 

Accomplishments  and  Popularity  ..  616 

Presen  tation  of  the  Consecrated  Standard  615 

Arrival  at  Messina 616 

Grand  Naval  Spectacle ,  616 

Strength  and  Condition  of  the  Fleets  616 

Discretion  of  the  Generalissimo. .        . .  61 7 

Communications  from  the  Pope      ,.  617 

Departure  from  Messina 618 


CHAPTER  X. 

War  wrrH  THE  Turks 618 

Arrival  at  Corfu          818 

Council  of  War B19 

Resolution  to  give  Battle      ..        ..  619 

Arbitrary  Conduct  of  Veniero    ..         ..  619 

Pass^ige  across  the  Sea  of  Ionia       . .  620 

Fall  of  Famagosta 620 

The  Enemy  in  Sight 621 

Preparations  for  Combat 621 

Final  Instnictions  of  Don  John       ..  621 

Approach  of  the  Turkish  Fleet ..        ..  622 

Its  Form  and  Disposition      . .         . .  622 

Change  in  the  Order  of  Battle    . .        , .  623 

Last  Preparation  of  the  Christians  . ,  623 

Battle  of  Lepanto 624 

Left  Wing  of  the  Allies  turned       ..  624 

Right  Wing,  under  Doria,  broken        , .  624 

Don  John  and  Ali  Pasha  engage    . .  625 

Superior  Fire  of  the  Spaniards  ..        ,.  625 

Bird's-eye  View  of  the  Scene           ,,  626 

Venetians  victorious  on  the  Left         . .  626 

Continued  Struggle  in  the  Centre   . .  .627 

Turkish  Admiral  boarded          .,         ..  627 

Death  of  Ali  Pasha     ..        ..        .,  628 


I 


Victory  of  the  Christians 628 

Flightof  Uluch  Ali 629 

Chase  and  Escape 629 

Allies  take  Shelter  in  Petela. .        . .  629 


CHAPTER  XL 

War  WITH  THE  Turks 

Losses  of  the  Combatants      . .        . . 
Turkish  Armada  annihilated     ..         . 
Roll  of  Slaughter  and  Fame  . . 

Exploits  of  Farnese         

Noble  Spirit  of  Cervantes      . . 
Sons  of  Ali  Pasha  Prisoners 
Generously  treated  by  Don  John     . . 
His  Conduct  towards  Veniero    .. 
Operations  suspended..         ..         .. 

Triumphant  Return  to  Messina  . 

Celebrations  in  Honour  of  the  Victory 
Tidings  despatched  to  Spain 
Philip's  Reception  of  them  ..        .. 


630 
630 
630 
631 
631 
631 
632 
632 
632 
633 
633 
634 
634 
635 


PAGE 

Acknowledgments  to  bis  Brother        • .  635 

Don  John's  Conduct  criticised         . .  636 

Real  Fruits  of  the  Victory          . .         . .  637 

Delav  in  resuming  Operations        . .  637 

Death  of  Pius  the  Fifth 638 

Philip's  Distrust          638 

Permits  his  Brother  to  sail         ..        ..  639 

Turks  decline  to  accept  Battle        . .  639 

Anniversary  of  Lepanto 639 

Allies  disband  their  Forces  . .        . .  640 

Perfidy  of  Venice 640 

The  League  dissolved 640 

Tunis  taken  by  Don  John          ..         ..  641 

He  provides  for  its  Security  . .        . .  641 

Retunis  to  Naples 642 

His  Mode  of  Life  there  . .  . .  642 
His  Schemes  of  Dominion  ..  ..  642 
Tunis  retaken  by  the  Moslems  ..  643 
Don  John's  Mission  to  Genoa  ..  ..643 
He  prepares  a  fresh  Armament  . .  644 
His  Disappointment,  and  Return  to  Ma- 
drid            644 


BOOK  VI. 


CHAPTER  L 

Domestic  Affairs  OF  Spain     ..        ..  645 

Internal  .  dininistration        ..         ..  645 
Revolutions  under  Isabella  and  Charles 

V 645 

Absolute  Power  of  the  Crown  . .  646 

Contrast  between  Charles  and  Philip    . .  646 

The  latter  wholly  a  Spaniard  ..  646 

The  Royal  Councils  647 

Principal  Advisers  of  the  Crown    ..  647 

Character  of  Ruy  Gomez  de  Silva         ..  648 

Figneroa,  Count  of  Ferla       . .         . .  649 

Cardinal  Espinosa 650 

Two  Parties  in  the  Council   ..        ..  651 

Balance  held  by  Philip 651 

His  Manner  of  transacting  Business  652 

His  Assiduity         652 

His  Mode  of  dividing  the  Day        . .  653 

His  Love  of  Solitude       653 

Extent  of  his  Information     ..         ..  654 

Partial  Confidence  in  his  Ministers       ..  6)4 

His  Frugality 654 

His  Magnificent  Establishment . .        . ,  655 

His  Fatal  Habit  of  Prcwrastinatlon. .  656 

Remonstrances  of  his  Almoner  ..         ..  656 

Habits  of  the  great  Nobles   . .         . .  657 

Manners  of  the  Court       657 

Degeneracy  of  the  Nobles      . .         . .  657 

Splendour  «>f  their  Households  . .        . .  658 

Loss  of  Political  Power         . .        . .  658 

Depressed  Condition  of  the  Commons  . .  659 

pptitions  of  the  Cortes  . .         • .  659 

Their  Remonstrances  against  Arbitrary 

Government       659 


Their  Regard  for  the  National  Interests  660 

Erroneous  Notions  respecting  Commerce  660 

Sumptuary  Laws         660 

Encouragement  Of  Bull- Fights  ..        ..661 

Various  Subjects  of  Legislation      . .  661 

Schools  and  Universities 662 

Royal  Pragmatics       662 

Philip's  Replies  to  the  Cortes    . .        , .  663 

Freedom  of  Discussion          . .        . .  663 

Standing  Array 664 

Guards  of  Castile        664 


CHAPTER  IL 

Domestic  Affairs  OF  Spain     ,.        •.  664 

Philip  the  Champion  of  the  Faith  . .  664  • 

Endowments  of  the  Church        .,        .•  664-* 

Alienations  in  Mortmain      . .        . .  665 

Disputed  Prerogativrs 665 

Appointments  to  Benefices   . .        . .  666 

The  Clergy  dependent  on  the  Crown    , .  666 

The  Escorial 666 " 

Motives  for  its  Erection 667 

Site  selected 667 

Convent  founded 668 

Royal  Humility  668 

Building  commenced        ..         ..         ..  669 

Philip's  Interest  in  it 669 

His  Architectural  Taste 669 

His  Oversight  of  the  Work  ..        ..  670 

He  governs  the  World  from  the  Escorial  670 

The  Edifice  endangered  by  Fire       . .  670 

Materials  used  in  its  Construction        ..  671 

Artists  employed       672 


# 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Frontispiece. 
Philip  the  Second 

Facsimile  of  Autograph  Letter  of  Philip  the 

....  Preceding  Book  i. 

Second . 

Makoaket  of  Pakma,  Eeoent  of  the  NETHERLANDS     .   .  page    54 

DON   FERNANDO   AlVAREZ   DE   TOLEDO,    DUKE   OF    AlVA     .     .        ^^      ^^^ 

Scene  of  Operations  in  Malta ^^  ^^^ 

Don  Carlos («  539 

Don  John  of  Austria .^  675 

Anne  of  Austria 


'      J* 


/ 


in 


.'» 


<>3 


V) 


.«> 


^ 


?0 


•fe 


^ 


i^ 


I 

! 


HISTORY  OF 

PHILIP  THE  SECOND. 


BOOK  I. 


I 

.III 


CHAPTER  I. 

ABDICATION  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 

Introductory  Remarks-Spain  under  Charles  the  Fifth -He  prepares  to  resign  the  Crown-Hls 
J  Abdication-His  Return  to  Spain— His  Journey  *o  Yuste. 

1555. 

In  a  former  work  I  have  endeavoured  to  portray  the  period  when  the  different 
provinces  of  Spain  were  consolidated  into  one  empire  under  the  rule  of  J^erdi- 
nand  and  Isahella ;  when,  by  their  wise  and  beneficent  pohcy,  the  nation 
emerged  from  the  obscurity  in  which  it  had  so  long  remained  behind  the 
pSs,  and  took  its  place  as  one  of  the  great  members  of  the  European 
commonwealth.  I  now  propose  to  examine  a  later  period  m  the  history  of 
tSrime  nation,-the  reign  of  Philip  the  Second;  when,  with  resources 
IrLly  enlarged,  and  territory  extended  by  a  brilliant  career  of  discovery  and 
SLt,  t  had'  risen  to  the'  zenith  of  its  power,  but  when,  under  the  mis- 
cMevous  policy  of  the  administration,  it  had  excited  the  jealousy  of  its 
neirhbour^^^  and  already  disclosed  those  germs  of  domestic  corruption  which 
gradually  led  to  its  dismemberment  and  decay.      ^    .  .      ,  ^       .  ..    p^„. 

By  the  marriage  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  most  of  the  states  of  the  Penin- 
sula becanTeunifed  under  one  common  rule ;  and  in  1516  the  sceptre  of  Spam, 
Sh  itfdSe^^^  in  the  Old  and  the  New  World,  passed  into  the 

Cds  of  th^e^r  grSSn  Charies  the  Fifth,  who,  though  he  shared  the  throne 
Sially  witlfhis  mother,  Joanna,  became,  in  consequence  oH^^^^ 
the  real  sovereign  of  this  vast  empire.  He  had  before  ^"^erited,  thiough  his 
father,  Philip  the  Handsome,  that  fair  portion  of  the  duca  realm  f  Burgundy 
which  comprehended  Franclie-Comte  and  the  Netheriands.  In  lol9  he  was 
Tlected  t^  the  imperial  crown  of  Germany.  Not  many  years  fapsed  before 
his  domain  was  still  further  enlarged  bv  the  barbaric  empires  o  Mexico  and 
Peru;  and  Spain  then  first  realized  the  magnificent  vaunt,  since  so  often 
repeated,  that  the  sun  never  set  within  the  borders  of  her  dominions. 

Yet  the  importance  of  Spain  did  not  rise  with  the  importance  of  her  acqm- 
sitions  She  was,  in  a  manner,  lost  in  the  magnitude  of  these  acquisitions. 
Some  of  the  riTaTnations  which  owned  the  sway  of  Charies,  in  Europe,  were 

B 


!        / 


!  i 

I  ' 


2  ABDICATION  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 

of  much  greater  importance  than  Spain,  and  attracted  much  more  attention 
from  their  contemporaries.  In  the  earlier  perioii  of  that  monarch  s  reign  there 
was  a  moment  when  a  contest  was  going  forward  ni  Castile,  of  the  deepest 
interest  to  mankind.  Unfortunately,  the  "  War  of  the  Comunulades,  as  it 
was  termed,  was  soon  closed  by  the  ruin  of  the  patriots  ;  and  on  the  memo- 
rable field  of  Villalar  the  liberties  of  Spain  received  a  blow  from  which  they 
were  destined  not  to  recover  for  centunes.  From  that  fatal  hour— the  bitter 
fniit  of  the  jealousy  of  castes  and  the  passions  of  the  populace— an  unbroken 
tranquillity  reigned  throughout  the  country  ;  such  a  tranquillity  as  naturally 
flows  not  from  a  free  and  well-conducted  government,  but  from  a  demotic 
one.  In  this  political  tranquillity,  however,  the  intellect  of  Spain  did  not 
slumber.  Sheltered  from  invasion  by  the  barrier  of  the  Pyrenees,  her  peop  e 
were  allowed  to  cultivate  the  arts  of  peace,  so  long  as  they  did  not  meddle 
with  politics  or  religion,— in  other  words,  with  the  great  interests  of  humanity ; 
while  the  more  adventurous  found  a  scope  for  their  prowess  in  European  wars, 
or  in  exploring  the  boundless  regions  of  the  Western  world. 

While  there  was  so  little  passing  in  Spain  to  attract  the  eye  of  the  historian, 
Germany  became  the  theatre  of  one  of  those  momentous  struggles  which  have 
had  a  |)ermanent  infiuence  on  the  destinies  of  mankind.  It  was  in  this  reign 
that  the  great  battle  of  religious  liberty  was  begun  ;  and  the  attention  and 
personal  presence  of  Charles  were  necessarily  demanded  most  in  the  country 
where  that  battle  was  to  be  fought.  But  a  small  part  of  his  life  was  passed 
in  Spain  in  comparison  with  what  he  spent  in  other  parts  of  his  dominions. 
His  early  attachments,  his  lasting  sympathies,  were  with  the  people  of  the 
Netherlands  ;  for  Flanders  was  the  place  of  his  birth.  He  spoke  the  lan- 
guage of  that  country  more  lluently  than  the  Castilian ;  although  he  knew 
the  various  languages  of  his  dominions  so  well  that  he  could  address  his  sub- 
jects from  every  quarter  in  their  native  dialect  In  the  same  manner,  he 
could  accommodate  himself  to  their  peculiar  national  manners  and  tostes. 
But  this  flexibility  was  foreign  to  the  genius  of  the  Spaniard.  Charles 
brought  nothing  from  Si>ain  but  a  religious  zeal,  amounting  to  bigotry,  which 
took  deep  root  in  a  melancholy  temperament  inherited  from  his  mother.  His 
tastes  were  all  Flemish.    He  introduced  the  gorgeous  ceremonial  of  the  Bur- 

fundian  court  into  his  own  palace,  and  into  the  household  of  his  son.  He 
rew  his  most  trusted  and  familiar  counsellors  from  Flanders  ;  and  this  was 
one  great  cause  of  the  troubles  which  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  distracted 
Castile.  There  was  little  to  gratify  the  pride  of  the  Spaniard  in  the  position 
which  he  occupied  at  the  imperial  court.  Charies  regarded  Spain  chiefly  for 
the  resources  she  attbrded  for  carrying  on  his  ambitious  enterprises.  When 
he  visited  her,  it  was  usually  to  draw  supplies  from  the  cortes.  The  Spaniards 
understood  this,  and  bore  less  affection  to  his  person  than  to  many  of  their 
monarchs  far  inferior  to  him  in  the  mialities  for  exciting  it.  They  hardly 
regarded  him  as  one  of  the  nation.  There  was,  indeed,  nothing  national  in 
the  reign  of  Charies.  His  most  intimate  relations  were  with  Germany  ;  and 
as  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth  of  Germany,  not  as  King  Charies  the  First 
of  Spain,  he  was  known  in  his  own  time  and  stands  recorded  on  the  pages  of 
history. 

When  Charies  ascended  the  throne,  at  the  beginning  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, Europe  may  be  saitl  to  have  been  in  much  the  same  condition,  in  one 
respect,  as  she  was  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighth.  The  Turk  menaced  her 
on  the  east,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Arab  had  before  menaced  her  on  the 
west.  The  hour  seemed  to  be  fast  anproaching  which  was  to  decide  whether 
Christianity  or  Mahometanism  should  hold  the  ascendant.   The  Ottoman  tide 


« 


SPAIN  UNDER  CHARLES  THE  FIFTF.  S 

of  fonquest  rolled  up  to  the  very  walls  of  Vienna ;  and  Charles,  who,  as  head 
of  the  empire,  was  placed  on  the  frontier  of  Christendom,  was  called  on  to 
repel  it.  When  thirty-two  years  of  age,  he  marched  against  the  formidable 
Solyman,  drove  him  to  an  i^iominious  retreat,  and,  at  less  cost  of  life  than  is 
often  expended  in  a  skirmisn,  saved  Europe  from  an  invasion.  He  afterwards 
crossed  the  sea  to  Tunis,  then  occupied  by  a  horde  of  pirates,  the  scourge  of 
the  Mediterranean.  He  beat  them  in  a  bloody  battle,  slew  their  chief,  and 
liberated  ten  thousand  captives  from  their  dungeons.  All  Europe  ran^  with 
the  praises  of  the  young  hero  who  thus  consecrated  his  arms  to  the  service  of 
the  Cross  and  stood  forward  as  the  true  champion  of  Christendom. 

But  from  this  high  position  Charles  was  repeatedly  summoned  to  other 
contests,  of  a  more  personal  and  far  less  honourable  character.  Such  was  his 
long  ana  bloody  quarrel  with  Francis  the  First.  It  was  hardly  possible  that 
two  princes  so  well  matched  in  years,  power,  pretensions,  and,  above  all,  love 
of  military  glory,  with  dominions  touching  on  one  another  through  their 
whole  extent,  could  long  remain  without  cause  of  rivalry  and  collision.  Such 
rivalry  did  exist  from  the  moment  that  the  great  prize  of  the  empire  was 
adjudged  to  Charles ;  and  through  the  whole  of  their  long  struggle,  with  the 
exception  of  a  few  reverses,  the  superior  genius  of  the  emperor  triumphed 
over  his  bold  but  less  politic  adversary. 

There  was  still  a  third  contest,  on  which  the  strength  of  the  Spanish 
monarch  was  freely  expended  through  the  greater  part  of  his  reign,— his 
contest  with  the  Lutheran  princes  of  Germany.  Here,  too,  for  a  long  time, 
fortune  favoured  him.  But  it  is  easier  to  contend  against  man  than  against 
a  great  moral  principle.  The  principle  of  reform  had  struck  too  deep  into 
the  mind  of  Germany  to  be  eradicated  by  force  or  bv  fraud.  Charles  for  a 
long  time,  by  a  course  of  crafty  policy,  succeeded  in  baftling  the  Protestant 
league,  and  by  the  decisive  victory  at  Muhlberg  seemed  at  last  to  have  broken 
it  altogether.  But  his  success  only  ministered  to  his  ruin.  The  very  man  on 
whom  he  bestowed  the  spoils  of  victorv  turned  them  against  his  benefactor. 
Charles,  ill  in  body  and  mind,  and  glad  to  escape  from  his  enemies  under 
cover  of  the  night  and  a  driving  tempest,  was  at  length  compelled  to  sign  the 
treaty  of  Passau,  which  secured  to  the  Protestants  those  religious  immunities 
against  which  he  had  contended  through  his  whole  reign. 

Not  long  after,  he  experienced  another  humiliating  reverse  from  France, 
then  ruled  by  a  younger  rival,  Henry  the  Second,  the  son  of  Francis.  The 
good  star  of  Charles — the  star  of  Austria—  seemed  to  have  set ;  and,  as  he 
reluctantly  raised  the  siege  of  Metz,  he  was  heard  bitterly  to  exclaim,  "  For- 
tune is  a  strumpet,  who  reserves  her  favours  for  the  young  !  " 

With  spirits  greatly  depressed  by  his  reverses,  and  still  more  by  the  state 
of  his  health,  which  prechided  him  from  taking  part  in  the  manly  and  martial 
exercises  to  which  he  had  been  accustomed,  he  felt  that  he  had  no  longer  the 
same  strength  as  formerly  to  bear  up  under  the  toils  of  empire.  When  but 
little  more  than  thirty  years  of  age,  he  had  been  attacked  by  the  gout,  and 
of  late  had  been  so  sorely  afl^iicted  with  that  disorder  that  he  had  neariy  lost 
the  use  of  his  limbs.  The  man  who,  cased  in  steel,  had  passed  whole  days 
and  nights  in  the  saddle,  indifferent  to  the  weather  and  the  season,  could 
now  hardly  drag  himself  along  with  the  aid  of  his  staff.  For  days  he  was 
confined  to  his  oed  ;  and  he  did  not  leave  his  room  for  weeks  together.  His 
mind  became  oppressed  with  melancholy,  which  was  to  some  extent  a  con- 
stitutional infirmity.  His  chief  pleasure  was  in  listening  to  books,  especially 
of  a  religious  character.  He  denied  himself  to  all  except  his  most  intimate 
and  trusted  counsellors.     He  lost  his  interest  in  affairs;  and  for  whole 


4  ABDICATION  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 

months,  according  to  one  of  his  biographers,  who  had  access  to  his  person, 
he  refused  to  receive  any  public  communication,  or  to  subscribe  any  docu- 
ment,  or  even  letter.'  One  cannot  understand  how  the  business  of  the  nation 
could  have  been  conducted  in  such  a  state  of  things.  After  the  death  of  his 
mother,  Joanna,  his  mind  became  more  deeply  tinctured  with  those  glooniy 
fancies  which  in  her  amounted  to  downright  insanity.  He  miagmecl  he 
heard  her  voice  calling  on  him  to  follow  her.  His  thoughts  were  now  turned 
from  secular  concerns  to  those  of  his  own  soul ;  and  he  resolved  to  put  in 
execution  a  plan  for  resigning  his  crown  and  withdrawing  to  some  religious 
retreat,  where  he  might  prepare  for  his  latter  end  This  plan  he  had  con- 
ceived  many  years  before,  in  the  full  tide  of  successful  ambition.  So  opposite 
were  the  elements  at  work  in  the  character  of  this  extraordinary  man  ! 

Although  he  had  chosen  the  place  of  his  retreat,  he  had  been  deterred  from 
immediately  executing  his  purpose  by  the  forlorn  condition  of  his  mother  and 
the  tender  age  of  his  son.  The  first  obsUcle  was  now  removed  by  the  death 
of  Joanna,  after  a  reign— a  nominal  reign— of  half  a  century,  in  which  the 
cloud  that  had  settled  on  her  intellect  at  her  husband's  death  was  never 

The  age  of  Phihp,  his  son  and  heir,  was  also  no  longer  an  objection.  From 
early  boyhood  he  had  been  trained  to  the  duties  of  his  station,  and,  when 
very  young,  had  been  intrusted  with  the  government  of  Castile.  His  father 
had  surrounded  him  with  able  and  experienced  counsellors,  and  their  pupil, 
who  showed  a  discretion  far  beyond  his  years,  had  largely  profited  by  their 
lessons.  He  had  now  entered  his  twenty-ninth  year,  an  age  when  the  cha- 
racter is  formed,  and  when,  if  ever,  he  might  be  supposed  qualified  to  assume 
the  duties  of  government.  His  father  had  already  ceded  to  him  the  sove- 
reignty of  Naples  and  Milan,  on  occasion  of  the  prince's  marnage  with  Mary 
of  England.  He  was  on  a  visit  to  that  country,  when  Charles,  having  de- 
cided on  the  act  of  abdication,  sent  to  require  his  son's  attendance  at  Brussels, 
where  the  ceremony  was  to  be  performed.  The  different  provinces  of  the 
Netherlands  were  also  summoned  to  send  their  deputies,  with  authority  to 
receive  the  emperor's  resignation  and  to  transfer  their  allegiance  to  his  suc- 
cessor. As  a  prehminary  step,  on  the  twenty-second  of  October,  1555,  he 
conferred  on  Philip  the  grand-mastership— which,  as  lord  of  Flaiiders,  was 
vested  in  himself— of  the  toison  cVor,  the  order  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  of 
Burgundy,  the  proudest  and  most  coveted,  at  that  day,  of  all  the  miUtary 

orders  of  knighthood.  _  ^    vj-    a- 

Preparations  were  then  made  for  conducting  the  ceremony  of  abdication 
with  all  the  pomp  and  solemnity  suited  to  so  august  an  occasion.  The  great 
hall  of  the  royal  pa'are  of  Brussels  was  selected  for  the  scene  of  it.  The  walls 
of  the  spacious  apartment  were  hung  with  tapestry,  and  the  floor  was  covered 
with  rich  carpeting.  A  scaffold  was  erected  at  one  end  of  the  room,  to  the 
height  of  six  or  seven  steps.  On  it  was  placed  a  throne,  or  chair  of  state,  for 
the  emperor,  with  other  seats  for  Philip  and  for  the  ffreat  Flemish  lords  who 
were  to  attend  the  person  of  their  sovereign.  Above  the  throne  was  suspended 
a  gorgeous  canopy,  on  which  were  emblazoned  the  arms  of  the  ducal  house  of 


CEREMONY  OF  ABDICATION. 


ii 


»  "Port  annum  nrtatis  quinquapepimiim, 
prenientibus  morbis,  tantopore  negotiornm 
odium  cepit,  ut  diutius  interdum  nee  se  adiri 
autconveiiiri  praterquam  abintimis  pateretur, 
nee  libellia  iHibscribere  animum  induceret,  won 
tine  suspicione  mentis  imminuUr ;  itaque 
constat  novem  mensibus  nulli  nee  libello  nee 
diplomati  subscripsisse,  quod  cum  magno  in- 


commode reipublicae  populariumque  dispendio 
fieb;it,  cum  a  tot  natioiiibus,  et  quibuwlam 
longissime  jus  inde  peteretur,  et  certe  suniraa 
negutia  ad  ipsum  fere  rejicerentur."  (S<pul- 
vedie  Opera  (Matriti,  1780),  vol.  il.  p.  539.) 
The  author,  who  was  in  the  court  at  the  time, 
had  frequent  access  to  the  royal  presence,  and 
speaks,  therefore,  from  personal  observation. 


I 


Burgundy.  In  front  of  the  scaffolding,  accommodations  were  provided  for 
the  deputies  of  the  provinces,  who  were  to  be  seated  on  benches  arranged 
according  to  their  respective  rights  of  precedence.* 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  October,  the  day  fixed  for  the  ceremony,  Charles  the 
Fifth  executed  an  instniment  by  which  he  ceded  to  his  son  the  sovereignty 
of  the  Netherlands.'  Mass  was  then  performed ;  and  the  emperor,  accom- 
panied by  Philip  and  a  numerous  retinue,  proceeded  in  state  to  the  great 
hall,  where  the  deputies  were  already  assembled.* 

Charles  was  at  this  time  in  the  fifty-sixth  year  of  his  age.  His  form  was 
slightly  bent,— but  it  was  by  disease 'more  than  by  time,— and  on  his  coun- 
tenance might  be  traced  the  marks  of  anxiety  and  rough  exposure.  Yet  it 
still  wore  that  majesty  of  expression  so  conspicuous  in  his  portraits  by  the 
inimitable  pencil  of  Titian.  His  hair,  once  of  a  light  colour,  approaching  to 
yellow,  had  begun  to  turn  before  he  was  forty,  and,  as  well  as  his  beard,  was 
now  gray.  His  foi-ehead  was  broad  and  expansive  ;  his  nose  aquiline.  His 
blue  eyes  and  fair  complexion  intimated  his  Teutonic  descent.  The  onlv 
feature  in  his  countenance  decidedly  bad  was  his  lower  jaw,  protniding  with 
its  thick,  heav7  lip,  so  characteristic  of  the  physiognomies  of  the  Austrian 
dynasty.' 

In  stature  he  was  about  the  middle  height.  His  Hmbs  were  strongly  knit, 
and  once  well  formed,  though  now  the  extremities  were  saxily  distorted  bv 
disease.  The  emperor  leaned  for  support  on  a  staff  with  one  hand,  while  with 
the  other  he  rested  on  the  arm  of  William  of  Orange,  who,  then  young,  was 
destined  at  a  later  day  to  become  the  most  formidable  enemy  of  his  house. 
The  grave  demeanour  of  Charles  was  rendered  still  more  impressive  by  his 
dress  ;  for  he  was  in  mourning  for  his  mother ;  and  the  sable  hue  of  his  attire 
was  relieved  only  by  a  single  ornament,  the  superb  collar  of  the  Golden  Fleece, 
which  hung  from  his  neck. 

Behind  the  emperor  came  Philip,  the  heir  of  his  vast  dominions.  He  was 
of  a  middle  height,  of  much  the  same  proportions  as  his  father,  whom  he 
resembled  also  in  his  lineaments,  except  that  those  of  the  son  wore  a  more 
sombre  and  perhaps  a  sinister  expression ;  while  there  was  a  reserve  in  his 
manner,  in  spite  of  his  efforts  to  the  contrary,  as  if  he  would  shroud  his 
thoughts  from  observation.  The  magnificence  of  his  dress  corresponded 
with  his  royal  station,  and  formed  a  contrast  to  that  of  his  father,  who 
was  quitting  the  pomp  and  grandeur  of  the  world,  on  which  the  son  was  about 

to  enter.  .     .        ,         ,  -  xt 

Next  to  Philip  came  Mary,  the  emperor's  sister,  formerly  queen  of  Hungary. 


"  A  minute  account  of  this  imposing  cere- 
mony is  to  be  found  in  a  MS.  in  the  Archives 
of  Simancas.  now  published  in  the  Coleccion 
de  Do<  umentos  ineditos  para  la  Historia  de 
Espafia  (Madrid,  1845),  torn.  vii.  p.  534  et  seq. 
An  official  report  of  the  proceedings,  prepared 
by  order  of  the  government,  and  preserved  at 
Brussels,  in  the  Archives  du  Royaume,  has 
b<  en  published  by  M.  Guchard  in  his  valuable 
collection,  Anulectes  Belgiques  (Paris,  1830), 
pp.  75-81. 

*  A  copy  of  the  original  deed  of  abdication 
was  preserved  among  the  papers  of  Cardinal 
Granvelle.  at  Be8an9on,  and  is  incorporated  in 
the  valuable  collection  of  documents  published 
by  order  of  the  French  government  under  the 
direction  of  the  learned  Weiss,  Papiers  d'fitat 
du  Cardinal  de  Granvelle,  d'apres  les  Manu- 
Bcrits  de  la  Bibliothdque  de  Besangon  (Paris, 


1843),  torn.  iv.  p.  486. 

*  It  is  strange  that  the  precise  date  of  an 
event  of  such  notoriety  as  the  abdication  of 
Charles  the  Fifth  should  be  a  mutter  of  dis- 
crepancy among  historians.  Most  writers  of 
the  time  assign  the  date  mentioned  in  the 
text,  confirmed  moreover  by  the  Simancas 
MS.  above  cited,  the  author  of  which  ent-rs 
into  the  details  of  the  ceremony  with  the 
minuteness  of  an  eye-witness. 

'  "Erat  Carolus  statura  raediocri,  sed  bra- 
chiis,  et  cruribus  crassis  compactisque,  et  ro- 
boris  singularis,  ceteris  memt)ris  proportione 
magnoque  commensu  respondentibus,  colore 
albus,  crine  barbaque  ad  flavum  inclinante ; 
facie  liberali,  nisi  quod  mentum  prominens 
et  parum  coha?rentia  labra  nonnihil  earn 
deturpabant."  Sepulveda  Opera,  vol.  ii.  p. 
527. 


^  ABDICATION  OP  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 

She  had  filled  the  post  of  Regent  of  the  Low  Countries  for  nearly  twenty 
vLrs,  and  i^X^^^^^^^^^^      theVir  when  she  was  to  jesign  the  burden  of 
^ovprei^ntv  to  her  nephew,  and  withdraw,  hke  her  imperial  brother,  into 
S'hi  '  AnoU^siste'r  of  Charles,  Eleanor,  V^o.oii^e^ 
Francis  the  First,  also  took  part  in  these  ceremonies,  previous  to  her  depar 
ture  for  Spain,  wliither  she  was  to  accompany  the  emperor 

After  these  members  of  the  imperial  family  came  the  "0^//^*^  «J,^*j*®,.^^^^^ 
lands,  the  knights  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  the  roval  counselloi^,  and  the  great 
Sk  of  the"  household,  all  splendidly  attiretf  m  their  robes  o  state  and 
Droudlv  displaviiiL'  the  ins  gnia  of  their  orders.  \Vhen  the  emperor  nau 
mSd  l^L  tHrone,  with  Philip  on  his  right  hand,  the  Regent  Mary  on  his 
eft  and  the  relt  ^  his  retinue  kposed  along  the  seats  prepared  for  them  on 
tt%Corm,  the  president  of  the  council  of  Flanders  addressed  the  a^embly 
He  briefly  explained  the  object  for  which  they  had  been  summoned  and  the 
luvefShad  induced  iheir  master  to  abfate  the  throne  ;and^^^  cmi- 
cluded  by  requiring  them,  in  their  sovereign's  name,  to  transfer  their  alle- 
Kiance  from  himself  to  Philip,  his  son  and  rightful  heir.  «„h;ppf« 

After  a  pause,  Charles  rose  to  address  a  few  parting  words  to  his  subjects. 
He  st^  Si  apparent  ditficulty,  and  rested  hlTright  hand  on  the  shoulder 
S  theTince  of  0?ange,- intimating  by  this  preference  on  ^o  distmgui^^^^^^^^ 
occasion  the  high  favour  in  which  he  held  the  young  nobleman.  In  the  other 
S  he  held  a  paper,  containing  some  hints  for  his  discourse  and  occa- 
sionally cast  his  ey^s  oA  it,  to  refresh  his  memory.    He  spoke  in  the  French 

^l^fas  unwilling,  he  said,  to  part  from  his  people  without  a  ^ew  words  from 
his  own  lips.  It  was  now  forty  years  since  he  had  been  intrusted  with  the 
sceptre  of ^the  Netherlands.  lie  was  soon  after  called  to  take  charge  of  a  still 
more  extensive  empire,  both  in  Spain  and  m  Germany,  involving  a  heavy 
^sponsibility  for  one  so  youn^.  He  had,  ^owejer,  endeavoured  earnestly  to 
do  his  duty  to  the  best  of  his  abilities.  He  had  been  ever  mindful  of  the 
interests  of  the  dear  land  of  his  birth,  but,  above  all,  of  the  great  "iteresfe  of 
Christianity.  His  first  object  had  been  to  mamtam  these  inviolate  against 
the  infidel.  In  this  he  had  been  thwarted,  partlv  by  the  jealousy  of  neigh- 
bouring powers,  and  partly   by  the  factions  of  the   heretical  princes  of 

1^Ii"the 'performance  of  his  great  work,  he  had  never  consulted  his  ease.  His 
expeditions,  in  war  and  in  peace,  to  France,  England,  Germany,  Italy,  bpain, 
and  Flanders,  had  amounted  to  no  less  than  forty.  Four  times  he  had  crossed 
the  Spanish  seas,  and  eight  times  the  Mediterranean  He  had  shrunk  froni 
no  toU  while  he  had  tlie  strength  to  endure  it.  But  a  cruel  malady  had 
depriv^  him  of  that  strength.  Conscious  of  his  inabihty  to  discharge  the 
duties  of  his  station,  he  had  long  since  come  to  the  resolution  to  relinquish  it 
From  this  he  had  been  diverted  only  by  the  situation  of  his  unfortunate  parent 
and  by  the  inexperience  of  his  son.  These  objections  no  longer  existed ;  ami 
he  should  not  stand  excused,  in  the  eve  of  Heaven  or  of  the  world,  if  he 
should  insist  on  still  holding  the  reins  of  government  when  he  was  incapable 
of   managing  them,-when  every  year  his  incapacity  must  become  more 

^  He  begged  them  to  believe  that  this  and  no  other  niotive  induced  him  to 
resign  the  sceptre  which  he  had  so  long  swaved.  They  had  been  to  him  dutiful 
and  loving  subjects ;  and  such,  he  doubted  not,  they  would  prove  to  his  suc- 
cessor. Above  all  things,  he  besought  them  to  maintam  the  purity  of  the 
faith.    li  any  one,  in  these  licentious  times,  had  admitted  doubts  mto  his 


r 


CEREMONY  OF  ABDICATION. 


t«.om.  let  such  iofU  be  ext^pated  at  on^  .^^elU's^^  —  t^ 
« that,  in  my  long  administration,  I  have  ^f  ^«"  ^^/Xre  be  any  here  whom  I 

*"^'i;?Sreun,erorwa3  ^f-kin.,  a  breathes  stoc^^^^^^^^ 
audience.    Char'les  had  ever  been  a^r  to  the  ^oP'e  of  «ie  ^^^^^^^^^     ^,^4  ^It 
land  of  his  birth     They  took  a  ^'^^f^}  }^'2^,X^As  they  now  gazed 
that  his  glory  reflected  a  P«<:"'>»/J"f'^«^^i,S^ed  to  the  i^^rtingidu.onTtions 

**A?rrLrt  interval,  Charles,  turning  ^.^^ajiS' h!^"  K  the'v^^^^ 
deep  respect,  stood  awaiting  his  commands  thus  ad^e^^^  ^^^^^ 

possessions  which  are  now  bestowed  on  ?""  *'*^r",ore;  when  they  come  as 
U.ld  be  abundant  cause  for  f  ^tHud^  How  "  "«n^n^^«4  ,  the  debt,  I 
a  free  gift,  in  the  lifetime  of  your  fa*f  L5"^,e  yo^  ^^^^^  your  sub- 
shaU  consider  it  all  repaid,  if  y«V»nyomnVendannot  censure  me  for  the 
jects.    So  rule  over  them  tl^t  men  ^^f  comm^'J^  and  ^^^^  ^^  _  . 

^r  i^WlK  r^'^n^^ur  rgdom'  wt^the  same  good  will  with  winch  1 

now  resign  mine  to  you. '  a-^^t.^  xumM  have  thrown  himself  at  his 

As  he*  ceased,  Ptnlm,  m"*,  f^M'^Jo  aU  in  hU  power  to  merit  such 

father'sfeet  assuring  him  of  his. ntenton  to  a^^^^^  ^j^il^  ^^^ 

goodness  ;  U  Charles,  rais"  g  h>s  ^^' */"o*7eve,    the  most  stoical,  was 
lears  flowed  fast  down  his  '^heekf     Every  on^,  e^^n  i  ^^^_^^_ 

touched  by  this  affecting  fTlhlhall  b.it  ^bsS  m-suppressed  moans." 
"was  to  be  heard  throughout  the  hall  I"  t  ^s  a^Q         ^1  ^j^  ,^^t; 

SSiSSMn'js:  tt^el^l^^  on  his  j^opf.  "  God  h.ess 

himself  in  French,  briefly  to'*  the  dep'  t,es  o^th^^^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^ 

Sr^'KiKrSw'hiKetirt'hr^TU  be  done  for  him 

by  the  bishop  of  Arras. 


.  The  speech  Ib  given,  with  «"fflfient  con- 
formity, by  two  of  the  personB  ^^ho  heard  it^ 
-a  Flemish  writer,  whose  MS..  P^esefvedlu 
thf  Archives  du  Koyaume.  has  lately  oeen 
p'u'bhthell'by  GacharX  in  t^^  Analectes  Be  g. 
Sues  CP.  «7),  and  Sir  John  Mason,  the  Bntisn 

2  nlstSr  at  the  court  of  Ch^'^f^^^^^^t 
scribes  the  whole  ceremony  ma  commun.ca 
tion  to  his  government  (The  Order  of  tne 
Cession  of  the  Low  Countries  to  the  King  8 
mSv  MS  )  The  historian  Sanduval  also 
SJiT  a  ful  report  of  the  speech,  on  the 
fu^'rity  o/oTe^ho  beard  it.  HiBtonade^a 
Vidu  y  Hechoe  del  Emperador  Carlos  V.  (Am 
b.res.  168l).tom.  ii.  p.  699-  .^^  i;  ^n 

^  Smdovii.  Hist,  de  Carlos  V..  ton.- «•  PP- 
607-fi99.-Letl,  Vita  de^Catohco  He  t.lippo 
U.  (Coligni,  1679).  torn.  i.  pp.  240-242.->  era 


V  Flgueroa.  Epitome  de  la  Vlda  7  Hechos  del 
fnviS*  Emperador  Carlos  Quinto  (Madrid, 
STdd  119.  120.-Sir  John  Mason  thus 
IScrVs^ihe  affecting  scene:  "And  here  he 

bXl^ti  a  weeping!  -h^'^e<|«f^.  ^«t''w«^ 
Hr»ipfiilnes8  of  the  matter,  I  thmfc  he  >^as 
mich  provoked  by  seeing  the  whole  company 
S  do  the  like  before,  being,  in  mine  opm.on, 
tTot  one  man  in  the  whole  assembly,  stranger 
or  other  that  during  the  time  of  a  good  piece 
SSTrkSn^oured^otoutabui^antlyt^^^^ 
Rome  more,  bome  less.    And  yet  he  prayed 
S  to  bear  with  his  Imperfection,  proceeding 
of  Sckly  age,  and  of  the  mentiouu.g  of  so 
Sender  a  mftt'er  as  the  departing  from^  such  a 
sort  of  dear  and  most  loving  subjects.       1  he 
Order  of  the V'ssion  of  the  Low  Countries  to 
the  King's  Majesty,  MS. 


8 


ABDICATION  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 


IM 


This  was  Antony  Perennot,  better  known  as  Cardinal  Gi-anvelle,  son  of  the 
famous  minister  of  Cliarles  the  Fifth,  and  destined  Inmself  to  a  still  hip;her 
celebrity  as  the  minister  of  Philip  the  Second.  In  clear  and  tiuent  lansua^re, 
he  gave  the  deputies  the  promise  of  their  new  soverei^i  to  respect  the  laws 
and  liberties  of  the  nation ;  invoking  them,  on  his  behalf,  to  aid  him  with 
their  counsels,  and,  like  loyal  vassals,  to  maintain  the  authority  of  the  law  in 
his  dominions.  After  a  suitable  response  from  the  deputies,  tilled  with  senti- 
ments of  regret  for  the  loss  of  their  late  monarch  and  with  those  of  loyalty  to 
tlieir  new  one,  the  Regent  Mary  formally  abdicated  her  authority,  and  the 
session  closed.  So  ended  a  ceremony  which,  considering  the  importance  of  its 
consequences,  the  character  of  the  actors,  and  the  solemnity  of  the  proceed- 
ini?s,  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  in  history.  That  the  crown  of  the  monarch 
is  lined  with  thorns,  is  a  trite  maxim ;  and  it  requires  no  philosophy  to  teach 
us  that  happiness  does  not  depend  on  station.  Yet,  numerous  as  are  the 
instances  of  those  who  have  waded  to  a  throne  through  seas  of  blood,  there 
are  but  few  who,  when  they  have  once  tasted  the  sweets  of  sovereignty,  have 
been  content  to  resign  them  ;  still  fewer  who,  when  they  have  done  so,  have 
had  the  philosophy  to  conform  to  their  change  of  condition  and  not  to  repent 
it.    Charles,  as  the  event  proved,  was  one  of  these  few.  ,    -  ,    „      •  u 

On  the  sixteenth  day  of  J  anuary,  1556,  in  the  presence  of  such  of  the  ^panish 
nobility  as  were  at  the  court,  he  executed  the  deeds  by  which  he  ceded  the 
sovereignty  of  Castile  and  Aragon,  with  their  dependencies,  to  Philip." 

The  Ust  act  that  remained  for  him  to  perform  was  to  resign  the  crown  of 
Germany  in  favour  of  his  brother  Ferdinand.  But  this  he  consented  to  defer 
for  some  time  longer,  at  the  request  of  Ferdinand  himself,  who  wished  to 
prepare  the  minds  of  the  electoral  college  for  this  unexpected  transfer  of  the 
imperial  sceptre.  But,  while  Charles  consented  to  retain  for  the  present  the 
title  of  Emperor,  the  real  power  and  the  burden  of  sovereignty  would  remain 

with  Ferdinand.*  ^  ,  ,    ^-r  .1     i     j    ^i.    i  *-n    * 

At  the  time  of  abdicating  the  throne  of  the  Netherlands,  Charles  was  still  at 
war  with  France.  He  had  endeavoured  to  negotiate  a  permanent  peace  with 
that  country ;  and,  although  he  failed  in  this,  he  had  the  satisfaction,  on  the 
fifth  of  February,  1556,  to  arrange  a  truce  for  five  years,  which  left  both  powers 
in  the  possession  of  their  respective  conquests.  In  the  existing  state  of  these 
conquests,  the  truce  was  by  no  means  favourable  to  Spain.  But  Charles  would 
have  made  even  larger  concessions,  rather  than  leave  the  legacy  of  a  war  to 
his  less  experienced  successor.  , .  ,    ^,  .  r  1 

Having  thus  completed  all  his  arrangements,  by  which  the  most  powerful 
prince  of  Europe  descended  to  the  rank  of  a  private  gentleman,  Charles  had 
no  longer  reason  to  defer  his  departure,  and  he  proceeded  to  the  place  of 
embarkation.  He  was  accompanied  by  a  train  of  Flemish  courtiers,  and  by 
the  foreign  ambassadors,  to  the  latter  of  whom  he  warmly  commended  the 
interests  of  his  son.  A  fleet  of  fifty-six  sail  was  riding  at  anchor  in  the  port 
of  Flushing,  ready  to  transport  him  and  his  retinue  to  Spam.  From  the 
imperial  household,  consisting  of  seven  hundred  and  sixty-two  persons,  he 

*  The  date  of  this  renunciation  is  also  a  vhich,  as  King  of  the  Romans,  he  had  to  the 
subject  of  disagreement  among  contemporary 
historians,  although  it  would  seem  to  be 
setthxl  by  the  date  of  the  instrument  itself, 
wliicli  is  published  by  Sandoval,  in  his  Hist, 
de  Carlos  V.,  torn.  ii.  pp.  003-606. 

'  Lanz,  Corrcspondenz  des  Kaisers  Karl  V., 
B.  iii.  s.  708. — Five  ytars  before  this  period 
Charles  had  endeuvoure*!  to  persuade  Ferdi- 
nand to  relinquish  to  Philip  the  preUnsions 


empire.  This  negotiation  failed,  as  might 
have  been  exppct^d.  Ferdinand  was  not 
weary  of  the  w«>rld ;  and  Charles  could  offer 
no  bribe  large  enough  to  buy  off  an  empire. 
See  the  account  given  by  Marillac,  ap.  Hau- 
mer.  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Centuries 
(London,  1835,  Eiig.  trans.),  vol.  i.  p.  28  et 
seq. 


HIS  RETURN  TO  SPAIN. 


0 


^1 


ly 


i 


• 


I 


selected  a  hundred  and  fifty  as  his  escort ;  and  accompanied  by  his  sisters, 
after  taking  an  atiectionate  farewell  of  Phihp.  whose  atlairs  detained  him  in 
Flanders,  on  the  seventeenth  of  September  ne  sailed  from  the  harbour  of 
Flushing, 

The  passage  was  a  boisterous  one ;  and  Charles,  who  suffered  greatly  from 
his  old  enenjv  the  gout,  landed,  in  a  feeble  state,  at  Laredo,  in  Biscay,  on  the 
twenty-eighth  of  the  month.  Scarcely  had  he  left  the  vessel  when  a  storm  fell 
with  fury  on  the  fleet  and  did  some  mischief  to  the  shipping  in  the  harbour. 
The  pious  Spaniard  saw  in  this  the  finger  of  Providence,  which  had  allowed 
no  harm  to  the  squadron  till  its  royal  freight  had  been  brought  safely  to  the 
shore.'" 

On  landing,  Charles  complained,  and  with  some  reason,  of  the  scanty  pre- 
parations that  had  been  made  for  him.  Philip  had  written  several  times  to 
nis  sister,  the  regent,  ordering  her  to  have  everything  ready  for  the  emperor 
on  his  arrival."  Joanna  had  accordingly  issued  her  orders  to  that  ettect.  But 
promptness  and  punctuality  are  not  virtues  of  the  Spaniard.  Some  apology 
may  be  found  for  their  deficiency  in  the  present  instance  ;  as  Charles  himself 
had  so  often  postponed  his  departure  from  the  Low  Countries  that,  when  he 
did  come,  the  people  were,  in  a  manner,  taken  by  surprise.  That  the  neglect 
was  not  intentional  is  evident  from  their  subsequent  conduct." 

Charle=5,  whose  weakness  compelled  him  to  be  borne  in  a  litter,  was  greeted 
everywhere  on  the  road  like  a  sovereign  returning  to  his  dominions.  At 
Burgos,  which  he  entered  amidst  the  ringing  of  bells  and  a  general  illumination 
of  the  town,  he  passed  three  days,  experiencing  the  hospitalities  of  the  great 
constable,  and  receiving  the  homage  of  the  northern  lords,  as  well  as  of  the 
people,  who  thronged  the  route  by  which  he  was  to  pass.  At  Torquemada, 
among  those  who  came  to  pay  their  respects  to  their  former  master  was  Gasca, 
the  good  president  of  Peru.  He  had  been  sent  to  America  to  snp[)ress  the 
insurrection  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  restore  tranquillity  to  the  country.  In 
the  execution  of  this  dehcate  mission  he  succeeded  so  well  that  the  emperor, 
on  his  return,  had  raised  him  to  the  see  of  Plasencia ;  and  the  excellent  man 
now  lived  in  his  diocese,  where,  in  the  peaceful  discharge  of  his  episcopal 
functions,  he  probably  enjoyed  far  greater  contentment  than  he  could  have 
derived  from  the  dazzling' but  diflicult  post  of  an  American  viceroy. 

From  Torquemada,  Charles  slowly  proceeded  to  Valladolid,  where  his 
da  ighter,  the  Regent  Joanna,  was  then  holding  her  court.  Preparations  were 
made  for  receiving  him  in  a  manner  suited  to  nis  former  rank.  But  Charles 
positively  declinecl  these  honours,  reserving  them  for  his  two  sisters,  the  queens 
of  France  and  Hungary,  who  accordingly  made  their  entrance  into  the  capital 
in  great  state,  on  the  day  following  that  on  which  their  royal  brother  had 
entered  it  with  the  simplicity  of  a  private  citizen. 


'°  "  Favor  sin  dud  i  del  Cielo,"  says  Sandoval, 
who  gives  quite  a  miraculous  air  to  the  event 
by  aMding  that  the  emperor's  vessel  encoun- 
tfred  the  brunt  of  the  storm  and  foundered  in 
port.  (Hist,  de  Carlos  V.  tom.  ii.  p.  607.) 
But  this  and  some  other  p.irtictilars  told  by 
the  histori'in  of  Charles's  landing,  un^n- 
tirmed  as  they  are  by  a  single  eye-witucss, 
may  be  reckoned  among  the  myths  of  the 
voyage. 

"  The  last  of  Philip's  letters,  dated  Sep- 
tember 8th,  is  given  entire  in  the  MS.  of  Don 
Tomas  Gonzales  (Retiro,  Estancia,  y  Muerte 
del  Kmperador  Carlos  Quinto  en  el  Monaste- 


rio  de  Yuste),  which  forms  the  basis  of  Mig- 
nei's  interesting  account  of  Charles  the  Fifth. 
'*  Among  other  disappointments  was  that 
of  not  reviving  four  thousand  ducats  which 
Joanna  had  ordered  to  be  placed  at  the  em- 
peror's disposition  on  his  landing.  This 
ap[»ears  from  a  letter  of  the  emperor's  seire- 
tary,  Gaztelu,  to  Vazquez  de  Molina,  October 
6th,  1556 :  "El  emper.idor  tovo  por  cierto  que 
llegado  aqui,  hallaria  los  cuatro  mil  ducados 
que  el  rey  le  dijo  habia  manda  lo  prove^r,  y 
visto  que  no  se  .'la  hecho,  m"  ha  mandado  io 
escribiese  luego  d  Vuestra  Merced,  p.nra  que 
se  baya,  porque  son  mucho  menester."    MS. 


til. 


10  ABDICATION  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 

Wp  remained  here  some  days,  in  order  to  recover  from  the  fatigue  of  his 
•  I  o^ri  aUhnmrh  he  took  no  part  in  the  festivities  of  the  court,  he  gave 
i'SS  toKS^^^^^^  such  of  the  CastiHan  grandees  as  we^^^ 

eacrer  to  re^^^^^^         their  obeisance.   At  the  court  he  had  also  the  opportunity 
%einVh^ ^Tan^^^^    Carlos,  the  heir  of  the  monarchy  ;  and  his  J^ck  eye,  i 
i!  said'fn  thlk  short  time  saw  eno.igh  in  the  prmce's  deportment  to  faU  hun 

with  ominous  forebodings.  ,  ,  ,  •  ir«no^^i,M  ^nn'ria  which  time 
Oharle^  nrolonced  his  stay  fourteen  days  ni  Valladolid,  dunng  wmcn  ume 
his  Kith  wTmuch  benefited  by  the  purity  and  the  dryness  of  the  atmo- 
^Lrf  On  Ws  dTparture^  his  ro^^al  sislers  would  have  borne  hjm  company 
and  even  have  fixed  their  permanent  residence  near  his  own.  But  ^  this  ne 
woild  not  c^  and,Uing  a  tender  fareweU  ^f  ^l^ilm'ed 

family  —as  one  who  was  never  to  behold  them  again,— he  resumea  "is  journey. 
He  took  with  Mm  a  number  of  foUowers,  mostly  menials,  to  wait  on  his 

^^The  place  he  had  chosen  for  his  retreat  was  the  monastery  of  Yuste,  in  the 
province  of  Estremadura,  not  many  miles  from  Plasencia.  On  his  way  thither 
E^hXd  near  Uii  ee  nionths  at  JarandiUa,  the  residence  of  the  count  of 
Orope^  wS^^  completion  of 'some  repairs  that  were  going  on 

^rt?.P  nioS?v  as  well  as  for  the  remittance  of  a  considerable  sura  of 

iUey,Xf  "e^wa'dl^^  This  ^e  -^J^^ttof tC^^^ 

thP  arrears  due  to  some  of  his  o  d  retainers  ;  and  the  failure  of  the  remiiiance 
has  br^Sit  some  oWo(m  on  Philip,  who  could  so  soon  show  himself  un- 
mi  uM  hroblig^^^^^^^^  to  his  father.  But  the  blame  should  mther  be 
charSd  on  Philii?  ministers  than  on  Philip,  absent  as  he  was  ft  that  time 
She^untr;%nd  incapable  of  taking  personal  co|j.izance  of  Jhe  matter 
Punctuality  in  his  i)ecuniary  engagements  was  a  virtue^^^^^ 
fharlps  nor  Philio— the  masters  of  the  Indies— could  at  any  time  lay  ciaim. 
B^TtLS^mi^Znoiv^rsimony,  or  even  inditterence,  on  the  part  of  the 
httU  fn  ll?  rda^^^^^  his  father,  is  fully  disproved  by  the  subsequent 

history  of  that  monarch  at  the  convent  of  Yuste. 

This  place  had  attracted  his  eye  many  years  before,  when  on  a  visit  to  that 
part  of  the  country,  and  he  had  marked  it  for  his  future  residence.  The 
convent  was  tenanted  by  monks  of  the  strictest  order  of  Saint  Jerome  But, 
hXer  stricTin  their  Lnastic  rule,  the  good  ^'-^thm  showed  i^^^^  m 

the  selection  of  their  ground,  as  well  a.s  m  the  embellishment  o^^^^^^^  alon^  ^the 
a  wild  romantic  country,  embosomed  among  hills  that  stretch  along  tne 
Lrthem  coiXes  of  Estremadura.  The  buirding,  which  was  of  great  an- 
ii^^^iityVdE  surrounded  by  its  inmates  with  cultivated  gardens,  and  with 
^roveJ  of  orange  lemon,  and  myrtle,  whose  fragrance  was  tempered  by  the 
fefr^iing  cXss  7?he  wate^         gushed  forth  in  abundance  from  the 

"  Sandoval  makes  no  allusion  to  the  anair, 
whih  rests  on  the  r.  port  of  Strada  (l)e 
liello  Bolgico  (Antv.  rpia",  1640),  torn.  i.  p.  12) 
and  of  Cabrera,— the  latter,  as  one  of  the 
n)yal  household  and  the  historiograph'  r  of 
C.u«tile,  by  far  the  best  autJiority.  In  th-i 
narration  he  does  not  spare  his  master  :  "  Kn 
JarandiUa ameno  lugar  del  Conde  de  Oropesa, 
ispero  treinta  dias  treinta  mil  e^cudos  con 
qui  pagar  y  dispedir  sus  criados  que  llegaron 
c  Ml  tarda  provision  y  mano:  terrible  tenta- 
cion  |«ira  no  dar  todo  su  aver  antes  de  la 
muerte."  Filipe  Segundo  Rey  de  Ef^pana 
(Madrid,  1619).  lib.  il.  cap.  11.— Tlie  letters 
from  JarandiUa  at  this  time  show  the  embar- 


BIRTH  OF  PHILIP  THE  SECOND. 


11 


rassraents  under  which  the  emperor  laboured 
from  want  of  funds.  His  exchequer  was  so 
low,  indeed,  that  on  one  occasion  he  was 
obliged  to  borrow  a  hundred  reals  for  bus 
ordinary  expenses  from  his  major-domo: 
"lx)s  ultlmos  dos  mil  ducados  que  truj..  el 
criado  de  Hernando  Ochoa  se  ban  acabo.  por- 
que  cuando  Uegiron,  se  debian  ya  la  mitad. 
de  manera  que  no  tenemos  un  real  para  el 
gasto  ordinario,  que  para  socorrer  hoy  he 
dado  yo  cien  reales,  ni  ee  sabe  de  donde  hab.'r- 
lo  "  Carta  de  Luis  Quixada  li  Juan  Vazquez, 
ap  fiachard,  Retraite  et  Mort  de  Charles- 
Quint  (Bruxelles,  1554),  torn.  i.  p.  76. 


J' 


\- 


1 


DMetian  to  turn  with  contentment  from  t!;e  «ires  »«  a"  «™P"^„t»,*Xe 

l^^^^A  i^^mr^rsr  pr^xs^'s  silbi^roi 

the  present  history. 


CHAPTER  II. 


EARLY  DAYS  OF  PHILIP. 


%^xKr.'.".^7^^^-^i"w^^^^^^^^^^ 


1627-1651. 


PH.UP  TH.  SKC0K» -^born  at  V^^^^^^^^  TeI^A'^^^^I 

?'%"»  RvhUathe^he  wS  dSSd  f rofn  the  ducal  houses  of  Burmmdy 
^"^^'A^'Vu^Mvh^th  father  and  mother  he  claimed  a  descent  from  Fcrduiand 
IndtSu;  tlfe'&hdrof  Spai--  As  hy  blood  he  wa.  half  a  Spaniard,  so 
S^UT,Sl.e„tandc^r^ter  hep™^^  ,„^  ^,^^^,^^  by 

infant  received  the  name  of  Phihp,  ^"?f,^7  P^^^  i„j  Jted  to  his  union  with 
?^';:!ST"e«;3etr"r5S5i:l!l^  toiy  secured  him  a  place  in  the 
line  of  Castihan  sovereigns.  ^a^iificent  an  empire-was  hailed  with 

be  Injustice  to  him  ^  b W^^I^*  ^^^^^^^  M  Xevenf  ^he  could Vdly 

at  the  manner  m  which  t  «^/"  S^''j  ._f '  ^  as  to  toke  the  present 

l^xUto^of 'ttr  0%??   Td"*^^^^^^^  disappointment  an 


I 


<^l 


It   1 

1  •    I 

i 

I 
t 


12 


EARLY  DAYS  OF  PHILIP. 


uncomfortable  augury  that  the  reign  of  the  young  prince  boded  no  good  to  the 

Catholic  religion.'  .      ,  ^    ..,    i    i  ^     -i. 

It  was  not  long,  however,  before  the  people  of  Castile  had  an  opportunity 
for  the  full  display  of  their  enthusiasm,  on  the  occasion  of  Philip's  recognition 
as  riiibtful  heir  to  the  crown.  The  ceremony  was  conducted  with  great  pomp 
and  splendour  in  the  cortes  at  Madrid,  on  the  nineteenth  of  April,  1528,  when 
he  was  but  eleven  months  old.  The  prince  was  borne  in  the  arms  of  his 
mother,  who,  with  the  emperor,  was  present  on  the  occasion  ;  while  the  nobles, 
the  clergv,  and  the  commons  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  royal  infant, 
as  successor  to  the  crown  of  Castile.  The  act  of  homage  was  no  sooner 
published  than  the  nation,  as  if  by  way  of  compensation  for  the  mst,  aban- 
doned itself  to  a  general  jubilee.  Illuminations  and  bonfires  were  lighted  up 
in  all  the  towns  and  villages;  while  everywhere  were  to  be  seen  dancing, 
bull-fights,  tilts  of  reeds,  and  the  other  national  games  of  tliat  chivakous  and 

romantic  land.  ,  ^      r  i  •    r 

Soon  after  this,  Charles  was  called  by  his  affairs  to  other  parts  of  his  far- 
extended  empire,  and  he  left  his  infant  son  to  the  care  of  a  Portuguese  lady, 
Dona  Leonor  Mascarenas,  or  rather  to  that  of  the  Empress  Isabella,  m  whose 
prudence  and  maternal  watchfulness  he  could  safely  confide.  On  the  emperor's 
return  to  Spain,  when  his  son  was  hardly  seven  years  old,  he  formed  for  hmi 
a  separate  establishment,  and  selected  two  persons  for  the  responsible  office  of 
superintending  his  education.' 

One  of  these  personages  was  Juan  Martinez  Siliceo,  at  that  time  professor 
m  the  College  of  Salamanca.  He  was  a  man  of  piety  and  learning,  of  an 
accommodating  temper,— too  accommodating,  it  api)ears  from  some  of  Charles's 
letters,  for  the  goott  of  his  pupil,  though  not,  as  it  would  seem,  for  his  own 
good,  since  he  fi3und  such  favour  with  the  prince  that,  from  an  humble 
ecclesiastic,  he  was  subsequently  preferjed  to  the  highest  dignities  of  the 

Church.  .  11, 

Under  him,  Philip  was  instructed  in  the  ancient  classics,  and  made  such 
progress  in  Latin  that  he  could  write  it,  and  did  write  it  frequently  in  after- 
life, with  ease  and  correctness.  He  studied,  also,  Italian  and  French.  He 
seems  to  have  had  little  knowledge  of  the  former,  but  French  he  could  speak 
indifferently  well,  though  he  was  rarely  inclined  to  venture  bevond  his  own 
tongue.  He  showed  a  more  decided  taste  for  science,  especially  the  mathe- 
matics. He  made  a  careful  study  of  the  principles  of  architecture  ;  and  the 
fruits  of  this  study  are  to  be  seeii  in  some  of  the  noblest  monuments  erected 
in  that  flourishing  period  of  the  arts.  In  sculpture  and  painting  he  also 
made  some  proficiency,  and  became  in  later  life  no  contemptible  critic,— at 
least  for  a  sovereign.  tn       x         i 

The  other  functionary  charged  with  Philip's  education  was  Don  Juan  de 


•  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segimdo,  lib.  i.  cap.  1.— 
Vanderhammen,  Don  Felipe  el  Pruciente 
(Madrid,  1625).  p.  1.— Breve  (  onipendio  de  la 
Vida  privada  del  Rey  D.  Felipe  Segiindo 
atribuidoji  Pedro  Mateo  Coronista  mayor  del 
Pteyno  de  Francia,  MS.— I^ti,  Vita  dl  Filippo 
II.,  torn.  i.  p.  69  et  seq.— "  Andauano  sussu- 
rando  per  le  strade,  cauando  da  questa  proihi- 
tione  di  solenuita  pronostici  di  cattivi  augurii ; 
g\\  vni  diceuano,  che  questo  Prencipe  donnua 
esser  catisa  di  gra'idi  afflittione  alia  Chiesu ; 
gii  altri;  Clie  cominciarido  a  nascere  colle 
ten'^bre,  non  poteua  portar  clie  ombra  ulla 
Spagna."    liCii,  Vita  di  Filippo  II.,  torn.  i. 


*»  Letl,  Vita  di  Filippo  II.,  torn.  1.  p.  74.— 
Noticia  de  los  Ayos  y  Maestros  de  Felipe 
Seguiido  y  Carlos  8u  Hijo,  MS — "  Kt  passo  i 
primi  anni  et  la  luagpior  parte  dell'  eta  sua  in 
quel  regno,  onde  per  usanza  del  paese,  et  per 
la  volonta  della  madre  che  era  di  Portogalio 
fu  allevato  con  quella  riputatione  et  con  quel 
rispetioche  parea  conveuirsi  ad  un  figliuolo 
del  raaggior  Imperatore  che  fosse  mai  fra 
Christiani."  Relatione  di  Spagna  del  Cava- 
li»re  Michele  Soriouo,  Ambasciature  al  Ke 
Filipo,  MS. 


HIS  EDUCATION. 


13 


thm"zu.nga  to  instruct  his  pupil  in  tW  duties  belonging  to  l"s  '^^1  «t^«°"^ 

times  for  the  taste  of  his  pupil.    Charles,  ^\llOunaelSlooutuc 
Zufiiga,  wrote  to  his  son  to  honour  and  to  cherish  him        "  ^l^.^^tS^^^^ 
w"h |ou,"  he  said  " it  is  for  the  love  he  beai.  you.    ^^^l^^^^^  fl^f.^ 
and  be  only  solicitous  of  nnnisteung  to  your  wisnes, '«;"""  ,  —and 

?est  of  the  ^orld,  and  you  would  hav«  no  one  n^r  totell  yo^i  the^^^^^^^^ 

:'^  rroP  ^^^'^rt^Il^a^on^  rrUVW  the  «e  to 
%'nder  the  influence  of  these  teachers,  af  still  more  of  the  circums^^^^ 

y^^^^te^peKSiS«:&-i 

iautious  and  reserved  in  his  {^"^^^^^V^' ^"^  ^^^!^„^J  KdidL  discover  that 

»„!:nt\^'^ni:?W;=^|^^^^^ 

of  melancholy.    He  was  self-possessed,  so  that  even  as  a  Doy  ne  wc«>         j 

^Xftiaretd^^^^^ 

¥oil'dt«Khl'\=p^^^^ 

her  CO  d  remains  before  they  were  consigned  .^^  ^he  sepulcme     j^Pf  j       .^^. 

^ltwt%tslrr"Klm4lt        h-band.    She  was  awoman^ 

f  ro^^  ac'ounrB,  possessed  of  many  ^gh  and  genmu^^^^^^^ 

her  fortitude  that  at  the  time  o  her  <»»«"«"«»*  P«  ^f  "£«  »  weakness, 


'  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  i.  cap.  1.— 
Leti.  Vita  di  Fil  ppo  II.,  torn.  i.  P-  ?\T 
Noticia  de  los  Ayos,  MS.-Relaiume  di  Mi- 
chele  Soriano,  MS.-Rclntione  di  Fedenco  Ba- 
doaro,  MS. -Charles's  letter,  of  which  I  have 
a  manuscript  copy,  has  ken  published  in  the 


Semlnario  erudito  (Madrid,  1788),  torn.  xiv. 

p.  156,  et  seq.  j     m,  s  „«„  i 

^  *  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  »•  caP- 1- 

»  Florez.  Memoriasde  las  Reynas  Catholics 
(Madrid,  1770),  torn.  li.  p.  869. 


11 


III 


U  EARLY  DAYS  OF  PHILIP. 

feminine  virtues.  The  palace,  under  her  rule,  became  a  school  of  industry. 
Instead  of  wasting  her  leisure  hours  in  frivolous  pleasures,  she  might  be  seen 
busily  occupied,  with  her  maidens,  in  the  elegant  labours  of  the  loom  ;  and, 
like  her  ancestor,  the  good  Queen  Isabella  the  Catholic,  she  sent  more  than 
one  piece  of  tapestry,  worked  by  her  own  hands,  to  adorn  the  altars  ot 
Jeru^lem.  These  excellent  qualities  were  enhanced  by  manners  so  attractive 
that  her  effigy  was  struck  on  a  medal,  with  a  device  of  the  three  Graces  on  the 
reverse  side,  bearing  the  motto,  Has  hahet  et  superat.^      ,    ^i      /^    i 

Isabella  was  but  thirty-six  years  old  at  the  time  of  her  death.  Charles  was 
not  forty.  He  never  married  again.  Yet  the  bereavement  seems  to  have  had 
little  power  to  soften  his  nature,  or  incline  him  to  chanty  for  the  misconduct 
or  compassion  for  the  misfortunes  of  others.  It  was  but  a  few  months  after 
the  death  of  his  wife  that,  on  occasion  of  the  insurrection  of  Ghent,  he  sought 
a  passage  through  the  territory  of  his  ancient  enemy  of  France,  descended  on 
the  offending  city,  and  took  such  vengeance  on  its  wretched  inhabitants  as 
made  all  Europe  ring  with  his  cruelty.'  ,    .  •  ^    ^.       *  *u 

Philip  was  too  young  at  this  time  to  take  part  in  the  administration  of  the 
kingdom  during  his  father's  absence.  But  he  was  surrounded  by  able  states- 
men, who  familiarized  him  with  ideas  of  government,  by  admitting  him  to  see 
the  workings  of  the  machinery  which  he  was  one  day  to  direct.  Charles  was 
desirous  that  the  attention  of  his  son,  even  in  boyhood,  should  be  turned  to 
those  affairs  which  were  to  form  the  great  business  of  his  future  life.  It  seems 
even  thus  early— at  this  period  of  mental  depression— the  emperor  cherished 
the  plan  of  anticipating  the  natural  consequence  of  his  decease,  by  resigning 
his  dominions  into  the  hands  of  Philip  so  soon  as  he  should  be  qualified  to 

rule  them.  , «     .     ,    .      ^,  j 

No  event  occurred  to  disturb  the  tranquillity  of  Spam  dunng  the  emperor  s 
absence  from  that  country,  to  which  he  returned  in  the  winter  of  1541.  It 
was  after  his  disastrous  expedition  against  Algiers,— the  most  disastrous  of 
any  that  he  had  vet  undertaken.  He  there  saw  his  navy  sunk  or  scattered 
by  the  tempest,  and  was  fortunate  in  finding  a  shelter,  with  its  shattered 
remnants,  in  the  port  of  Carthagena.  Soon  after  landing,  he  received  a  letter 
from  Philip,  condoling  with  him  on  his  losses,  and  striving  to  cheer  him  with 
the  rertection  that  they  had  been  caused  by  the  elements,  not  by  his  enemies^ 
With  this  tone  of  philosophy  were  mingled  expressions  of  sympathy ;  and 
Charles  may  have  been  gratified  with  the  epistle,— if  he  could  believe  it  the 
composition  of  his  son."  Philip  soon  after  this  made  a  journey  to  the  south  ; 
and  in  the  society  of  one  who  was  now  the  chief  object  of  his  affections  the 
emperor  may  have  found  the  best  consolation  in  his  misfortunes. 

The  French  had  availed  themselves  of  the  troubled  state  of  Charles's  affairs 
to  make  a  descent  upon  Roussillon  ;  and  the  dauphin  now  lay  in  some  strength 
before  the  gates  of  Perpignan.  The  emperor  considered  this  a  favourable 
moment  for  Philip  to  take  his  first  lesson  in  war.  The  prince  accordingly 
posted  to  Valladohd.  A  considerable  force  was  quickly  mustered  ;  and  Philip, 
taking  the  command,  and  supported  by  some  of  the  most  experienced  of  his 
father's  generals,  descended  rapidly  towards  the  coast.  But  the  dauphin  did 
not  care  to  wait  for  his  approach  ;  and,  breaking  up  his  camp,  he  retrented, 
without  striking  a  blow,  m  all  haste,  across  the  mountains.  Philip  entered 
the  town  in  triumph,  and  soon  after  returned,  with  the  unstained  laurels  of 
victory,  to  receive  his  father's  congratulations.    The  promptness  of  his  move- 

•  Florez,  Memorias  de  laa  R»'yna8  Catbo-  torn.  ii.  p.  285. 
llcas,  torn.  li.  p.  877.  '  The   letter  is  given  by  Cabrera,  Fllipe 

'  "Tomo  la  posta  vpptido  en  Into  come  Segpiiido,  lib.  i.  cap.  2. 
viudo,"  says  Sandoval,  Hist,  de  Carlos  (juinto, 


HIS  EDUCATION. 


15 


ments  on  this  occasion  gained  him  credit  with  the  Spaniards  ;  and  the  fortu- 
carr/ing  on  his  rest'^ss  enterpnses,  and  that  he^^y^^^^^  he  fntrusted  the 

mmrmssmm 

ad,l; W  %lfXlltev,TtheSCl  associated  with  him  in  the  govern- 

rr';Fhi'Tett:wfa\i^^ 

if  all ;  but  lean  exclus.vefy  on  none.    I^ /^»^™^^f  ^^ '^lo^^^ 

sSeVrd-xrcob^'otS'^^^^^^^^ 

^monishing  Philip  of  t'^f  co-'^l'-^"^/,  Im  t  Ce  tee^  gro'  "d  for 
tells  him,  to  both  soul  and  body.  .  There  seems  to  f  J?  ~fti°°"to%iia„try, 
this  admonition,  as  the  y?™g  f  ,"Jf  "J^lf  r?he\Wsays  the  mouari 
which  d  d  not  desert  hun  m  later  life.  Y  et, »"  ™e  ■"""'^  vihaviour  But 
"I  will  admit  I  have  much  reason  to  be  sahsfied  ^^^y^^^^^^^T'^-^.^^y 
I  would  have  you  Perfect ;  and,  to  peak  f.ankl^,^^^^^^^^^ 
tell  you,  you  have  some  thnigs  to  m?nd  yet.  „  ;?"  ™°'r_t^  ^^ich  see  the 
"is'no;  your  »«  P>««Pto'' *^,^'t^P  £*  ^?Hel  a  good  >nln  "is  all  the 
worthy  professor  ^f. '^»;«^?*^JSr  care  o   yoiS  conscience  than  he 

S^ll    Sul*ielin«^|«^^^ 
success.  «    nu  1   ' 

J  ,-x.  «  ^««  o—  oQQetsea.— Breve  Compendio,  MS.— Charles  B 
^;,{^iTJ^I'X^r%]L'l-  rii~  »-.he  Seo.io.riJ'.rud.to.  «...  x.v.  p. 
Sandoval.  Hist,  de  Carlos  Quinto,  torn  U.  p.        156. 


16 


EARLY  DAYS  OF  PHILIP. 


MARRIES  MARY  OF  PORTUGAL. 


17 


The  letter  from  Palamos  is  one  among  many  similar  proofs  of  the  care  T^ith 
which, even  from  a  distance,  Chades  watched  over  his  ?«"« '""^'^^M  Jnn  sh  a 
voured  to  form  his  character.  The  experienced  navigator  ^ould  furnish  a 
cliart  to  the  youthful  pilot  bv  which,  without  other  aid,  he  might  «eci^rey  steer 
through  seas  strange  and  unknown  to  him.  Yet  there  was  little  danger  m  the 
navigltion,  at  this  period  ;  for  Spain  lay  in  a  Profound  tranquillity  unruffled 
by  a  breath  from  the  rude  tempest  that  in  other  parts  of  Europe  was  unsettling 

^^A^'nge  wil  t^^^^^^^  place  in  Philip's  domestic  relations  His  ma^^^^^^^^ 
ficent  expectations  made  him,  in  the  opinion  of  the  ^o^ld,  the  best  matc^^^^^ 
Europe.  His  father  had  long  contemplated  the  event  J^  ,^  f^^r  nf  FrS 
He  had  first  meditated  an  alliance  for  him  with  Margaret,  daughter  of  *  rancis 
the  First,  by  which  means  the  feud  with  his  ancient  rival  might  be  per- 
manently h4led.  But  Philip's  indination  was  turned  to  an  alliance  with 
Portugal  This  latter  was  finally  adopted  by  Charles  ;  and  m  ^^f  emto^^^^^^ 
Philip  wfus  betrotlied  to  the  Infanta  Mary,  daughter  of  John  the  Third  and  of 
Catharine,  the  emperor's  sister.  She  was,  consequently,  cousm-german  to 
Philip.  At  the  same  time,  Joanna,  Charles's  youngest  daughter,  was  athanced 
to  the  eldest  son  of  John  the  Third,  and  heir  to  his  crown.  The  mtejmarriages 
of  the  royal  houses  of  Castile  and  Portugal  were  so  frequent  that  the  several 
members  stood  in  multiplied  and  most  perplexmg  degrees  of  afflnity  with  one 

^Joanna  was  eight  years  younger  than  her  brother.  Charles  had  one  other 
chiRMary,  born  the  year  'after'PhiUp.  She  was  destined  to  a  more  splendid 
fortune  than  her  sister,  as  bride  of  tlie  future  emperor  of  Germany  Since 
Philip  and  the  Portuguese  princess  were  now  both  more  than  sixteen  Yfars  «ia, 
being  nearly  of  the  same  age,  it  was  resolved  that  their  damage  should  no 
longer  be  deferred.    The  place  appointed  for  the  ceremony  was  the  ancient 

^^'^L^Octob^ntis,  the  Portuguese  infanta  quitted  her  father's  palace  in 
Lisbon  and  set  out  for  Castile.  She  was  attended  by  a  numerous  tram  of 
nobles,  with  the  archbishop  of  Lisbon  at  their  head.  A  splendid  embassy^  as 
sent  to  meet  her  on  the  borders  and  conduct  her  to  Salamanca.  At  its  Head 
was  the  duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  chief  of  the  Guzmans,  the  wealthiest  and 
most  powerful  lord  in  Andalusia.  He  had  fitted  up  his  palace  at  Badajoz  in 
the  most  costly  and  sumptuous  style,  for  the  accommodation  of  the  Pnnc^ss 
The  hangings  were  of  cloth  of  gold ;  the  couches,  the  sidebmrds,  and  some  of 
the  other  furniture,  of  burnished  silver.  The  duke  hinjself  rode  ^  a^^rb 
litter,  and  the  mules  which  carried  it  were  shod  with  gold  The  members  of 
his  household  and  his  retainers  swelled  to  the  number  of  three  thousand  well 
mounted,  wearing  the  hveries  and  cognizance  of  their  master.  Among  them 
was  the  duke's  private  band,  including  several  natives  f^  the  Indies -the^^ 
not  a  familiar  sight  in  Spain, -displaying  on  their  breasts  ^^^^ad  sdver  e^^^^^^^^ 
cheons,  on  which  were  emblazoned  the  arms  of  the  Guzmans.  The  chronicler 
is  diffuse  in  his  account  of  the  infanta's  reception  from  ^^if^  a  few  par- 
ticulars  may  be  selected  for  such  as  take  an  interest  in  the  Spanish  costume 
and  manners  of  the  sixteenth  century.  r..iAAu 

The  infanta  was  five  months  younger  than  Philip.  She  was  of  the  middle 
size,  with  a  good  figure,  though  somewhat  incUned  to  embonpoint,  and  was 
distinguished  by  a  graceful  carriage  and  a  pleasing  expression  of  countenance 
Her  dress  was  of  cloth  of  silver,  embroidered  with  flowers  of  gold  She  wore  a 
capa,  or  Castilian  mantle,  of  violet-coloured  velvet,  figured  with  gold,  and  a 
hat  of  the  same  materials,  surmounted  by  a  white  and  azure  plume.    Ihe 


.'  .* 


J 


1 


housings  of  the  mule  were  of  rich  brocade,  and  Mary  rode  on  a  silver 

^As^she  approached  Salamanca,  she  was  met  by  the  rector  and  profes^rs  of 
the  university,  in  their  academic  gowns.  Next  followed  the  judges  and  re(j%- 
dores  of  the  city,  in  their  robes  of  office,  of  crimson  velvet,  with  hose  and 
shoes  of  spotless  white.  After  these  came  the  military, -horse  and  foot,— in 
their  several  companies,  making  a  brilhant  show  with  their  gay  uniforms ; 
and,  after  going  through  their  various  evolutions,  they  formed  into  an  escort 
for  the  princess.  In  this  way,  amidst  the  sound  of  the  music  and  the  shouts 
of  the  multitude,  the  glittering  pageant  entered  the  gates  of  the  capitel. 

The  infanta  was  there  received  under  a  superb  canopy,  supported  by  the 
magistrates  of  the  city.  The  late  ambassador  to  Portugal,  Don  Lms  bar- 
miento,  who  had  negotiated  the  marriage-treaty,  held  the  bndle  of  her  mule ; 
and  in  this  state  she  arrived  at  the  palace  of  the  duke  of  Alva,  destined  for 
her  reception  in  Salamanca.  Here  she  was  received  with  all  honour  by  the 
duchess,  in  the  presence  of  a  brilliant  company  of  cavaliers  and  noble  ladies. 
Each  of  the  ladies  was  graciously  permitted  by  the  mfanta  to  kiss  her  hand  ; 
but  the  duchess,  the  chronicler  is  careful  to  inform  us,  she  distinguished  by 

the  honour  of  an  embrace.  *  ^i     •  r    i.         i    ^.^  *^r^ 

All  the  while,  PhUip  had  been  in  the  presence  of  the  mfanta,  unknown  to 
herself  Impatient  to  see  his  destined  bride,  the  young  prince  had  sallied 
out,  with  a  few  attendants,  to  the  distance  of  five  or  six  mte  from  the  city, 
all  in  the  disguise  of  huntsmen.  He  wore  a  slouched  velvet  hat  on  his  head, 
and  his  face  was  effectually  concealed  under  a  gauze  mask,  so  that  he  could 
mingle  in  the  crowd  by  the  side  of  the  infanta  and  make  his  own  scrutiny, 
unnfarked  by  any  ona  In  this  way  he  accompanied  the  procession  during 
the  five  hours  which  it  lasted,  until  the  darkness  had  set  ^  ;  "  if  dar^ess 
could  be  spoken  of,"  says  the  chronicler,  "  where  the  blaze  of  ten  thousand 
torches  shed  a  Ught  stronger  than  day."  . 

The  following  evening,  November  the  twelfth,  was  appointed  for  the  mar- 
riage. The  duke  and  duchess  of  Alva  stood  as  sponsors,  and  the  nuptial 
cL^lmony  was  performed  by  Tavera,  archbishop  of  Toledo.  The  festivities 
were  prolonged  through  another  week.  The  saloons  were  filled  with  the 
beauty  of  Castile.  The  proudest  aristocracy  in  Europe  vied  with  each  other 
in  the  display  of  magnificence  at  the  banquet  and  the  tourney  ;,  and  sounds 
of  merriment  succeeded  to  the  tranquilUty  which  had  so  long  reigned  m  the 

cloistered  shades  of  Salamanca.  .  ,      •    ,. „r ^a  fV.^;r 

On  the  nineteenth  of  the  month  the  new-married  pair  transferred  their 
residence  to  Valladolid,— a  city  at  once  fortunate  and  fatal  to  the  pnnc^ss. 
Well  might  the  chronicler  call  it  "  fatal ; "  for  in  less  than  two  years,  July  8th, 
1545,  she  there  gave  birth  to  a  son,  the  celebrated  Don  Carlos,  whose  mj^ste- 
rious  fate  has  finished  so  fruitful  a  theme  for  speculation.  Mary  survived 
the  birth  of  her  child  but  a  few  days.  Had  her  life  b^n  spared,  a  mother  s 
care  might  perhaps  have  given  a  different  direction  to  his  character,  and, 
trough  this,^o^^^  fortunes.  The  remains  of  the  infanta,  first  deposited  m 
the  cathedral  of  Granada,  were  afterwards  removed  to  the  Esconal,  that  mag- 
nificent mausoleum  prepared  by  her  husband  for  the  royalty  of  bpain. 

In  the  following  y^ear^died  Tavera,  archbishop  of  Toledo     He  wa„s  an  excel- 
lent man,  and  greatly  valued  by  the  emperor ;  who  may  be  thought  to  have 


»•  Florez.  Reynas  Catholicas,  torn.  il.  pp. 
883-889. -Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  i.cap. 
2.— Let!,  Vita  di  Filippo  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  142.— 
Breve  Compendlo,  MS.— Relazioue  anommo. 


MS.— For  the  particulars  relating  to  the  wed- 
ding I  am  chiefly  indebted  to  Florez,  who  is  as 
minute  in  bis  account  of  court  pageants  as 
any  master  of  ceremonies. 


14  EARLY  DAYS  OF  PHILIP. 

The  letter  from  Palamos  U  one  among  many  ^imjla^proofe  of  the  c^^^^ 
whkh  evenfromadisunce  Cl.arleswa^>ed^o^^^^ 

Sfto^^o-iKK^f^^^^^ 

through  seas  stmnge  and  unk"""".  t".^"'-,  „profo«nd  tranquillity,  unruffled 

i;?t«rfrottl!:;lwuii.a 
princes  on  their  thrones. 


""f^;..  was  eight  years  younger  than  ^l^^^^f^^.^^^^'^^iT^^l 

'"fn°oSriM3  the  Portuguese  infanta  quitted  her  father's  palace  in 

sent  to  meet  her  on  the  borders  and  conduct  her  to  Saaanai^^^^ 

was  the  duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  chief  of  the  Guzmansth^^^^^ 

most  Doweriiil  lord  in  Andahisia.    He  had  fitted  up  his  P^'ace  ai  oa^ajo^  a 

the  other  furniture,  of  burnished  silver.    The  duke  mn  sen  j;*^""         .   *;  ^ 
litter,  and  the  mules  which  carried  it  J««^,^^^^^„^te\  Je^^^^ 
his  household  and  his  retainers  swelled  ^«  ^^^  ""Xir  Lst^^^^^    Among  them 
mounted,  wearing  the  Uveries  and  cognizance  of  their  master.    ^^  ""^',, 

cheons,  on  which  were  emblazoned  the  arms  of  the  Guzmans.     ^"^  J^"^^"'^';"^ 

and  manners  of  the  sixteenth  century.  ,    ,     middle 

ThA  infantA  was  five  months  younger  than  Philip,  bne  was  oi  ine  ""^"'^ 
«iPthha^(^fi^ire  though  somewhat  inclined  to  embonpoint,  md  was 
dWtin^^edVa  gSul  carriage  and  a  pleasing  expression  of  countenance^ 
T  er  S  was  of  cloth  of  silver,  embroidered  with  flowers  of  go  d  She  wore  a 
"  m  oTcITill^  r^^^^^  of  xdolet-coloured  velvet,  figured  with  gold  and  a 
hafif  the^me  materials,  surmoimted  by  a  white  and  azure  plume.    The 


MARRIES  MARY  OF  PORTUGAL. 


17 


4 


■i 

r 

4 


housings  of  the  mule  were  of  rich  brocade,  and  Mary  rode  on  a  silver 

"^As^she  approached  Salamanca,  she  was  met  by  the  rector  and  professors  of 
the  university,  in  their  academic  gowns.  Next  ollowed  the  judges  and  r.^t- 
dores  of  the-^city,  in  their  robes  of  office,  of  crinison  velvet,  with  bose  and 
shoes  of  spotless  white.  After  these  came  the  military, -horse  and  foot,-iii 
thefr  SveS  companies,  making  a  brilliant  show  witli  their  gay  ""iforms ; 
and  after  going  tWgh  their  various  evolutions,  they  formed  into  an  escort 
?or  the  princes!  In  tSis  way,  amidst  the  sound  of  the  music  and  the  shouts 
of  the  inultitude,  the  glittering  pageant  entered  the  gates  of  the  capitol 

The  infanta  was  tfiere  received  under  a  superb  canopy,  supported  by  the 
magistrates  of  the  city.  The  late  ambassador  to  Portugal  JDon  Lms  bar- 
miente,  who  had  negotiated  the  marriage-treaty,  held  the1)ndle  of  her  mule ; 
and  in  this  state  she  arrived  at  the  palace  of  the  duke  of  Alva,  destined  for 
her  reception  in  Salamanca.  Here  she  was  received  with  all  honour  by  the 
duchess  in  the  presence  of  a  brilliant  company  of  cavaliers  and  noble  ladies. 
S Tf^he  ladFes  was  graciously  permitted  by  the  infanta  to  kiss  her  hand  ; 
bi^t  the  duchess,  the  chronicler  is  ireful  to  inform  us,  she  distinguished  by 

the  honour  of  an  embrace.  ,  *  ^^t     •  x    x        ^^^„r^  ♦« 

All  the  while,  PhUip  had  been  in  the  presence  of  the  mfanta,  unknown  to 
hefself  Imp^^^^^^  to  see  his  destined  bride,  the  young  prince  had  sallied 
out  tith  a  few  attendants,  to  the  distance  of  five  or  six  mfe  from  the  city, 
a  l  n  the  disguise  of  huntsmen.  He  wore  a  slouched  velvet  hat  on  his  h^ad 
and  his  face  was  effectually  concealed  under  a  gauze  mask,  so  that  he  could 
mingle  in  the  crowd  by  the  side  of  the  infanta  and  make  his  own  scrutiny, 
mSed  bvany  one.  In  this  way  he  accompanied  the  procession  diirmg 
Sve  hours  wLh  it  lasted,  untif  the  darkness  had  set  m  ;"  if  darkness 
could  be  spoken  of,"  says  the  chronicler,  "where  the  blaze  of  ten  thousand 

torches  shed  a  light  stronger  than  day."  ,  .  ^  ^  x     i.u 

Thffollowkig  evening,  November  the  twelfth,  was  appointed  for  the  mar- 
riage The  du\e  and  duchess  of  Alva  stood  as  sponsors,  and  the  nuptial 
Sony  was  performed  by  Tavera,  archbishop  of  Toledo.  The  festivities 
were  prolonged  tlirough  another  week.  The  saloons  were  filled  with  the 
b^utv  of  cStile.  The  proudest  aristocracy  in  Europe  vied  with  ea^h  other 
Mdispl^  of  magniffcence  at  the  banquet  and  tfie  tourney  ;  and  sounds 
S  merriment  succeeded  to  the  tranquilUty  which  had  so  long  reigned  m  the 

^^tX  Seetl^^^^^^^^  the  new-married  ^^^^^^^^ 

1 545  The  there  gave  birth  to  a  son,  the  celebrated  Don  Carlos,  whose  m^ste- 
ri?us  fate  has  fuSed  so  fruitful'  a  theme  for  speculation.  Mary  siirvived 
?he  birth  of  her  child  but  a  few  days.  Had  her  fife  been  spared,  a  mothei^s 
Sre  St  perhaps  have  given  a  diflferent  direction  to  his  character  and, 

SroughThV"^  h^^^  The  remains  of  the  infan  V/^^f^^^^^ 

the  cathedral  of  Granada,  were  afterwards  removed  to  ^^e  .^sconal,  t^^^^  mag 
nificent  mausoleum  prepared  by  her  husband  for  the  royalty  of  Sp^^^  j. 

In  the  following  year  died  Tavera,  archbishop  of  Toledo     He  wa.s  an  excel 
lent  man,  aX^^^^    valued  by  the  emperor  ;  who  may  be  thought  to  have 


«•  Florez.  Reynas  Catholicae,  torn.  il.  pp. 
883-889.- Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  i.cap. 
2.— Letl,  Vita  di  Filippo  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  142.— 
Breve  Compendio,  MS.— Relazione  anonimo, 


jf  S  —For  the  particulars  relating  to  the  wed- 
ding I  am  chiefly  indebted  to  Florez,  who  is  as 
minute  in  his  account  of  court  pageants  as 
any  master  of  ceremonies. 


VISIT  TO  FLANDERS. 


19 


li 


18  EARLY  DAYS  OF  PHILIP. 

passed  a  sufficient  encomium  on  his  worth  when  he  declared  that "  hy  his 
Seath  Philip  had  sutfered  a  greater  loss  than  by  that  of  Maiy;  for  he  could 
get  another  wife,  but  not  another  Tavera."  His  place  was  hlled  by  Siliceo. 
Philip's  early  preceptor,  who,  after  having  been  raised  to  the  archiepiscopal 
fee  of  Toledo,  received  a  cardinal's  hat  from  Rome,  The  accommodating 
snirit  of  the  good  ecclesiastic  had  doubtless  some  influence  ^  his  rapid 
advancement  from  the  condition  of  a  poor  teacher  of  Salamanca  to  the  highest 
post,-as  the  see  of  Toledo,  with  its  immense  revenues  and  authority,  mlglit 
be  considered,-  next  to  the  papacy,  in  the  Christian  Church. 

For  some  years  no  event  of  importance  occurred  to  disturb  the  repose  oi 
the  Peninsula.  But  the  emperor  was  engaged  in  a  stormy  career  abrc^,  m 
which  his  arms  were  at  length  crowned  with  success  by  the  decisive  battle  ot 

This^vK;tory,  which  secured  him  the  person  of  his  greatest  enemy,  placed 
him  in  a  position  for  dictating  terms  to  the  Protestant  pnnces  of  Germany. 
He  had  subsetniently  withdrawn  to  Brussels,  where  he  received  an  embassy 
from  Philip  congratulating  him  on  the  success  of  his  arms.  Charles  was 
desirous  to  see  his  son,  from  whom  he  had  now  been  separatee!  nearly  six 
years  He  wished,  moreover,  to  introduce  him  to  the  Netherlands  and  make 
him  personally  acquainted  with  the  people  over  whom  he  was  one  day  to  rule. 
He  sent  instructions,  accordingly,  to  Philip  to  repair  to  Flanders  so  soon 
as  the  person  appointed  to  relieve  him  in  the  government  should  arrive  in 

The  individual  selected  by  the  emperor  for  this  office  was  Maximilian,  the 
son  of  his  brother  Ferdinand.  Maximilian  was  a  young  man  of  good  parts, 
correct  judgment,  and  popular  manners,— well  qualified,  notwthstandmg  his 
youth  for  the  post  assigned  to  him.  He  was  betrothed,  as  already  mentioned, 
to  the  emperor^s  eldest  daughter,  his  cousin  Mary  ;  and  the  regency  was  to  be 
delivered  into  his  hands  on  the  marriage  of  the  parties.  u        -*       * 

Philip  received  his  father's  commands  while  presiding  at  the  cortes  of 
Monzon.  He  found  the  Aragonese  legislature  by  no  means  so  tractable  as 
the  Castilian.  The  deputies  from  the  mountains  of  Aragon  and  from  the  sea- 
coast  of  Catalonia  were  alike  sturdy  in  their  refusal  to  furnish  further  supplies 
for  those  ambitious  enterprises  which,  whatever  glory  they  might  bring  to 
their  sovereign,  were  of  little  benefit  to  them.  The  independent  people  of 
these  provinces  urged  their  own  claims  with  a  pertinacity  and  criticised  the 
conduct  of  their  nilers  with  a  bluntness  that  was  little  grateful  to  the  ear  of 
majesty.  The  convocation  of  the  Aragonese  cortes  was,  in  the  view  of  the 
king  of  Spain,  what  the  convocation  of  a  general  council  was  m  that  of  the 
pope  —a  measure  not  to  be  resorted  to  but  from  absolute  necessity. 

On  the  arrival  of  Maximilian  in  Castile,  his  marriage  with  the  I"»anta 
Mary  was  immediately  celebrated.  The  ceremony  took  place,  with  all  the 
customary  pomp,  in  the  courtly  city  of  Valladolid.  Among  the  festivities  that 
followed  may  lie  noticed  the  performance  of  a  comedy  of  Ariosto,— a  proof 
that  the  beautiful  Italian  literature,  which  had  exercised  a  visible  influence 
on  the  compositions  of  the  great  Castilian  poets  of  the  time,  had  now  com- 
mended itself  in  some  degiee  to  the  popular  taste.  ,        ,  . 

Before  leaving  the  country,  Philip,  by  his  father's  orders,  made  a  change  m 
his  domestic  establishment,  which  he  formed  on  the  Burgimdian  model.  This 
was  more  ceremonious,  and  far  more  costly,  than  the  primitive  usage  of  Castile. 
A  multitude  of  new  offices  was  created,  and  the  most  important  were  filled  by 
grandees  of  the  highest  class.  The  duke  of  Alva  was  made  mamr-domo 
mayor;  Antonio  de  Toledo,  his  kinsman,  master  of  the  horse;  Figueroa, 


■ 


was  distasteful  to  the  .^P^i^^aras,  wno  m  lo^a  for  the  fash  on s  of  Bur- 

should  reUnquish  the  ^f  P  V'Sp'^L  Phffip  hfmt  f ;  but  it  suited  that  of 
cundy.    Neither  was  it  to  ^^^e  ^^^f^^^f  JS  the  Flemings  by  the 

k^V^^^^^^^^^  ^"  their  Burgimdian 

^"p^Slpihavingnowcompletedhisa^^^^^^^^ 

into  the  hands  of  his  hrothe™daw  had  no  reas^^^ 

journey.    He  was  accompanied  by  the  duke  ot  Aiva,  r.      i     .     b^^  ^^  ^^^ 

it  Castile,  Ruy  Gomez,  pnnce  of  ^^^^^^^^^^^  cavaliers  of  family. 

highest  rank.    There  was,  besides,  a  ^"^^I^^^?^^%r"u^^^        of  having  their 

tL  proudest  nobles  of  the  land  contendedjor  t^e  h^^^^^^^^ 

sons  take  part  in  the  expedition    ^pLe     The  emiiror  was  desirous  that 
'^^.'^Jr.'^^^nZ^^^^  tS-w^o  JS^z^e  The  imaginations  of  the 

1548.    He  took  the/oad  V^^^^Sf^^tk  nr^^^^^^  Our  Lady 

fortifications  of  Perpignan,  offered  up  his  pra^^^^^^^  ^.^    ^^^^^^ 

of  Montserrat,  passed  a  day  ^^  *^^^^^„\  ^f  .'^^^^^^  anS  ttience 

for  him  in  the  pleasant  citron -gardens  ^^  ^^^^^'^^f ^^^^  which  proudly 

proceeded  to  the  port  of  R«^^^^^K^[f/„t  ancte  a^d  awaitine  his  arrival 
waved  the  imperial  banner,  ^^s  riding  at  ancnorai  ^nd  Naples,  and 

It  consisted  of  fifty-eight  vessels  furnislied  by  Geno^^^^^ 
commanded  by  the  veteran  of  a  hundred  battles,  th^e  ta°^"s  a    ^^^^^     r^^,^ 

Philip  encountered  some  rough  ^^^\^f  P"  ^i  galley  to 

doge  and  the  principal  senators  came  o^^^^^^  port  m  a  niagnmc^^  g^  ^y^^^^ 
receive  him.    The  prin^ce  landed  amids^^^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^^-^ 

and  the  adjacent  fortifications  and  ^^^«[^^  J^^^^^^^^   for  its  architectural 
of  the  Dorias,  pre-eminent,  even  in  this  ciiy  oi  pd,i.icc  , 

splendour.  .  -dv:!:,,  rAPPived  all  the  attentions  which  an 

^Durinff  his  stay  1",?^"^^/^^^?,  hfs  hS^^  ^^ 

elegant  Sospitality, could  devise     ^^^\^^V^.  ^^^^^  difterent  ftalian  states, 

plelsure.    He  received,  every  day,  ^™'^^^.' ^^^^^  his  nephew,  Ottavio 

one  of  which  came  from  the  P^pe,  Paul Jhe  imm,  ^  ^       >  ^^^^^^^ 

Farnese,  at  its  head     I^.f  P^^^fL^^f^l^^^^^^  Pla  entia  t?  the  Holy  See. 
T^ith  his  father  for  the  restitution  c^f  Parma  and  r^a^^^^^        historian,  "but 

Philip  answered  in  terms  comphmente^^^^  j^^^^^  ^^ 

..  Cbrer..  FlHp.  Segnndo.  UbM.  c.p.  ^-  ^^^^^^^'^^^  ^^'^^''''^''°^'- 

T^ti  ViU  di  Filippo  II.,  torn.  i.  pp.  166,  i85,  P"Vm 

If  8^  -Sepulveiiropera.  vol  il.  V-^^-..  P'  1»»' 

«»  ••  Non  rispose  che  in  sensi  amblgui  circa 


VISIT  TO  FLANDERS. 


21 


jl 


20  EARLY  DAYS  OF  PHILIP. 

he  expressed  his  confidence  that  in  PhiUp  he  was  one  day  to  find  the  true 

"^AtT  Id' 0 W^^^^^  the  royal  traveller  resumed  his  journey.  He 
cr^  thelnrous'Sfi^^^  of  ^avia,  and  was  shown  the  V^^ce^^^^ 
FrS  the  First  surrendered  himself  a  prisoner,  and  where  (lie  Spai  .h 
ambusLdrsaU  S  oiit  and  decided  the  fortune  of  the  day.  His  bosom  s^^elled 
^U^^SflL^o^^^^^^^^^  rode  over  the  ground  made  n^emorabk  b^^^^^^^^ 
brilliant  victory  achieved  by  his  father -a  victory  which  openedthe  way  to 
iKlacabJhatred  of  his'vanmiished  rival,  and  to  oc^"^,^f  blood-  ^^^ 

From  Pavia  he  passed  on  to  Milan,  the  flourishing  capita  of  Lombarcly, 
the  fairest  portion  of  the  Spanish  dominions  m  Italy.    Milan  wa^  at  that 
thne  icond  oSy  V  m  population.    It  was  second  to  no  city  m  the 

SnTof  iS  Mdings,  the  spWour  of  its  aristocracy,  the  opulence  and 
meSca   iiVgenuity  of  its  burghers.    It  was  renowned,  at  the  sanie  time 
for  irScltf  fab^^^^^  of  silk,  and  its  armour,  curiously  wrought  and  inlaid 
w^th  gold  ^d  silver.    In  all  the  arts  of  luxury  and  material  civilization  it 
was  unsurpassed  by  any  of  the  capitals  of  Christendom. 

As  theSe  approLhed  the  suburbs,  a  countless  throng  of  people  came 
forth  Zieet  him  For  fifteen  miles  before  he  entered  the  city,  the  road 
wlrsmimedbv  triumphal  arches,  garlanded  with  flowers  and  fruits  and 
be^rii^  nscript^^  Latin  and  Italian,  filled  with  praises  of  the 

feSinrp™  future  dory  of  the  son     Amidst  the  concourse 

we  e  to  be  S  the  noble  ladies  of  ^lilan,  in  gay  fantastic  cars,  f  "»i|  m 
Tilk  brocade,  and  with  sumptuous  caparisons  for  their  horees.  As  he  drew 
near  the  town  two  hundred  mounted  gentlemen  came  out  to  escort  him  into 
r  place  Th^^^^^^  clothed  in  complete  mail  of  the  fine  Milanese  work. 
mLnSrand  were  succeeded  bv  fifty  pages,  m  gaudy  l^ve^,  devoted  to 
especial  attendance  on  the  prince's  person  dunng  his  residence  m  Milan. 

Sp  entered  the  eates"^  under  a  canopy  of  stet^,  with  the  cardinal  of 
Trent  on  his  right  hand,  and  Philibert,  prince  of  Piedmont,  on  his  left  He 
was  received  at  the  entrance  by  the  governor  of  the  place,  attended  by  the 
m^mters  of  the  senate,  in  their  robes  of  ottice.  The  houses  ^hjch  lined  the 
long  street  through  which  the  procession  passed  were  hung  with  tapestnes 
ani  with  paintings  of  the  gieat  Italian  masters.  The  balconies  and  verandas 
tere  crowded  with  spectators,  eager  to  behold  their  future  sovereign,  and 
rending  the  air  with  their  acclamations.  The  ceremony  of  reception  was 
closed,  in  the  evening,  by  a  brilliant  display  of  fireworks-in  which  the 
Milanese  excelled— and  by  a  general  illumination  of  the  city. 

Philip's  timp-  gUded  away,  during  his  residence  at  Milan,  in  a  succe^ion  of 
banquets,  fetes,  and  spectacles  of  every  description  which  the  taste  and 
ingenuity  of  the  people  could  devise  for  the  amusement  of  their  illustrious 
guest  With  none  was  he  more  pleased  than  with  the  theatrical  entertain- 
ments, conducted  with  greater  elegance  and  refinement  m  Italy  than  in  any 
of  the  countries  beyond  the  Alps.  Nor  was  he  always  a  passive  spectator  at 
these  festivities.  He  was  especially  fond  of  dancing,  in  which  his  hght  and 
aeile  fi'nire  fitted  him  to  excel.  In  the  society  of  ladies  he  lost  much  of  his 
habitufi  reserve  ;  and  the  dignified  courtesy  of  his  manners  seems  to  have 
made  a  favourable  impression  on  the  fair  dames  of  Italy,  who  were  probably 
not  less  pleased  by  the  display  of  his  munificence.  To  the  governors  wife, 
who  had  entertained  him  at  a  splendid  ball,  he  presented  a  diamond  ring 
worth  five  thousand  ducats ;  and  to  her  daughter  he  gave  a  necklace  of 
rubies  worth  three  thousand.  Similar  pref^ents,  of  less  vahie,  he  bestowed  on 
others  of  the  court,  extending  his  liberality  even  to  the  musicians  and  mferior 


•I. 


# 


1' 


I 


wrsoM  who  had  contributed  to  hfe  entertainment  To  the  ch"«^^lj«  f  ^J 
ffmore  substantial  proofs  of  his  generosity  In  short,  he  showed  on  all 
occasions  a  munificent  spirit  worthy  of  his  royal  8t»tion.  received, 

^e  took  some  pains,  moreover,  to  reciprocate  the  civ  litMss  ^e  had  received 
by  entertaining  his  hosts  in  return,    tie  was  Part>^»Wif»^™*^.  "yfng 

long  streamers  attached  to  them,  »'„f  °'^.  .f^^  ^pS  and  mounted,  the 
particular  faction  of  *»»«<*»»•'«!;  .^^KLllmanX^rof  the  Moorish  tilt 
Spanish  knights  went  through  the  deli<»te  "a"*"^?^  "^'^^  f  ^i^y  and 
ofreeds  showing  an  easy  horseman*^^^^^ 

S.:Solitttetoie1S;LSd%lumsy  exercises  of  the  European 

'''S'Le  weeks.  Prince  Philip  -l-X^X'eT  w'aL^^Ky'l" 
set  out  for  the  north     »«'<>'«'«»""«  ^^.ftV^^^'Sw  uniform  Ind 

-°  m^^;dWxte»ot;3fy  M^      Mm  r^- 

route  the  roval  party  was  beset  ^y  ""'t'tudes  of  b(rth  sex^,  pre^   B  ^ 

fiitt^K^st^rs^^^ 

rsnfrnfr^bfe»^^^^ 

^oiiT'io::^e;^»-ffofh<?%r^^^^^ 
'"lt«:fKr.tor|r^M^ 

city  of  Brussels.  Their  approach  ^^^f^^^^I^^^^^  a  tumultuous 
who  came  out  to  welcome  them  ;  a^d  phd^p  wa^  ^ee^  ^^^^^^  ^^  ^.^ 

enthusiasm  which  made  him  feel  that  he  w^  Sv  bSi^of  the  mihtary ;  and 

first  entrance  into  the  capita]  of  Belgium.  h-Mher  the  emperor,  was 

The  Regent  Mary  heli  her  «>»rt  there,  and  her  bro^^^^^^  , 

r.T  i  ^EhX  a'^SSs  of  person  remarked  V  U  more  tWne 

Wd,.-»  ui:>i.     6        ,  ..  ,     .        „.   ,^^^,pHnrlne         — T.aM    Vita  di  FiliDPO  IL,  tom.  i.  P-  189.— 

«»  EstreUa,  El  feliciMimo  Viajedel  rrinclpe 
D<,n  PbeUi*  des^le  Espafta  &  sub  Tienras  de  la 
Bftxa  AU  mania  (Auveres,  1552),  pp.  1-21. 32. 


— LetU  Vita  di  Filippo  II.,  torn. 
Breve  Compendio,  MS. 


i 


I**' 


ii'l 


J 


I 


EARLY  DAYS  OF  PHILIP. 

who  had  access  to  his  presence.    The'r  report  is^nfi™^  o'^ourhS^l 

^  IrsatThu^^f  SUnt^he^l^^^^^^^^^  ha/not  yet  given  a 

"t'haS^ffX  Se^eTdS.'^ompli^^^^^^^^  hair  a,«l  beard  were  of 
rL^u^d'HU  eves  were  blue,  with  the  eyebrows  somewhat  too  c  osely 
knlf  to Jeth«  H^  uIJ  ZtKmmi  aquiline.  The  principal  blemish  m  h,s 
.nnSiceWashis  thick  Austrian  lip  His  lower  jaw  protraded  even  more 
countenance  ya^""*  """-„,„  u:,  father  indeed. he  bore  a  great  resemblance  in 

Stature  ^®  ^f,f^™v',*' u^     ije  ^as  attentive  to  his  dress,  whicli  was  nch 

S  X  be  »  ^^^^^  ''  ^''^P'^  ^^'"  '"^  ^'^'^"''^' 

^Zhnrhis*  long  stay  in  Brussels.  Charles  had  the  opportunity  of  supenn- 
tPnd^nl  his  son's  education  in  one  department  in  which  it  was  deficient,-the 
science^^^^^^^  surely  Ao  in.structor  could  have  been  ound  with 

SmerexilrLnTthan  the  man  who  had  been  at  the  head  of  all  the  great 
StTcaf  moTemen^  Europe  for  the  last  Quarter  of  a  century  Phihp 
mss^d  some  t^^^^  father's  cabinet  conversing  with  him  on 

KcaSo?  attending  the  sessions  of  the  council  of  state  It  c^n  hardly 
EL  dlbted  that  Charles,  \n  his  private  instruction,  inculcated  on  his  son  two 
minciples  so  prominent  throughout  Philip's  adniinistration,-to  maintain  the 
?ovaf  aShority  n  its  full  extent,  and  to  enforce  a  stnct  conformity  to  the 
Roman  ffl  It  is  probable  that  he  found  his  son  an  apt  and 

Se  scholar.  Philip  acquired,  at  least,  such  habits  of  patient  application^ 
aS  of  watchin^^over  the  execution  of  his  own  plans,  as  have  been  possessed 

%\^rSTbject  of  Phihp's  visit  to  the  Low  Countries  had  been  to  present 
himself  to  the  people  of  the  ditferent  provinces,  to  study  their  peculiar  charac- 
ters on  their  ONVrsoU,and  to  obtain  their  recognition  as  their  future  sovereign. 
After  a  long  residence  at  Brussels,  he  set  out  on  a  tour  through  the  provinces. 
He  was  accompanied  by  the  queen-regent,  and  by  the  sauie  splendid  retinue 
as  on  his  entrance  into  the  country,  with  the  addition  of  a  large  number  of 

the  Flemish  nobles.  ,  ,     ^i     i        -xu      -4.-^,  i„-  /«„^,„. 

The  Netherlands  had  ever  been  treated  by  Charles  with  particuJar  favour, 
and  imder  this  royal  patronage,  although  the  country  did  not  develop  its 
resources  as  under  its  own  free  institutions  of  a  later  penod,  it  had  greatly 
prospered.    It  was  more  thickly  studded  with  trading  towns  than  any  country 


PUBLIC  FESTIVITIES. 


23 


>«  "Sua  altezzA  si  trova  hora  in  XXIII. 

annl,  di  complessione  delicatissima  e  di  sta- 

tura  minore  che  mediocre,  nella  faccia  slmi- 

glia  assal  al  I'adre  e  nel  mento."    Relatione 

del  Clans-^imo  Mortsig.  Marino  Cavalll  tomato 

Ambasciatore   del   Imperatre  Carlo  Quinto 

I'aniio  1551,  MS.—"  Et  benche  ela  piccit.lo  di 

persona,  e  perd  cosi  ben  fatto  et  con  ogni  parte 

del  corpo  cosi  ben  proportionuta  et  corrispon- 

deute  al  tutto,  et  veste  con  tanta  politezza  et 

con  tanto  giudicio  che  non  si  puo  veden-  cosa 

piu  perfetta."    Relatione  di  Michele  Soriano, 

MS 

"  Marino  Cavalli.  the  ambassador  at  the 


imperial  conrt,  who  states  the  facts  mentioned 
In  the  text,  expresses  a  reasonable  doubt 
whether  Philip,  with  all  his  training,  would 
ever  equal  his  father :  "  Nelle  cose  d'  impor- 
tanza,  facendolo  andare  1'  imperatore  ogni 
giorno  per  due  o  tre  hore  neUa  sua  camera, 
parte  in  Consigllo  et  parte  per  ammaeptrarlo 
da  solo  a  m)Io,  dicesi  che  fin  h<.ra  a  tatto  pro- 
fitto  assai,  et  da  ^peranza  di  proceder  piu  oltre  ; 
ma  la  grandezza  di  suo  padre  et  1'  esser  nato 
grande  et  non  havpr  fin  qui  provato  travaglio 
alcuno,  non  lo  lan'i  mai  oomparir  a  gran  giunta 
egu.ile  air  Imperuture."  Reiatioue  di  Mariuo 
Cavalli,  MS. 


of  similar  extent  in  Europe;  and  *»«  fl»"t'jl"LTs  wK^^^^ 

rank  ii.  wealth,  ip^u^tiTj  and  a)".mermUnte^^^^^  occasion  these 

way  of  Uvnig  mauitamed  by  ™fa"?*^i,*?y-,"l  demonstrations  towards  the 
coiimunities  vi^  with  one  another '"  *«!?  7*^°^  they  »^^  him.  A  work 
prince  and  in  the  splendour  of  the  J,f=!P*'«"i™'^"^^^^  honours 

Its  compiled  by  one  of  the  royal  suite  settm^^^^^  his  former 

paid  to  Philip  through  the  whole  of  ™« '°"'^"''="  Xp  hook  erew.  under  the 
Crney  had  the  aspect  of  a  triumphal  p we^s  Si^To.S  however  inte- 
Lnds  of  its  patriotic  author,  to  the  t'^°i*.Sir  attraction  for  the  present 
resting  to  his  contemporaries,  would  have  but  steideiattracti^^^^^ 

generation."    The  mere  inscriptions  em^.^f.?"  *^^^^  both  in 

on  the  public  buildings  ^P^ef  "^^I »  ""i*3%te?^„1ure^^^^  happy  days 
Latin  and  in  the  language  of  ^^^.'^°'i"l'h^^J^^l^^e^  Philip,  ?t  should 

in  store  for  the  nation  when.."nder  tj'ej*";^'^^^^^  !  wWih  showed 
eniov  the  sweets  of  tranquillity  and  freedom. .  "JPPy  ;E  „ 

?&e  prophet  v,as  not  gifted  «'*  the  spmt^f  ^ ^^  i^toles.    But 

In  these  solemnities  Antwerp  »'»"«  e^IfX,^  "nd  spS  its  festivi- 

no  place  compared  w-tb '^'■^''^ivV  w^^  Tta  nSnt  ^Under  their  Burgun- 
ties',  the  n-ost  remarkable  of^hi^w^^^^  ^^  j,. 

dian  pnnces  the  1^  lemings  naa  jeen  uuu  t^r^re  the  use  of  gunpowder 

Thea^of  chivalry  was,  mde^jfa^^^^^^^  ,^^,  ^^ 

and  other  improvements  ^^ /^ff.^jy^^^^^^ 

tourney  had  been  maintained  with  so  much  m^^^^^  narrative  of  the 

since  the  days  of  Charles  the  Bo^dThe^^^^^^^^^  ^^  ^  ^^^^^ 

event,  hke  the  pages  of  Fro^ssart  seems  i^^^^^^^^  K         ^^^^  ^^^ 

ri&t«e  S  -'F?S«^  "'  '''  — ^  ''  '"' 

front  of  the  great  palace  of  Brussels  Four  kn^hte  were  l^e^^^^  ^  ^^^ 
tain  the  field  against  aU  comers,  and  Jewels  of  price  were  lo  ,^     j;^,,^^ 

prize  of  the  victors.     The  *»"  ** ''"^^  flfiterS ;  ^  the  judges 

hoorne,  Count  Aremberg,  and  the  f^"'d«^'^,[  "antagonists  we  find  the 
was  the  duke  of  Alva ;  and  in  the  '"^t  «  ^^^'^^^  ^rf,  duke  of  Savoy,  and 
names  of  Prince  Philip  of  Spam,  •^^nuei  rmnuci  ,  ^  „,  to  observe 
Count  Egmont  These  are  names  famou^n  h'  ^^^^  o„e  "Sr  were  thus 
hnw  the  men  who  were  soon  to  be  at  aeaaiy  leuu  wii-i*  v 

sportively  met  to  celebrate  the  Pa^^t^fLlistwtre  crowded  with  theburghers 
The  day  was  an  auspicious  one,  and  the  lists  were  "^J""""^.  '"V ,,    ;„  "wh 
of  BrusXand  the  p'eople  of  the  si.rrou"dmg  <»un^^^ 


'•  This  Is  the  work  by  Estrella  already 
Quoted  (El  feliclKsimo  Viage  del  Principe  Don 
Fheli..e).-the  best  authority  for  this  royal 
progress!  The  work,  which  was  never  re- 
printed, has  now  become  extremely  rare. 


Take  the  following  samples,  the  former 
being  one  of  the  inscriptions  at  Arras,  tne 
latter,  one  over  the  gate  at  l>ordrecht :    ^^ 
"dementia  firmabitur  tbronus  ^us      ^^ 
"Te  duce  libertas  tranqulllo  pace  beaoii. 


24 


EARLY  DAYS  OF  PHILIP. 


PUBLIC  FESTIVITIES. 


25- 


of  so  illustrious  an  assembly.  At  length  the  trumpets  sounded,  and  announced 
the  entrance  of  four  cavaliers,  whose  brilliant  train  of  followers  intiniateil 
them  to  be  persons  of  high  degree.  The  four  knights  were  Prince  Philip,  the 
duke  of  Savoy,  Count  Egmont,  and  Juan  Manriquez  de  Lara,  major-domo  of 
the  emperor.  They  were  clothed  in  complete  mail,  over  which  they  wore 
surcoats  of  violet-coloured  velvet,  while  the  caparisons  of  their  horses  were  of 
cloth  of  gold. 

PhiHp  ran  the  first  course.  His  antagonist  was  the  Count  Mansfeldt,  a 
Flemish  captain  of  great  renown.  At  the  appointed  signal,  the  two  knights 
spurred  against  each  other,  and  met  in  the  centre  of  the  lists,  with  a  shock 
that  shivered  their  lances  to  the  very  grasp.  Both  knights  reeled  in  their 
saddles,  but  neither  lost  his  seat  The  arena  resounded  with  the  plaudits  of 
the  spectators,  not  the  less  hearty  that  one  of  the  combatants  was  the  heir 
apparent. 

The  other  cavaliers  then  tilted,  with  various  success.  A  general  tourna- 
ment followed,  in  which  every  knight  eager  to  break  a  lance  on  this  fair 
occasion  took  part ;  and  manv  a  feat  of  arms  was  performed,  doubtless  long 
remembered  by  the  citizens  of  Brussels.  At  the  end  of  the  seventh  hour,  a 
flourish  of  trumpets  announced  the  conclusion  of  the  contest ;  and  the  assembly 
broke  up  in  adinirable  order,  the  knights  retiring  to  exchange  their  heavy 
panoplies  for  the  lighter  vestments  of  the  ball-room.  A  banquet  was  prepared 
by  the  municipality,  in  a  style  of  ma^nihcence  worthy  of  their  roval  guests 
The  emperor  and  his  sisters  honoured  it  with  their  presence,  and  witnessed 
the  distribution  of  the  prizes.  Amone  these,  a  brilliant  ruby,  the  prize 
awarded  for  the  lan^a  de  las  damas—UiQ  " ladies'  lance  "  in  the  language  of 
chivalry,— was  assigned  by  the  loyal  judges  to  Prince  Philip  of  Spain. 

Dancing  succeeded  to  the  banquet ;  and  the  high-bred  courtesy  of  the 
prince  was  as  much  commended  in  the  ball-room  as  his  prowess  had  been  in 
the  lists.  Maskers  mingled  with  the  dancers,  in  Oriental  costume,  some  in 
the  Turkish,  others  in  the  Albanian  fashion.  The  merry  revels  were  not  pro- 
longed beyond  the  hour  of  midnight,  when  the  company  broke  up,  loudly 
commending,  as  they  withdrew,  the  good  cheer  afforded  them  by  the  hospitable 
burghers  of  Brussels." 

Philip  won  the  prize  on  another  occasion,  when  he  tilted  against  a  valiant 
knight  named  Quiiiones.  He  was  not  so  fortunate  in  an  encounter  with  the 
son  of  his  old  preceptor,  Zuiiiga,  in  which  he  was  struck  with  such  force  on 
the  head  that,  after  being  carried  some  distance  by  his  horse,  he  fell  senseless 
from  the  saddle.  The  alarm  was  great,  but  the  accident  passed  away  without 
serious  consequences.'' 

There  were  those  who  denied  him  skill  in  the  management  of  his  lance. 
Marillac,  the  French  ambassador  at  the  imperial  court,  speaking  of  a  tourney 
given  by  Philip  hi  honour  of  the  princess  of  Lorraine,  at  Augsburg,  says  he 
never  saw  worse  lance-playing  in  his  life.  At  another  time,  he  remarks  that 
the  Spanish  prince  could  not  even  hit  his  antagonist.'**  It  must  have  been  a 
very  palpable  hit  to  be  noticed  by  a  Frenchman.    The  French  regarded  the 

animis  pulvere  spiiitam  intercludente  Jacuit, 
donee  a  euis  sublevatus  est."  Sepulvedaa 
Opera,  vol.  ii.  p.  381. 

'"  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  I.  p.  24.— Von  Raumer's  abstract 
of  the  MSS.  In  the  Royal  Library  at  Paris  con- 
tains some  very  curious  particulars  for  the 
illustration  of  the  reigus  both  of  Charles  the 
Filth  and  uf  Philip. 


'•  "  Assi  fueron  a  palacio  siendo  ya  casi  la 
media  noche,  quando  se  vuieron  apeado  mny 
contentos  de  la  fiesta  y  Vanquete,  que  la  villa 
les  hiziera."  Eatrella,  Viage  del  Principe 
Phelipe,  p.  73. 

'"  "  Ictum  acceplt  in  capite  galeaque  tam 
vehenieiTtem,  ut  vecors  ac  dorraiento  similis 
pururuper  invectus  ephippio  delaberetur,  et 
In  caput  armis  superiortiu  corporis  partem 
gravius  dipriu^entibus  cadcret.    Itaque  semi- 


Spaniards  of  that  day  in  much  the  same  manner  as  thevr^arded  the  English 

"'tl  ™\S™tatWn  PhUip's  success  in  these  chiv^^^^^^ 

qufte  certain  they  v/ere  not  to  his  taste.    He  took  f^rt  m  'hem  only  to  con  torn 

Mt'^^tsX'  C^&S  ?o^r:^ex^:^lsis7"^^^^^^^ 

the  Castilian  pronriety.  and  point  of  honour."  ^.th  the  Utter  o^My^M  ^^ 
had  Philip  anything  in  common,  ^e  ]'?f„'?,,f.  ^^^'V?  The  Netherlands 
talked  of  nothing,  seemed  to  think  »* ''»''"f  f,^'\iX";mpathT^^  H^^^  conn- 

Sran-S^o^'Sie^^^^^^^^^^ 


Ct     II 


"  "  E  S.  M.  dl  complessione  molto  delicata, 
et  per  questo  vive  sempre  con  regola,  usando 
per  r  ordlnario  clbi  di  gran  nodrimento,  lascl- 
ando  I  pesci.  frutti  et  simili  cose  che  generano 
cattlvi  humori;  dorme  molto,  fn  poco  esser- 
citio.  et  i  suoi  trattenimenti  domestjci  sono 
tuttiquieti;  et  benche  nell'  essercitio  habbia 
mostrato  un  poco  piu  di  pronte/za  et  di  viva- 
clti.  per6  si  vede  che  ha  sfoizato  la  sua  na- 
tura,  la  quale  inclina  piu  alia  quiete  che  all^ 
essercitio,  piu  al  riposo  che  al  travaglio. 
Relatione  di  Michele  Soriano,  Mb. 

•*  "  Rariss inie  volte  va  fuora  in  Campagna, 
ha  piac^TP  di  starsi  in  Camera,  co  suoi  favoriti, 
a  ragionare  di  cose  private ;  et  se  Ull  hora  i 


Imperatore  lo  manda  in  vislU,*  si  »cusa  per 
Kodere  la  solita  quiete."    Relatione  de  Marino 

*"*"  Pare  che  la  natura  1'  habbia  fatto  atto 
con  la  faniiliaritaedomestichezzaagratificare 
a  Fiammenghi  et  Borgognoni,  om  I  ingegno 
et  prudentia  a  gl'  Italiani.  con  la  nputoUone 
et  severiti  alii  Spagnuoli ;  vedendo  bora  n 
8U0  figliulo  altrimente  pentono  non  picciolo 
dispiacere  di  questo  cambio.       Ibid..  MU. 

»*  "  Philippusip>e  Hispanise  desiderio  mag- 
nopere  lestuabai,  nee  aliud  qua.u  Hispamam 
loquebatur."  Sepulvedaj  Opera,  vol.  il.  p. 
401. 


♦  rin  the  copy  edited  by  Alberi  the  reading 
is  '•  manda  a  chiamare,"  which  expresses  more 


clearly  what  is  probably  the  real  meaning.— 

Ep.] 


26 


EARLY  DAYS  OF  PHILIP. 


given  to  Castilians,  in  the  same  manner  as  those  of  Castile,  in  the  early  days 
of  Charles  the  Fifth,  had  been  given  to  Flemings." 

Yet  the  emperor  seemed  so  little  aware  of  his  son's  unpopularity  that  he 
was  at  this  very  time  making  arrangements  for  securing  to  him  the  imperial 
crown.  He  had  sunnnoned  a  meeting  of  the  electors  and  great  lords  of  the 
empire,  to  be  held  at  Augsburg,  in  August,  1550.  There  he  proposed  to  secure 
Philip's  election  as  King  of  the  Romans,  so  soon  as  he  had  obtained  his  brother 
Ferdinand's  surrender  of  that  dignity.  But  Charles  did  not  show,  in  all  this, 
his  usual  knowledge  of  human  nature.  The  lust  of  power  on  his  son's  account 
—ineffectual  for  happiness  as  he  had  found  the  possession  of  it  in  his  own 
case — seems  to  have  entirely  blinded  him. 

He  repaired  with  Philip  to  Augsburg,  where  they  were  met  by  Ferdinand 
and  the  members  of  the  German  diet.  But  it  was  in  vain  that  Charles  solicited 
his  brother  to  waive  his  claim  to  the  imperial  succession  in  favour  of  his 
nephew.  Neither  solicitations  nor  arguments,  backed  by  the  entreaties,  even 
the  tears,  it  is  said,  of  their  common  sister,  the  Regent  Mary,  could  move 
Ferdinand  to  forego  the  splendid  inheritance.  Charles  was  not  more  suc- 
cessful when  he  changed  his  ground  and  urged  his  brother  to  acquiesce  in 
Philip's  election  as  his  successor  in  the  dignity  of  King  of  the  Romans,  or,  at 
least,  in  his  being  associated  in  that  dignity— a  thing  unprecedented— with 
liis  cousin  Maxinnlian,  Ferdinand's  son,  who,  it  was  understood,  was  destined 
by  the  electors  to  succeed  his  father. 

This  young  prince,  who  meanwhile  had  been  summoned  to  Augsburg,  was 
as  little  disposed  as  Ferdinand  had  been  to  accede  to  the  proposals  of  his  too 
grasping  father-in-law ;  though  he  courteously  alleged,  as  the  ground  of  his 
refusal,  that  he  had  no  right  to  interfere  with  the  decision  of  the  electors.  He 
might  safely  rest  his  cause  on  their  decision.  They  had  no  desire  to  per- 
petuate the  imperial  sceptre  in  the  line  of  Castilian  monarchs.  They  had 
suffered  enough  from  the  despotic  temper  of  Charles  the  Fifth ;  and  this 
temper  they  had  no  reason  to  think  would  be  mitigated  in  the  person  of 
Philip.  They  desired  a  German  to  rule  over  them,— one  who  would  under- 
stand the  German  character  and  enter  heartily  into  the  feelings  of  the  people. 
Maximilian's  directness  of  purpose  and  kindly  nature  had  won  largely  on  the 
affections  of  his  countrymen,  and  proved  him,  in  their  judgment,  worthy  of 
the  throne." 

Philip,  on  the  other  hand,  was  even  more  distasteful  to  the  Germans  than 
he  was  to  the  Flemings.  It  was  in  vain  that  at  their  banquets  he  drank  twice 
or  thrice  as  much  as  he  was  accustomed  to  do,  until  the  cardinal  of  Trent 
assured  him  that  he  was  fast  gaining  in  the  good  graces  of  the  people."  The 
natural  haughtiness  of  his  tenH)er  showed  itself  on  too  many  occasions  to  be 
mistaken.  When  Charles  returned  to  his  palace,  escorted,  as  he  usually  was, 
by  a  train  of  nobles  and  princes  of  the  empire,  he  would  courteously  take  them 
by  the  hand,  and  raise  his  hat,  as  he  parted  from  them.  But  Philip,  it  was 
observed,  on  like  occasions  walked  directly  into  the  palace,  without  so  much 
as  turning  round  or  condescendini?  in  any  way  to  notice  the  courtiers  who  had 
accompanied  him.  This  was  taking  higher  ground  even  than  his  father  had 
done.    In  fact,  it  was  said  of  him  that  he  considered  himself  greater  than 


"  "SI  fa  giudlcio,  che  quando  egli  succe- 
deri  al  guvcmo  delU  stati  bUui  debba  servirsi 
in  tutto  et  per  tutto  delU  miDistri  Spagnuoli, 
aUa  qutil  natione  e  incUnato  piu  di  quello  che 
Bi  convenga  a  prenclj*  che  voglia  dominare  a 
divcT^l"    Relatione  di  Marino  Cavalli,  MS. 

»•  Cabrera,  Filipe  Seguiido,  lib.  i.  cap.  3. — 


Leti.  Vita  dl  Filippo  II.,  torn.  i.  pp.  195-198. 
— Sopulvediu  Opera,  vol.  il.  pp.  399-401.— 
Marillac,  ap.  Raumer.  Sixteenth  and  Seven- 
teenth Centuries,  vol.  1.  p.  28  et  seq. 

"  Marillac,    ap.    Raumer,    Sixteenth    and 
Seventeenth  Centuries,  vol.  i.  p.  30. 


I 


!| 


AMBITIOUS  SCHEMES. 


27 


his  father,  inasmuch  as  the  son  of  an  emperor  was  greater  than  the  son 
01  a  king ! '»— a  foolish  vaunt,  not  the  less  indicative  of  his  character  that  it 
was  made  for  him,  probably,  by  the  Germans.  In  ^^ort,  Philip  smannej^^ 
which,  in  the  language  of  a  contemporary,  had  been  little  pleasing  to  the 
Italians  and  positively  displeasing  to  the  i^iemings,  were  altogether  odious  to 

^  ^Nor  wa^the  idea  of  Philip's  election  at  all  more  acceptable  to  the  Spaniards 
themselves.  That  nation  had  been  long  enough  regarded  as  an  appendage  to 
the  empire.  Their  pride  had  been  wounded  by  the  light  in  which  they  were 
held  by  Charles,  who  seemed  to  look  on  Spain  as  a  royal  domain  valuable 
chiefly  for  the  means  it  afforded  him  for  playing  his  part  on  the  great  theatre 
of  Europe.  The  haughty  Castilian  of  the  sixteenth  century,  conscious  of  his 
superior  pretensions,  could  ill  brook  this  abasement.  He  sighed  for  a  prince 
born  an(f  bred  in  Spain,  who  would  be  content  to  pass  his  life  m  Spam,  and 
would  have  no  ambition  unconnected  with  her  prosperity  and  glorj-  |^f^e 
Spaniard^  were  even  more  tenacious  on  this  head  than  the  Germans,  iheir 
remote  situation  made  them  more  exclusive,  more  stnctW  national,  and  le^ 
tolerant  of  foreign  influence.  They  required  a  bpaniard  to  rule  over  them. 
Such  was  Philip ;  and  they  anticipated  the  hour  when  Spam  should  be 
divorced  from  the  empire  and,  under  the  sway  of  a  patriotic  pnnce,  nse  to 
her  just  pre-eminence  among  the  nations.  .,         •  i.     -^u  „„«k 

Yet  Charies,  far  from  yielding,  continued  to  press  the  point  with  such 
pertinacity  th^lt  it  seemed  likely  to  lead  to  an  open  rupture  between  the 
iirterent  branches  of  his  family.  For  a  time  Ferdinand  kept  his  apartment, 
and  had  no  intercourse  with  Charles  or  his  sister  -  Yet  m  Ae  end  the  genius 
or  the  obstinacy  of  Charies  so  far  prevailed  over  his  brother  that  he  acquiesced 
in  a  private  cbmpact,  by  which,  while  he  was  to  retoin  possession  of  the 
imperial  crown,  it  was  agreed  that  Philip  should  succeed  him  as  King  of  the 
KZ  ,  and  that  Maxin.ilian  should  succeed  Philin.'^  Fe^dma^d  hamrde^^ 
Uttle  by'conces.sions  which  could  never  be  sanctioned  by  the  e^ctoral  c^^^^^^^^ 
The  reverses  which  befell  the  emperor's  arms  m  the  course  of  the  foUowii  ff 
year  destroyed  whatever  influence  he  might  have  possessed  m  that  body  ;  and 
heteems  never  to  have  revived  his  schemes  for  aggrandizing  his  son  by  secunng 
to  him  the  succession  to  the  empire.  .  u^a  -r...^ 

Philip  had  now  accompUshed  the  great  object  of  his  visit.  He  h^  Fe- 
sentedliimself  to  the  people  of  the  Netheriands,  and  had  received  their 
homayLheir  to  the  realni.  His  tour  had  been  in  some  respects  a  profitab^ 
one  It  was  scarcely  possible  that  a  young  man  whose  days  had  hitherto 
been  pised  within  tfie  ^rrow  limits  of  his  own  country,  for  ever  under  the 
same  tal  influences,  should  not  have  his  ideas  greatfy  enlarged  by  going 
Xoad^id  minghng'with  different  nations  It  was  especial  y  mipor^^^^^ 
Philip  to  make  hiuiself  familiar,  as  none  but  a  resident  can  be,  with  the 


"  Ranke,  Ottoman  and  Spanish  Empires  in 
the  Sixteenth  and  Seventeen ih  Centuries  (Eng. 
trans.,  liOndon,  1843),  p.  31. 

»•  "  Da  cosi  fatta  educatione  ne  segni  quando 
S.  M.  usci  la  prima  volta  da  Spagna,  et  passd 
per  Italia  et  per  Germania  in  Fiandra.  lascio 
impressione  da  per  tutto  che  fosse  d'animo  se- 
ver© et  intrattabile ;  et  pero  fu  poco  grato  a 
Italiani,  ingratissimo  a  Fiaraenghi  et  a  Tede- 
Bchi  odioso."    Relatione  di  Michele  Soriano, 

MS. 

^"  Marillac,  ap.  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and 
Seventeenth  Centuries,  vol.  i.  p.  32.— Se«  also 


the  characteriPtic  letter  of  Charles  to  his  sister, 
the  regent  of  the  Netherlands  (December  16th, 
1550),  full  of  anery  expressions  against  ^prdi- 
naiid  lor  his  ingratitude  and  treachery.  1  he 
scheme,  according  to  Charles's  view  of  it,  was 
calculated  for  the  benefit  of  both  paities,— "  ce 
que  convenoit  pour  establir  noz  maxsf»\s. 
Lanz,  Correspondenz  des  Kaisers  Karl  V. 
(I^ipzig,  1846),  B.  iii.  8.  18. 

"A  copy  of  the  instrument  containing  this 
agreement, dated  March  9th,  1551,  is preserAed 
in  tlie  archives  of  Belgium.  See  Mignet, 
Charlcs-Quiut,  p.  42,  note. 


28 


EARLY  DAYS  OF  PHILIP. 


CONDITION  OF  SPAIN. 


20 


character  and  institutions  of  those  nations  over  whom  he  was  one  day  to 
preside.  Yet  his  visit  to  the  Netherlands  had  not  been  attended  with  the 
happiest  results.  He  evidently  did  not  make  a  favourable  impression  on  the 
people.  The  more  they  saw  of  him  the  less  they  appeared  to  like  him.  Such 
impressions  are  usually  reciprocal ;  and  Philip  seems  to  have  parted  from  the 
country  with  little  regret.  Thus,  in  the  first  interview  between  the  future 
sovereign  and  his  subjects  the  symptoms  might  already  be  discerned  of  that 
alienation  which  was  afterwards  to  widen  into  a  permanent  and  irreparable 

Philip,  anxious  to  reach  Castile,  pushed  forward  his  journey,  without  halting 
to  receive  the  civilities  that  were  everywhere  tendered  to  him  on  his  roiite. 
He  made  one  exception,  at  Trent,  where  the  ecclesiastical  council  was  holding 
the  memorable  session  that  occupies  so  large  a  share  in  Church  annals.  On 
his  approach  to  the  city,  the  cardinal  legate,  attended  bv  the  mitred  prelates 
and  other  dignitaries  of  the  council,  came  out  in  a  body  to  receive  him. 
During  his  stay  there  he  was  entertained  with  masks,  dancing,  theatrical 
exhibitions,  and  jousts,  contrived  to  represent  scenes  in  Ariosto."  These 
diversions  of  the  reverend  fathers  formed  a  whimsical  contrast,  perhaps  a 
welcome  relief,  to  their  solemn  occupation  of  digesting  a  creed  for  the  Christian 
world. 

From  Trent  Philip  pursued  his  way,  with  all  expedition,  to  Genoa,  where 
he  embarked,  under  the  flag  of  the  veteran  Doria,  who  had  brought  him  from 
Spain.  He  landed  at  Barcelona  on  the  twelfth  day  of  July,  1551,  and  pro- 
ceeded at  once  to  Valladolid,  where  he  resumed  the  government  of  the 
kingdom.  He  was  fortified  by  a  letter  from  his  father,  dated  at  Augsburg: 
which  contained  ample  instructions  as  to  the  policy  he  was  to  pursue,  and 
freely  discussed  both  the  foreign  and  domestic  relations  of  the  country.  The 
letter,  which  is  very  long,  shows  that  the  capacious  mind  of  Charles,  however 
little  time  he  could  personally  give  to  the  atiairs  of  the  monarchy,  fully  com- 
prehended its  internal  condition  and  the  extent  of  its  resources." 

The  following  years  were  years  of  humiliation  to  Charles  ;  years  marked  by 
the  flight  from  Innsbruck,  and  the  disastrous  siege  of  Metz,— when,  beaten  by 
the  Protestants,  foiled  by  the  French,  the  reverses  of  the  emperor  pressed 
heavily  on  his  proud  heart,  and  did  more,  probably,  than  all  the  homihes  of 
his  ghostly  teachers  to  disgust  him  with  the  world  and  its  vanities. 

Yet  these  reverses  made  little  impression  on  Spain.  The  sounds  of  war 
died  away  before  they  reached  the  foot  of  the  Pyrenees.  Spain,  it  is  true, 
sent  forth  her  sons,  from  time  to  time,  to  serve  under  the  banners  of  Charles  ; 
and  it  was  in  that  school  that  was  perfected  the  admirable  system  of  discipline 
and  tactics  which,  begun  by  the  Great  Captain,  made  the  Spanish  infantry  the 
most  redoubtable  in  Europe.  But  the  great  body  of  the  people  felt  little 
interest  in  the  success  of  these  distant  enterprises,  where  success  brought  them 
no  good.  Not  that  the  mind  of  Spain  was  inactive,  or  oppressed  with  the 
lethargy  which  stole  over  it  in  a  later  age.  There  was,  on  the  contrary,  great 
intellectual  activity.  She  was  excluded  by  an  arbitrary  government  from 
pushing  her  speculations  in  the  regions  of  theological  or  political  science.  But 
this,  to  a  considerable  extent,  was  the  case  with  most  of  the  neighbouring 
nations;  and  she  indemnified  herself  for  this  exclusion  by  a  more  diligent 


"  T^tl.  Vita  di  Fllippo  TI.,  torn.  I.  p.  199.— 
Memorial  et  Recueil  des  Voyages  du  Roi  dea 
Kppagnep,  escript  par  le  Controleur  de  Sa  Ma- 
Jc8te.  MS. 

'*  The  letter,  of  which  I  have  a  manuscript 


copy,  taken  from  one  in  the  rich  collection  of 
Sir  Thomas  F'hillips,  is  published  at  lengtli  by 
Sandoval,  in  his  Hist,  de  Carlos  V.,  where  it 
occupies  twelve  pages  folio.  Tom.  ii.  p.  475 
et  Be<|. 


cultivation  of  elegant  literature.  The  constellation  of  genius  had  already 
begun  to  show  itself  above  the  horizon,  which  was  to  shed  a  glory  over  the 
meridian  and  the  close  of  Philip's  reign.  The  courtly  poets  in  the  reign  of 
his  father  had  confessed  the  influence  of  Italian  models,  derived  through  the 
recent  territorial  acquisitions  in  Italy.  But  the  national  taste  was  again 
asserting  its  supremacy  ;  and  the  fashionable  tone  of  coniposition  was  becoming 
more  and  more  accommodated  to  the  old  Castilian  standard. 

It  would  be  impossible  that  any  departure  from  a  national  standard  should 
be  long  tolerated  in  Spain,  where  the  language,  the  manners,  the  dress,  the 
usages  of  the  country  were  much  the  same  as  they  had  been  for  generations, 
—as  they  continued  to  be  for  generations,  long  after  Cervantes  held  up  the 
mirror  of  fiction  to  reflect  the  traits  of  the  national  existence  more  vividly 
than  is  permitted  to  the  page  of  the  chronicler.  In  the  rude  romances  of  the 
fourteenth  and  the  fifteenth  century  the  Castilian  of  the  sixteenth  might  see 
his  way  of  life  depicted  with  tolerable  accuracy.  The  amorous  cavalier  still 
thrummed  his  guitar  by  moonlight  under  the  balcony  of  his  mistress,  or  wore 
her  favours  at  the  Moorish  tilt  of  reeds.  The  common  people  still  sung  their 
lively  seguidillas,  or  crowded  to  \X\q  fiestas  de  toros,—mQ  cruel  bull-fights,— 
or  to  the  more  cruel  autos  clef 4.  This  last  spectacle,  of  comparatively  recent 
origin,— in  the  time  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,— was  the  legitimate  conse- 
quence of  the  long  wars  with  the  Moslems,  which  made  the  Spaniard  intolerant 
of  religious  infidelity.  Atrocious  as  it  seems  in  a  more  humane  and  enlightened 
age,  it  was  regarded  by  the  ancient  Spaniard  as  a  sacrifice  grateful  to  Heaven, 
at  which  he  was  to  rekindle  the  dormant  embers  of  his  own  religious 
sensibilities 

The  cessation  of  the  long  Moorish  wars,  by  the  fall  of  Granada,  made  the 
most  important  change  in  the  condition  of  the  Spaniards.  They,  hoAvever, 
found  a  vent  for  their  chivalrous  fanaticism  in  a  crusade  against  the  heathen 
of  the  New  World.  Those  who  returned  from  their  wanderings  brought  back 
to  Spain  little  of  foreign  usages  and  manners  ;  for  the  Spaniard  was  the  only 
civilized  man  whom  they  found  in  the  wilds  of  America. 

Thus  passed  the  domestic  life  of  the  Spaniard,  in  the  same  unvaried  circle 
of  habits,  opinions,  and  prejudices,  to  the  exclusion,  and  probably  contempt,  of 
everything  foreign.  Not  that  these  habits  did  not  diflfer  in  the  different  pro- 
vinces, where  their  distinctive  peculiarities  were  handed  down,  with  traditional 
precision,  from  father  to  son.  But  beneath  these  there  was  one  common  basis 
of  the  national  character.  Never  was  there  a  people,  probably,  with  the 
exception  of  the  Jews,  distinguished  by  so  intense  a  nationality.  It  was 
among  such  a  people,  and  under  such  influences,  that  Philip  was  bom  and 
educated.  His  temperament  and  his  constitution  of  mind  peculiarly  fitted 
him  for  the  reception  of  these  influences  ;  and  the  Spaniards,  as  he  grew  in 
years,  beheld,  with  pride  and  satisfaction,  in  their  future  sovereign,  the  most 
perfect  type  of  the  national  cliaracter. 


30 


ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 


CONDITION  OF  ENGLAND. 


31 


CHAPTER  m. 

ENGLISH   ALLIANCE. 

Condition  of  England-Character  of  Mary  Tudor— Philip's  Proposals  of  Marriage— Marriage- 
Articles— Insurrection  in  England. 

1653,  1554. 

In  the  summer  of  J553,  three  years  after  Philip's  return  to  Spain,  occurred  an 
event  which  was  to  exercise  a  considerable  influence  on  his  fortunes.  Ihis 
was  the  death  of  Edward  the  Sixth  of  England,— after  a  brief  but  important 
reign  He  was  succeeded  by  his  sister  Marv,  that  unfortunate  princess,  whose 
sobriquet  of  *'  Bloody  "  gives  her  a  melancholy  distinction  among  the  sovereigns 

of  the  house  of  Tudor.  ,„.,.,,.,  ,  xu  *   *u        «* 

The  reign  of  her  father,  Henry  the  Eighth,  had  opened  the  way  to  the  great 
revolution  in  religion,  the  effects  of  which  were  destined  to  be  perinauent. 
Yet  Henry  himself  showed  his  strength  rather  in  unsettling  ancient  institutions 
than  in  establishing  new  ones.  By  the  abolition  of  the  monastenes  he  broke 
up  that  spiritual  militia  which  was  a  most  efficacious  instrument  for  maintain- 
iifo'  the  authority  of  Rome ;  and  he  completed  the  work  of  independence  by 
seating  himself  boldly  in  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  and  assuming  the  authority  of 
head  of  the  Church.  Thus,  while  the  supremacy  of  the  pope  was  rejected,  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion  was  maintained  in  its  essential  principles  unimpaired. 
In  other  words,  the  nation  remained  Catholics,  but  not  Papists. 

The  impulse  thus  given  under  Henry  was  followed  up  to  more  important 
consequences  under  his  son,  Edward  the  Sixth.  The  opinions  of  the  German 
Reformers,  considerably  modified,  especially  in  regard  to  the  exterior  forms 
and  discipline  of  worship,  met  with  a  cordial  welcome  from  the  ministers  of  the 
youn'^  monarch.  Protestantism  became  the  religion  of  the  land ;  and  the 
Church  of  England  received,  to  a  great  extent,  the  peculiar  organization  which 
it  has  preserved  to  the  present  day.  But  Edward's  reign  was  too  brief  to  allow 
the  new  opinions  to  take  deep  root  in  the  hearts  of  the  people.  The  greater 
part  of  the  aristocracy  soon  showed  that,  whatever  religious  zeal  they  had 
affected,  they  were  not  prepared  to  make  any  sacrifice  of  their  temporal 
interests.  On  the  accession  of  a  Catholic  queen  to  the  throne,  a  reaction  soon 
became  visible.  Some  embarrassment  to  a  return  to  the  former  faith  was 
found  in  the  restitution  which  it  might  naturally  involve  of  the  confiscated 
property  of  the  monastic  orders.  But  the  politic  concessions  of  Rome  dis- 
pensed with  this  severe  trial  of  the  sincerity  of  its  new  proselytes ;  and  England, 
after  repudiating  her  heresies,  was  received  into  the  fold  of  the  Roman  Catho- 
lic Church  and  placed  once  more  under  the  jurisdiction  of  its  pontiff. 

After  the  specimens  given  of  the  ready  ductility  with  which  the  English  of 
that  day  accommodated  tlieir  religious  creeds  to  the  creed  of  their  sovereign, 
we  shall  hardly  wonder  at  the  caustic  criticism  of  the  Venetian  ambassador 
resident  at  the  court  of  London  in  Queen  Mary's  time.  "  The  example  and 
authority  of  the  sovereign,"  he  says,  "  are  everything  with  the  people  of  this 
country,  in  matters  of  faith.  As  he  believes,  they  believe ;  Judaism  or 
Mahometanism,— it  is  all  one  to  them.    They  conform  themselves  easily  to  his 


I 


will,  at  least  so  far  as  the  outward  show  is  concerned ;  and  most  easily  of  all 
where  it  concurs  with  their  own  pleasure  and  profit."  ' 

The  ambassador,  Giovanni  Micheli,  was  one  of  that  order  of  merchant- 
piinces  employed  by  Venice  in  her  foreign  missions,— men  whose  acquaintance 
with  affairs  enabled,  them  to  comprehend  the  resoiurcesof  the  country  to  which 
they  were  sent,  as  well  as  the  intrigues  of  its  court.  Their  observations  were 
digested  into  elaborate  reports,  which  on  their  return  to  Venice  were  publicly 
read  before  the  doge  and  the  senate.  The  documents  thus  prepared  form  some 
of  the  most  valuable  and  authentic  materials  for  the  history  of  Europe  m  the 
sixteenth  centuiy.  Micheli's  report  is  diffuse  on  the  condition  of  England 
under  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary  ;  and  some  of  his  remarks  will  have  interest 
for  the  reader  of  the  present  day,  as  affording  a  standard  of  comparison  with 

the  past.*  ,    .    T^  ... 

London  he  eulogizes  as  one  of  the  noblest  capitals  m  Europe,  containing, 
with  its  suburbs,  about  a  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  souls.^  The  great 
lords,  as  in  France  and  Germany,  passed  most  of  their  time  on  then-  estates  in 

the  country.  ,         ,  .  -        •      .r 

The  kingdom  was  strong  enough,  if  imited,  to  defy  any  invasion  from 
abroad.  Yet  its  navy  was  small,  having  dwindled,  from  neglect  and  an  ill- 
judged  economy,  to  not  more  than  forty  vessels  of  war.  But  the  mercantile 
marine  could  furnish  two  thousand  more,  which  at  a  short  notice  could  be  well 
equipped  and  got  ready  for  sea.  The  army  was  particulariy  strong  in  artillery, 
and  provided  with  all  the  munitions  of  war.  The  weapon  chiefly  m  repute 
was  the  bow,  to  which  the  English  people  were  trained  from  early  youth.  In 
their  cavalry  they  were  most  defective.  Horses  were  abundant,  but  wanted 
bottom.  They  were  for  the  most  part  light,  weak,  and  grass-fed.*  The  nation 
was,  above  all,  to  be  envied  for  the  lightness  of  the  public  burdens.  There 
were  no  taxes  on  wine,  beer,  salt,  cloth,  nor,  indeed,  on  any  of  the  articles  that 
in  other  countries  furnished  the  greatest  sources  of  revenue.*  The  whole 
revenue  did  not  usually  exceed  two  hundred  thousand  pounds.  Pariiaments 
were  rarely  summoned,  except  to  save  the  king  trouble  or  to  afford  a  cloak  to 

*  "Quanto  alia  religione,  sia   certa  V'ra 
Sen"  che  ogiil  cosa  puo  in  loro  1'  essemplo  et 


> 


1'  autoiita  del  Principe,  che  in  tanto  gl'  In 
glesi  stimano  la  religione,  et  si  muovono  per 
essa,  in  quanto  sodisfanno  all'  obligo  de'  sud- 
diii  verso  ii  Principe,  vivendo  com'  ei  vive, 
credendo  cioche  ei  crede,  et  finalmente  facendo 
tutto  quel  che  comanda  conservirsene,  piu  per 
mostra  esteriore,  per  non  Incorrere  in  sua  dis- 
gratia,  che  por  zelo  interiore ;  perche  il  mede- 
simo  faciaiio  della  MauniettanaodellaGiudea, 
pur  che  'I  Re  raosti  asse  di  credere,  et  volesse 
cosi ;  et  s'  accommodariano  a  tutte,  ma  a 
quella  piu  facilm  nte  dalla  quale  sperassero  o 
ver'  m;'pgior  licentia  et  liberta  di  vivere,  o 
vero  qualclie  utile."  Relatione  del  Clarissimo 
M.  Giovanni  Micheli,  ritornato  Ambasciatore 
alia  Itrgina  d'  Inghilterra  l'  anno  1557,  MS. 

■'  Soriano  notices  the  courteous  bearing  and 
address  of  his  countryman  Micheli,  as  render- 
ing him  universaUy  popular  at  the  courts 
where  he  resided:  "11  Michiel  e  gratissimo  a 
tutti  flno  al  minore,  per  la  domestichczza  che 
havea  con  i  grandi,  et  per  la  dolcezza  et  corte- 
8ia  che  usava  con  gl'  altri,  et  per  il  giudicio 
che  mostrava  con  tutti."  Relatione  di  Ml- 
chele  Soriano,  MS.— Copies  of  Micheli's  in- 
teresting Relation  are  to  be  found  in  dififerent 


public  libraries  of  Europe ;  among  others.  In 
the  collection  of  the  Cottonian  MSS.,  and  of 
the  Lansdowne  MSS.,  in  the  British  Museum  ; 
and  in  tiie  Barberini  Library,  at  Rome.  The 
copy  in  my  possession  is  fr<>m  the  ducal  library 
at  Gotha.  Sir  Henry  Ellis,  in  the  Second 
Series  of  his  "Original  Letters,"  has  given 
an  abstract  of  the  Cottonian  MS. 

•^  This  agrees  with  the  Ijansdowne  MS.  The 
Cottonian,  as  given  by  Sir  Henry  Ellis,  puts 
the  population  at  l.'iO.OOO. 

*  "  Essendo  cavalli  deboli,  et  di  pora  leiia, 
nutriti  solo  d'  eiba,  vivendo  como  la  pecore, 
et  tutti  gli  altri  animali,  per  la  temperie  dell 
aere  da  tutti  1  tempi  ne  i  pa.ocoli  a  la  cam- 
pagna,  non  possono  far'  gran'  pruove,  ne  sono 
tenuti  in  stima."  Relatione  di  Gio.  Micheli, 
MS. 

'  "  Non  solo  non  sono  in  essere,  ma  non  pur 
si  considerano  gravezze  di  sorte  alcuna,  non 
di  sale,  non  di  vino  o  de  bira,  non  di  machia, 
non  di  came,  non  di  far  pane,  et  cose  simili 
necessarie  al  vivere,  che  in  tutti  pli  altri 
luogbi  d'  Italia  specialmente,  et  in  Fiandra, 
sono  di  tanto  maggior  utile,  quanto  e  piu 
grande  il  numero  dci  sudditi  che  le  eonsu- 
mano."    Ibid.,  MS. 


I 


32  ENGLISH  ALLUNCE. 

his  designs.  No  one  ventured  to  resist  the  royal  will :  servile  the  members 
c^me  there  and  servile  they  remained.-  An  EngUshman  of  the  nineteenth 
Siry  may  smile  at  the  contrast  presented  by  some  of  these  remarks  to  he 
Sition  of  the  nation  at  the  present  day  ;  though  m  the  item  of  taxation  the 
contrast  may  be  rather  fitted  te  provoke  a  sigh  .  . 

The  portrait  of  Queen  Mary  is  given  by  the  Venetian  mims^ter  with  a 
colouring  somewhat  different  from  that  in  which  she  is  connnonly  depicted  by 
English  historians.  She  was  about  thirty-six  years  of  a^^e  at  the  time  of  her 
accession.  In  stature  she  was  of  rather  less  than  the  nnddle  size -not  large, 
aS^as  the  case  with  both  her  father  and  mother -and  exceedingly  well  ma£e 
"  The  portraits  of  her,"  says  Micheli,  "  show  that  m  her  youth  she  must  have 
been  not  only  good-loiking  but  even  handsome;"  '^^^^^^ ^tT^lt 
when  he  saw  her,  exhibited  traces  of  early  trouble  and  disease.^  But  ^^  hat- 
ever  she  had  lost  in  personal  attractions  wa^  fuHy  made  up  by  tha^e  of  tl  e 
mind.  She  was  quick  of  apprehension,  and,  like  her  youi^er  sister,  Elizabeth, 
was  mistress  of  seveml  laniniages,  three  of  which,  t>e  French,  Spanish,  and 
Latin,  she  could  speak,-the  last  with  fluency.'  But  in  these  accomplis^im^its 
she  wks  surpJ  by  her  sister,  who  knew  the  Greek  ^^11,  and  could  spea^^ 
Italian  with  ease  and  elegance.  Mary,  however,  both  spoke  and  wrote  her 
own  language  in  a  plain,  straightforward  manner,  that  forms  a  contrast  to  the 
ambiguous  phrase  and  cold  conceits  in  which  Elizabeth  usually  conveyed,  or 

rather  concealed,  her  sentiments.  -    -  c     -4.       u-  u  «^« 

Marv  had  the  misfortune  to  labour  under  a  chronic  infirnnty  which  con- 
fined her  for  weeks,  and  indeed  months  of  every  year  to  her  chamber,  and 
which,  with  her  domestic  troubles,  gave  her  an  air  of  melancholy  that  in  later 
years  ^ttled  into  a  repulsive  austerity.  The  tenes  of  her  voice  were  mascu- 
line, says  the  Venetian,  and  her  eyes  inspired  a  feeling  not  merely  of  rever- 
ence, but  of  fear,  wherever  she  turned  them.  Her  spirit,  he  adds,  was  lofty 
and  magnanimous,  never  discomposed  by  danger,  showmg  m  all  things  a 

blood  truly  royal.*  .  ,        na-  i..  *.  u^  4.^^ 

Her  piety,  "he  continues,  and  her  patience  under  affliction,  cannot  be  too 
greatly  admired.  Sustained  as  she  was  by  a  lively  faith  and  conscious  inno- 
cence, he  compares  her  to  a  light  which  the  fierce  winds  have  no  POwer  to 
extinguish,  but  which  still  shines  on  with  increasing  lustre.»*    She  waited  her 


•  "  SI  come  servi  et  sud.Utl  son  quelU  che  v| 
intervengono,  cnsi  servi  et  sudditl  son  1' 
attione  che  si  trattano  in  essi."  Relatione  dl 
Gio.  Micheli,  MS. 

'  "1E  donna  di  statura  pircola,  piu  presta 
che  mediocre ;  e  di  persona  maRra  et  delicata, 
dissimile  in  tutto  al  padre,  che  fu  grande  ot 
grusan ;  et  alia  madre.  che  se  non  era  grande 
eraperftmassiccia;  et  ben  formata  di  facc.a, 
per  quel  che  mostrami  le  f.ittezze  et  li  linea- 
jnenti  che  si  vepgono  da  i  ritratti,  quando  era 
piu  giovane,  non  pur'  tpnuU  honesta,  ma  piu 
che  modiocremente  hella;  al  presente  se  li 
ecoprono  qualche  cre-pe,  causate  piu  da  gll 
alTannI  che  dall'  etii,  clie  la  mostrano  attem- 
pata  di  qualche  aimi  dl  piu."     Ibid..  MS. 

•  ♦'  Quanto  se  li  potesse  levare  delle  bellezze 
del  corpo,  tanto  c»n  verita,  et  senza  adula- 
tione,  se  li  puo  aggiunger'  di  quelle  del 
animo,  perche  oltra  la  felicitS,  et  accortezza 
dfl  ingogno,  iitto  in  capir  tutto  quel  che  poasa 
ciascun  altro,  rlico  luor  del  Bea-so  suo  quel  che 
in  una  donna  parera  maraviglloso,  e  instrutta 


di  cinque  lingue,  le  quali  non  solo  intende, 
ma  quattro  ne  parla  speditamente ;  quest! 
Bono  oltre  la  sua  materna  et  naturale  inglesc, 
la  fnmzese,  la  spagnola,  et  l*  italiana."    Ibid., 

MS. 

•  "  E  in  tutto  coragiosa,  et  cosi  resoluta, 
che  per  nessuna  adversiti,  ne  per  nessun 
pericolo  nel  qual  m  sia  ritrovata,  non  ha  mai 
pur  mostrato,  non  che  coinmesso  atto  alcuuo 
di  vilta  ne  di  pusillanimita  ;  hasempre  tenuta 
una  grandezza  et  dignita  mlrabile,  cosi  ben 
coniisc'  ndo  quel  che  si  convenga  al  decorodel 
Re,  com*'  il  piii  consummuto  consigliero  che 
ella  habbia;  in  tanto  che  dal  procedere,  et 
dalle  maniereche  ha  tennto,  et  tiene  tnttavia, 
non  pi  puo  negare.  che  non  mostri  d'  esser  nata 
di  sangue  veram-nte  real."    Ibid.,  MS. 

"  "  Delia  qual  humilita,  pietA.  et  religion 
sua,  non  occorre  ragionare,  ne  rcndevne  testl- 
moni>>,  perche  son  da  tutti  non  solo  conosciute, 
ma  sommamente  predicate  con  le  prove.  .  .  . 
Ko8."*e  <ome  un  debol  lume  combattuto  da 
gran  vcnti  per  estiiiguerlo  dA  tutto,  ma  sem- 


CHARACTER  OF  MARY. 


33 


time,  and  was  plainly  reserved  by  Providence  for  a  great  destiny.  We  are 
reading  the  language  of  the  loyal  Catholic,  grateful  for  the  services  which 
Mary  had  rendered  to  the  faith.  ,       „  j        x       j 

Yet  it  would  be  uncharitable  not  to  believe  that  Mary  was  devout,  and 
most  earnest  in  her  devotion.  The  daughter  of  Katharine  of  Aragon,  the 
granddaughter  of  Isabella  of  Castile,  could  hardly  have  been  otherwise.  The 
women  of  that  royal  hue  were  uniformly  conspicuous  for  their  piety,  though 
this  was  too  often  tinctured  with  bigotry.  In  Mary,  bigotry  d^enerated 
into  fanaticism,  and  fanaticism  into  the  spirit  of  persecution.  The  worst 
evils  are  probably  those  that  have  flowed  from  fanaticism.  Yet  the  amount 
of  the  mischief  does  not  necessarily  furnish  us  with  the  measure  of  guilt  m 
the  author  of  it  The  introduction  of  the  Inquisition  into  bpam  must  be 
mainly  charged  on  Isabella.  Yet  the  student  of  her  reign  will  not  refuse  to 
this  great  queen  the  praise  of  tenderness  of  conscience  and  a  sincere  desire 
to  do  the  right.  Unhappily,  the  faith  in  which  she,  as  well  as  her  royal 
granddaughter,  was  nurtured,  taught  her  to  place  her  conscience  in  the  keep- 
ing of  ministers  less  scrupulous  than  herself ;  and  on  those  ministers  may 
fairly  rest  much  of  the  responsibility  of  measures  on  which  they  only  were 
deemed  competent  to  determine.  ,      ,  v        j       j    v* 

Mary's  sincerity  in  her  religious  professions  was  placed  beyond  a  doubt 
by  the  readiness  with  which  she  submitted  to  the  sacrifice  of  her  personal 
interests  whenever  the  interests  of  religion  seemed  to  demand  it.  She  burned 
her  translation  of  a  portion  of  Erasmus,  prepared  with  great  labour,  at  the 
suggestion  of  her  confessor.  An  author  will  readily  estimate  the  value  of 
such  a  sacrifice.  One  more  important,  and  intellidble  to  all,  was  the  resolute 
manner  in  which  she  persisted  in  restoring  the  Church  property  which  had 
been  confiscated  to  the  use  of  the  crown.  "  The  crown  is  too  much  im- 
poverished to  admit  of  it,"  remonstrated  her  ministers.  I  would  rather  ose 
ten  crowns,"  replied  the  high-minded  queen,  "  than  place  mv  soul  m  peril. 

Yet  it  cannot  be  denied  that  Mary  had  inherited  in  full  measure  some  of 
the  sterner  qualities  of  her  father,  and  that  she  was  wanting  m  that  sympathy 
for  human  suffering  which  is  so  graceful  in  a  woman.  After  a  rebellion,  tiie 
reprisals  were  terrible.  London  was  converted  into  a  charnel-hous^e ;  and 
the  squares  and  principal  streets  were  garnished  with  the  unsightly  trophies 
of  the  heads  and  limbs  of  numerous  victims  who  had  fallen  by  the  hand  ot 
the  executioner. '2  This  was  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  age.  But 
the  execution  of  the  unfortunate  Lady  Jane  Grey-the  young,  the  beautiful, 
and  the  good— leaves  a  blot  on  the  fame  of  Mary  which  finds  no  parallel  but 
in  the  treatment  of  the  ill-fated  queen  of  Scots  by  Elizabeth. 

Mary's  treatment  of  Elizabeth  has  formed  another  subject  of  reproach, 
though  the  grounds  of  it  are  not  sufficiently  made  out ;  and  at  all  events, 
many  circumstances  may  be  alleged  in  extenuation  of  her  conduct.  She  had 
seen  her  mother,  the  noble-minded  Katharine,  exposed  to  the  most  crue 
indignities  and  compelled  to  surrender  her  bed  and  her  throne  to  an  artful 
rival,  the  mother  of  Elizabeth.  She  had  heard  herself  declared  illegitiniate, 
and  her  right  to  the  succession  set  aside  in  favour  of  her  younger  sister 
Even  after  her  intrepid  conduct  had  secured  to  her  the  crown,  she  was  still 
haunted  by  the  same  gloomy  apparition  Elizabeth's  pretensions  were  con- 
stantly brought  before  the  public  ;  and  Mary  might  well  be  alarmed  by  the 


pre  tenuto  vivo,  et  difeso  della  sua  innocentla 
et  viva  fede,  accioche  havesse  a  risplender  nel 
modo  che  bora  fa."  Relatione  di  Gio. 
Micheli,  MS. 


"  Burnet,  History  of  the  Reformation 
(Oxford,  1816),  vol.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  557. 

'='  Strype,  Memorials  (London,  1721),  vol. 
iii.  p.  93. 


34 


ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 


disclosure  of  conspiracy  after  conspiracy,  the  object  of  which,  it  was  rumoured. 
was  to  seat  her  sister  on  the  throne.  As  she  advanced  in  years,  Mary  had 
the  further  mortification  of  seeing  her  rival  gain  on  those  aflections  of  the 
people  which  had  grown  cool  to  her.  Was  it  wonderful  that  she  should  re^'ard 
her  sister,  under  these  circumstances,  with  feelings  of  distrust  and  aversion  ? 
That  she  did  so  regard  her  is  asserted  by  the  Venetian  minister ;  and  it  is 
plain  that  during  the  first  years  of  Mary's  reign  Elizabeth's  life  hunff  upon 
a  thread.  Yet  Mary  had  strength  of  principle  sutiicient  to  resist  the  im- 
portunities of  Charles  the  Fifth  and  his  ambassador  to  take  the  life  of  Eliza- 
beth, as  a  thing  indispensable  to  her  own  safety  and  that  of  Philip.  Although 
her  sister  was  shown  to  be  privy,  though  not  openly  accessory,  to  the  rebellion 
under  Wyatt,  Mary  would  not  constrain  the  law  from  its  course  to  do  her 
violence.  This  was  something,  under  the  existing  circumstances,  in  an  age 
so  unscrupulous.  After  this  storm  had  passed  over,  Mary,  whatever  restraint 
she  imposed  on  her  real  feelings,  treated  Elizabeth,  for  the  most  part,  with 
a  show  of  kindness,  though  her  name  still  continued  to  be  mingled,  whether 
with  or  without  cause,  with  more  than  one  treasonable  plot."  Mary's  last 
act— perhaps  the  only  one  in  which  she  openly  resisted  the  will  of  her  hus- 
band—was to  refuse  to  compel  her  sister  to  accept  the  hand  of  Philibert  of 
Savoy.  Yet  this  act  would  have  relieved  her  of  the  presence  of  her  rival ; 
and  by  it  Elizabeth  would  have  forfeited  her  independent  possession  of  the 
crown,— perhaps  the  possession  of  it  altogether.  It  may  be  doubted  whether 
Elizabeth,  under  similar  circumstances,  would  have  shown  the  like  tenderness 
to  the  interests  of  her  successor. 

But,  however  we  may  be  disponed  to  extenuate  the  conduct  of  Mary,  and 
in  spiritual  matters,  more  especially,  to  transfer  the  responsibility  of  her  acts 
from  hei-self  to  her  advisers,  it  is  not  possible  to  dwell  on  this  reign  of  religious 
persecution  without  feelings  of  profound  sadness.  Not  that  the  number  of 
victims  compares  with  what  is  recorded  of  many  similar  periods  of  persecution. 
The  whole  amount,  falling  probably  short  of  three  hundred  who  perished  at 
the  stake,  was  less  than  the  numl)er  who  fell  by  the  hand  of  the  executioner, 
or  by  violence,  during  the  same  length  of  time  under  Henry  the  Eighth.  It 
was  not  much  greater  than  might  be  Fometiuies  found  at  a  single  Spanish 
auto  de  fe.  But  Spain  was  the  land  in  which  this  might  be  regarded  as  the 
national  spectacle,— as  much  so  as  the  Jiesta  de  toros,  or  any  other  of  the 
lK)pular  exhibitions  of  the  country.  In  England,  a  few  examples  had  not 
sutticed  to  steel  the  hearts  of  men  against  these  horrors.  The  heroic  company 
of  martyrs,  condemned  to  the  most  agonizing  of  deaths  for  asserting  the 
rights  of  conscience,  was  a  sight  strange  and  shocking  to  Englishmen.  The 
feelings  of  that  day  have  been  perpetuated  to  the  present.  The  reign  of 
religious  pei-secution  stands  out  by  itself,  as  something  distinct  from  the 
natural  course  of  events ;  and  the  fires  of  Smithfield  shed  a  melancholy 
radiance  over  this  page  of  the  national  history,  from  which  the  eye  of  hu- 
manity turns  away  in  pity  and  disgust  But  it  is  time  to  take  up  the  narra- 
tive of  events  which  connected  for  a  brief  space  the  political  interests  of  Spain 
with  those  of  England. 

Charles  the  Fifth  had  always  taken  a  lively  interest  in  the  fortunes  of  his 
royal  kinswoman.  When  a  young  man,  he  had  paid  a  visit  to  England,  and 
while  there  had  been  induced  by  his  aunt,  Queen  Katharine,  to  contract  a 


I 


'»  »*Non  si  Rcopri  mai  congiura  alcuna, 
nella  quale,  ogiusta  o  ingiustaniente,  ella  non 
siii  iiominata.  ...  Ma  U  KcginaslorTaquando 
■ouo  iDsienie  di  riccverla  in  publico  cun  ogni 


Borte  d'  bamanita  et  d'  honore,  ne  mat  gll 
parla,  se  non  di  cose  piacevole."  Relatione  di 
Gio.  MicheU.  MS. 


PHILIP'S  PROPOSALS  OF  MARRIAGE. 


35 


marriage  with  the  Princess  Mary,-then  only  six  years  old,-to  be  solemnized 
on  her  arriving  at  the  suitable  age.  But  the  term  was  too  remote  for  the 
const^.ncy  of  Charles,  or,  as  it  is  said,  for  the  patience  of  his  subjects,  who 
earnestly  wished  to  see  their  sovereign  wedded  to  a  princess  who  might  present 
him  with  an  heir  to  the  monarchy.  The  English  match  was,  accordingly, 
broken  off,  and  the  young  emjjeror  gave  his  hand  to  Isabella  of  Portugal. 

Mary,  who,  since  her  betrothal,  had  been  taught  to  consider  herself  as  the 
future  bride  of  the  emperor,  was  at  the  time  but  eleven  years  old.  She  was 
old  enough,  however,  to  feel  something  like  jealousy,  it  is  said,  and  to  show 
some  pique  at  this  desertion  by  her  imperial  lover.  Yet  this  circumstance 
did  not  prevent  the  most  friendly  relations  from  subsLstmg  between  the  parties 
in  after-years  ;  and  Charles  continued  to  watch  over  the  interests  of  his  kins- 
woman, and  interposed  with  good  effect  in  her  behalf  on  more  thaii  one  occa- 
sion, both  during  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Eighth  and  of  his  son,  Edward  the 
Sixth  On  the  death  of  the  latter  monarch  he  declared  himself  ready  to  assist 
Mary  in  maintaining  her  right  to  the  succession  ; »  and  when  this  was  finally 
established  the  wary  emperor  took  the  necessary  measures  for  turning  it  to 

^  HTformeTa  scheme  for  uniting  Philip  with  Mary,  and  thus  securing  to  his 
son  the  possession  of  the  English  crown,  in  the  same  manner  as  that  of  Scot- 
land had  been  secured  by  marriage  to  the  son  of  his  rival,  Henry  the  Second 
of  France.  It  was,  doubtless,  a  great  error  to  attempt  to  bring  under  one 
rule  nations  so  dissimilar  in  every  particular  and  having  interests  so  incom- 
patible as  the  Spaniards  and  the  English.  Historians  have  regarded  it  as 
passing  strange  that  a  prince  who  had  had  such  large  expenence  ot  the  diffi- 
culties attenduig  the  government  of  kingdoms  remote  from  each  other  should 
sS  so  to  nmlfiply  fhese  difficulties  on  the  head  of  his  J^^^Vf^f^^^l^ 
But  the  love  of  acquisition  is  a  universal  principle ;  nor  is  it  often  f9und  that 
the  appetite  for  more  is  abated  by  the  consideration  that  the  party  is  already 

possessed  of  more  than  he  can  manage.  ,   ,  .    .     ^  „,  i,^.  v.a«*l  nn  hpr 

^  It  was  a  common  opinion  that  Mary  intended  to  bestow  her  hand  on  her 
young  and  handsome  kinsman,  Courtenay,  earl  of  Devonshire,  whom  she  had 
liUiLwn  from  the  prison  in  which  he  had  languished  for  many  years, 
and  afterwards  treatei  with  distinguished  favour,  ^^^^ries  aware  of  this 
instructed  Renard,  his  minister  at  the  court  of  London,  a  crafty,  intiigumg 


•*  Hall,  Chronicle  (lx)ndon,  1809),  pp.  692, 
Yll.—Sepulveda}  Opera,  vol.  ii.  pp.  46-48. 
— Sepulveda's  account  of  the  reign  of  Mary 
becomes  of  the  more  authority  from  the  fact 
that  he  submitted  this  portion  of  his  history 
to  the  revision  of  Cardinal  Pole,  as  we  learn 
from  one  of  his  epistks  to  that  prelate. 
Opera,  torn.  iii.  p.  30y. 

'^  Yet  the  enn>eror  seems  to  have  written 
in  a  somewhat  different  style  to  his  ambassa- 
dor at  the  English  court :  '*  Dosfaillant  la  force 
pour  donner  assistance  a  nostre-diote  cousine 
comme  aussy  vous  sgavez  qu'elle  deffault 
pour  Tempeschement  que  Ton  nous  donne  du 
coustel  de  France,  nous  ne  veons  aulcun 
apparent  moyen  pour  assheurer  la  personne 
de  nustre-dicte  couslnp."  L'Kmpereur  a  ses 
Ambas.«adeiir8  en  Anglcterre,  11  juillet.  1553, 
rapiers  d'fi;at  de  Granvelle,  torn.  iv.  p.  25. 

'"  Cliarlps,  in  a  letter  to  his  ambassador  m 
London .  dated  J  u ly  22nd,  1553,  after  ni  uch  good 
counsel  which  he  w  as  to  give  Queen  Mary,  io 


the  emperor's  name,  respecting  the  govern- 
ment  of  her  kingdom,  directs  him  to  hint  to 
her  that  the  time  had  come  when  it  would  be 
well  for  the  queen  to  provide  herself  with  a 
husband,  and  if  his  advice  could  be  of  any  use 
in  the  affair,  she  was  entirely  welcome  to  it : 
"  Et  aussy  lui  direz-vous  qu'il  sera  besoin  que 
pour  etre  soustenue  audit  royaulme,  emparee 
et  deflendue,  niesmes  en  choses  que  ne  sont 
de  la  profession  de  dames,  il  sera  tres-requis 
que  tost  elle  prenne  party  dc  marialge  avec 
qui  il  Uiy  semblera  estre  plus  convenabU', 
tenant  regard  a  ce  que  dessus ;  et  que  s'll  lui 
plait  nous  faire  part  avant  que  s'y  determiner, 
nous  ne  fauldrons  de  avec  la  sincente  de 
rafTection  que  lui  portons,  luy  faire  entendre 
liberaleroent,  sur  ce  qu'ello  voudra  mettre  en 
avant.  nostre  ad  vis.  et  de  I'ayder  et  favodser 
en  ce  qu'elle  se  determinera."  L'Erapereur  a 
ses  Ambassadeiirs  en  Angleterre,  22  juiUet, 
1553, 1'apicrs  d'fitat  de  Gran veUe,,  torn.  iv. 


35  ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 

t)olitician  "  to  sound  the  queen's  inclinations  on  the  £u]»ject,  but  so  as  not  to 
Skrm  her  He  wa^  to  dwell  particularly  on  the  advantages  Mary  would 
derive  from  a  connection  with  some  powerful  foreign  prince  and  to  ofter  his 
Ser's  counsel  in  this  oranv  other  matter  n  which  ^^e  luigh^^^ 
tiiinister  was  to  approach  the  subject  of  the  earl  of  i)evonblnre  witn  ine 
Sest  cliaion-  remembering  that  if  the  queen  had  a  fancy  for  her  cousin, 
Imf  was  Kte'onien,  she^ould  not  be  tu-etfrom  ^^^^^^ 
hp  niirrht  sav  nor  would  she  readily  forgive  any  reflection  upon  it.  v^naries 
«PPm  to  htve  l^n^^  read  in  the  characters  of  women  as  of  men  and, 
LtTimtnml  conSuence  t  nVay  be  added,  had  formed  a  high  estimate  of  the 
Smdty  of  th^^^^^^  of  which,  he  not  only  repeateSly  committed  the 

™Ln^  women,  but  intrusted  them  with  some  of  his  most 

Maf^^f'sliTlXv^^^^^^^  the  views  imputed  to  her  m  respect  to 

Courten'av    must  have  soon  been  convinced  that  his  frivolous  disposition 
^ZTR.^2'.enousne..  of  hers.    However  ihis  inay  be,  ^^^-^J^^^^V 
pleased  when  Renard  hinted  at  her  P^^iTiage -'Maugl^ing     say^^ 
"'not  once,  but  several  times,  and  giving  me  a  significant  lo^k,  which  showed 
that  the  idea  was  very  agreeable  to  her,  plainly  '^^^^^'^^'^'i^l^^^^  ^^^, 

that  she  had  no  desire  to  marry  an  Englishman.    '    In  a  suhsetiuent  con 
ve?sation,  when  Renard  ventured  to  suggest  that  the  prince  of  ^Pai"  jas  a 
Iiiitahle  match  Marv  broke  iH  upon  him,  saying  that  "  she  had  never  felt  the 
nartof  w^^^^^  love!  nor  had  eW  so  much  as  thmighj  of  being 

married,  until  Providence  had  raised  her  to  the  throne,  and  that,  if  she  now 
?miseSto  i^b,  it  would  be  in  opposition  to  her  own  feelings,  from  a  regard  to 
Se  mS  ffood  ^'  but  she  beggSl  the  envoy  to  assure  the  emperor  of  her  wish 
to  obey  anS^o  please  him  in  everything,  as  she  would  her  own  father  ;  inti- 
mating however,  that  she  could  not  broach  the  subject  of  her  parriage  to 
her  coined -the  question  could  only  be  opened  by  a  communication  from 

Charles,  who  readily  saw  through  Mary's  coquetry,  no  longer  hesitated  to 
pref e?  the  Tuit  of  Philip.  After  commending  the  queen's  course  in  regard  to 
Srtenav,  he  presented  to  her  the  advantages  that  must  anse  from  such  a 
ford'nV  an  ance  as  would  strengthen  her  on  the  throne.  He  declared,  in  a 
t^ne  of  gallantry  rather  amusing,  that  if  it  were  not  for  his  age  and  increasing 

sieurs  foys,  me  regardant  d'un  cell  signifiant 
I'ouverture  luy  estre  fort  aggreablo,  me  don- 
nant  assez  a  cognoistre  qu'elle  ne  taiclioit  ou 
deslroit  mariaige  d'AiigUterre."  Henard  a 
I'fivrque  d'Arras.  15  aout,  15M,  Ibid.,  p.  78. 

-■"  •'  Et,  sans  attendre  la  fin  de  ces  propoz. 
ellajiiraquo  janiais  elle  n'avoit  senti  esguillon 
de  o-  que  Ton  appclle  amor,  ny  entre  en  pense- 
ment  de  volupte,  et  qu'elle  n'avoit  jamais 
pense  a  mariaige  8in<.n  depuys  que  a  pleu  a 
Dieu  la  prouiovoira  lacouronne,  otquecolluy 
qu'elle  feia  sera  coi  tre  sa  propre  affection, 
pour  le  respect  de  la  chose  publicque;  qu'dle 
Be  tient  toute  a>8uree  sa  majeste  aura  con- 
sideration a  ce  qu'elle  m'a  diet  et  qu'elle 
desire  I'obeir  et  coiuplaire  en  tout  et  par  tout 
comme  eon  propre  pere;  qu'elle  n'oseroit 
entrer  en  propoz  de  mariaige  avec  ceulx  de 
son  conseil,  que  fault,  le  cas  advenant,  que 
vienne  de  la  meute  de  sa  majeste."  Re- 
nurd  A  I'fiveque  d'Arras,  8  septemtre,  1653, 
Ibid.,  p.  98. 


I 


"  Granvelle,  who  owed  no  good  will  to  the 
miniPter  for  the  part  which  he  afterwards  took 
in  the  troubles  of  Flanders,  frequently  puns 
on  Renard's  name,  wnich  he  seems  to  have 
thought  altogether  significant  of  his  chara<  ter. 

'»  "Quant  a  Cortenay,  vous  poiirriez  bien 
dire,  poureviter  au  propoz  mencionne  en  voz 
lettres,  que  I'on  en  parle.  pour  veoirce  qu  die 
dira  ;  mais  gardez-vousde  luy  tout  desfaire  et 
mesmt's  qu'elle  n'aye  descouvert  plus  avant 
son  intention  ;  car  si  elle  y  avoit  fantasie,  elle 
ne  layrolt  (si  elle  est  du  naturel  des  aultres 
femmes)  de  passer  oultre,  et  si  se  ressentiroit 
a  jamais  de  ce  que  vous  luy  en  pournes  avoir 
dit.  Bien  luy  pourries-vous  toucher  df  s  com- 
moditez  plus  grandes  que  pourroit  recepyoir 
de  mariaige  estrangier,  sans  trop  toucher  a  la 
porsonne  oH  elle  pourroit  avoir  affection." 
L'fiveque  d'Arras  a  Renard.  14  aout,  1553, 
Papier-i  d'fitat  de  (Jranvelle.  lom.  iv.  p.  77. 

'^  "Quant  je  luy  fiz  Ton verturede mariaige, 
elle  se  print  a  rlre,  non  une  foys  aius  plu- 


PHILIP'S  PROPOSALS  OF  MARRIAGE. 


37 


infirmities  he  should  not  hesitate  to  propose  himself  as  her  suitor.  The 
next  be.st  thing  was  to  offer  her  the  person  dearest  to  his  heart,— his  son,  tlie 
prince  of  Asturias.  He  concluded  by  deprecating  the  idea  that  any  recom- 
mendation of  his  should  interfere  in  the  least  degree  with  the  exercise  of  her 

better  judgment."  ,  .,     .        ^  r 

Renard  was  further  to  intimate  to  the  queen  the  importance  of  secrecv  m 
regard  to  this  negotiation.  If  she  were  disinclined  to  the  proposed  match,  it 
would  be  obviously  of  no  advantage  to  ^ve  it  publicity.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  as  the  emperor  had  little  doubt,  she  looked  on  it  favourably,  but  desired 
to  advise  with  her  council  before  deciding,  Renard  was  to  dissuade  her  from 
the  latter  step  and  advise  her  to  confide  in  him."  The  wary  emperor  had  a 
twofold  motive  for  these  instructions.  There  was  a  negotiation  on  foot  at  this 
very  time  for  a  marriage  of  Philip  to  the  infanta  of  Portugal,  and  Charles 
wished  to  be  entirely  assured  of  Mary's  acquiescence  before  giving  such  publi- 
city to  the  affair  as  might  defeat  the  Portuguese  match,  which  would  still 
remain  for  Philip  should  he  not  succeed  with  the  English  queen  "  In  case 
Mary  proved  favourable  to  his  son's  suit,  Charles,  who  knew  the  abhorrence  m 
which  foreigners  were  held  by  the  English  beyond  all  other  nations,"  \nshed 
to  gain  time  before  communicating  with  Mary's  council.  With  some  delay, 
he  had  no  doubt  that  he  had  the  means  of  winning  over  a  sufticient  number  of 
that  body  to  support  Philip's  pretensions.*" 


»'  "  Vous  la  pourrez  asseurer  que,  si  nous 
estions  en  eaigo  et  disposition  telle  qu'il  con- 
viendroit,  et  que  jugissions  que  de  ce  p^ut 
redonder  le  bien  de  ses  affai'-es,  nous  ne  voul- 
drions  ciioy.xir  aultre  party  en  ce  raonde  plus 
tost  que  de  nous  alier  nous-mosmesavec  elle, 
et  seroit  bien  celle  que  nous  pourroit  donner 
austantde  Siitisfacti.Mi."  L'Empereur  a  Re- 
nard, 20  septembre,  1553,  Papiers  d'Etat  de 
Granvelle,  torn.  iv.  p.  112. 

■"  Ibid.,  pp.  lOS-1 16.— Simon  Renard,  the 
imperial    ambassador  at  this    time    at  the 
English    court,  was  a   native  of   Franche- 
Comte,  and  held  the  office  of    maitre  aux 
requetes  in  the  household  of  the  enipfror. 
Kenard,  though  a  man  of  a  factious  turn,  was 
what    Granvelles   correspondent,    Morillon, 
calls    "uw  bon    politique,"    and    in  many 
respects  well  suited  to  tlie  mission  on  whicti 
he  was  emj>loyed.     His  corr-  spondence  is  of 
infinite  value,  as  showing  the  Spanish  moves 
in  this  comr-licated  game,  which  ended  in  the 
marriage  of  Mary  witii  tlie  h  ir  <>f  tlie  Ca<tilian 
iiionarcliy.     Ii  is  preserved  in  the  archives  of 
Brussels.      Copies  of  these  M-^S..  amounting 
to  five  volumes  folio  wero  to  be  found  in  the 
collection  of  Cardinal  Granvelle  at  Besangon. 
A  part  of  them  was  lent  to  Griff*  t  for  the 
compilation   of  his  "  Nouveaux   E;.laircis8e- 
mens  sur  I'Hi-tolrede  Marie  Rine  d'Angle- 
terre."      Unfortunately,    Griffet  omitted   to 
restore   th<;  MSS. ;   and  an  hiatus  is   thus 
cK:casioned  in  ihe  series  of  the  Renard  corre- 
spondence embraced  In  the  Granvelle  I'apers 
now  in  process  of  publication  by  the  French 
gov«  rnment.    It  were  to  be  wished  that  this 
hiatus  had  been  supplied  from  the  originals, 
in  the  archives  of  Brussels.     Mr.  Tytler  has 
done  good  service  by  giving  to  the  world  a 
selection   from  the    latter  part  of  lienard's 


correspondence,  which  had  been  transcribed 
by  order  of  the  Reconl  Couimission  from  the 
MSS.  in  Brussels. 

="  "Car  si,  quant  a  soy,  il  luy  semble  estre 
chose  que  ne  luy  convint  ou  ne  fut  faisable, 
il  ne  seruit  a  pn>poz,  comme  elle  I'entend 
tres-bicn,  d'en  faire  declaracion  a  qui  que  ce 
soit ;  mais,  en  cas  aussi  qu'elle  jugea  le  party 
luy  estre  convenable  et  qu'elle  y  print  incli- 
naclon,  si,  a  son  advis,  la  difficulte  tumba 
sur  les  moyens,  et  que  en  iceulx  elle  ne  se 
pent  resoldre  huns  la  participation  d'aulcuns 
de  son  conseil,  vous  la  pourriez  en  ce  cas 
requerir  qu'elle  vouisit  prendre  de  vous  con- 
fiance  pour  vous  declairer  a  qui  elle  en 
vouldroit  tenir  propoz,  et  ce  qu'elle  en  voul- 
droit  communicquer  et  par  quelz  moyens." 
L'Kmpcnur  a  Renard,  20  septembre,  155.3, 
Papiers   d'fitat   de  Granvelle,    tom.   iv.  p. 

'*  The  Spanish  match  seems  to  have  been 
as  distasteful  to  the  Portuguese  as  it  was  to  the 
English,  and  probably  for  much  the  same 
reasons.  See  the  letter  of  Granvelle,  of 
August  14th,  1553,  Ibid.,  p.  77. 

""-  ♦♦  Les  estrangiers,  qu'ilz  abhorrissent 
plus  que  nuUe  aultre  nacion."  L'timpereur 
a  Renard,  20  septembn-,  1553,  Ibid.,  p.  113. 

"  "Et  si  la  diftlculte  se  treuvoit  aux  con- 
seillera  pour  leur  interetz  particulier,  comme 
plus  ilz  sont  interessez,  il  pourroit  astre  que 
Ton  auroit  meilleur  moyen  de  les  gai«iier, 
assheurant  ceulx  par  le  moyen  desquelz  la 
chose  se  pourroit  conduyre,  des  principaulx 
offices  et  charges  dudlct  royaulme,  voyre  et 
I'm  offrant  appart  sommesnoiablesdedeniers 
ou  accroissance  de  rentes,  privileges  et  prero- 
gatives." L'iOmpcrt'ur  a  Renard,  20  septem- 
bre, 1553,  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 


38  ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 

These  communications  could  not  be  carried  on  so  secretly  but  that  some 
rumour  of  them  reached  the  ears  of  Mary's  ministers,  and  of  Noailles,  the 
FrS  ambas  adOT  at  the  court  of  Loudon."    This  peryn  was  a  busy  and 
unscrupulous  r^itician,  who  saw  with  alarm  the  prospect  of  Spain  stremrthen- 
"rhS  by  this  alliance  with  England,  and  ^^'^"^"/'^['''"R'-^ri,;" 
obedience  to  ^instructions  from  home,  to  use  every  eHort  to  <\«ffa' •'•    The 
nueen's  ministers,  with  the  *''n'^el'»^  Oardmer   b.shop  of  Wmchester,  at 
tTieir  head  felt  a  similar  repugnance  to  the  Spanish  match.     Ihe  name  ot  ttie 
S,SniS'h^  become  terVible  from  the  remorse  ess  manner  in  which  their 
wChLd  been  conducted  during  the  present  re.gn,  especially  in  the  New 
World.     The  ambition  and  the  widely-extended  dominions  of  Charley  the 
Fifth  made  him  the  most  formidable  sovereign  m  Europe.     The  English 
lookedSh  apprehension  on  so  close  an  alliance  with  a  pnnce  who  had  shown 
U«  little  regard  for  the  liberties  of  his  own  land  to  make  it  probable  that  he 
This  s^n  w^uld  respect  those  of  another.    Above  all  they  dreaded  the  fana- 
tSi  of  the  Spaniards  ;  and  the  gloomy  spectre  of  the  Imiuisition  moving.in 
their  train  mXeven  the  good  Catholic  shudder  at  the  thought  of  the  miseries 
that  mit^ht  ensue  from  this  ill-omened  union.  .    ^    .v  • 

It  was  not  difficult  for  Noailles  and  the  chancellor  to  coramunicae  their  own 
distrust  to  the  members  of  the  parliament,  then  m  session.     A  petition  to  the 

S  was  voted  in  the  lower  house,  in  which  the  commons  preferred  an 
Imible  request  that  she  would  marry  for  the  good  of  the  re.alm  but  be jight 
her  at  the  same  time,  not  to  go  abroad  for  her  husband,  but  to  select  him 

"i^^'S'st^^^^^^  understand  her  character  so  well  as  Charles  the 
Fifth  did  when  he  cautioned  his  agent  not  openly  to  thwart  her.  Opposition 
01  Iv  fixed  her  more  strongly  in  her  original  purpose  In  a  pnvate  interview 
witrRenard,  she  told  him  that  she  was  appAsetl  of  Gardiner's  mtngues  and 
that  Noailles,  too,  was  doinq  the  impossible  to  prevent  her  union  with  Thilip. 
"But  I  will  be  a  match  for  them,"  she  added.  Soon  after,  taking  the  ambas- 
sador, at  midnight,  into  her  oratory  she  knelt  before  the  host,  and  haying 
repeated  the  hymn  Veni  Creator,  solemnly  pledged  herself  to  take  no  other 
man  for  her  husband  than  the  prince  of  Spain."  .^„„fu 

This  proceeding  took  place  on  the  thirtieth  of  October.  On  the  seventeenth 
of  the  month  foliowing,  the  commons  waited  on  the  queen  at  her  palace  of 
Whitehall,  to  wliich  she  was  confined  by  indisposition,  and  presented  their 
addiess.    Mary,  uistead  of  replying  by  her  chancellor,  as  was  usual,  answered 


•■'  In  onler  to  carry  on  the  negotiation  with 
greater  secr.'cy.   llenard's   colleagues  at  the 
English  court,  who  were  found  to  intermeddle 
somevvli.it  unnecessiirily   with  the  business, 
were  recalled;  and  the  whole  affair  was  in- 
trust«il   exclusively  to   that  envoy,  and  to 
(.ranveUe,  the   bishop   of  Arras,  who  com- 
municated to  hini  the  view.-*  of  the  emperor 
from   Brussels  :    "  Et  s'est  reRolu  tant  plus 
I'empereur  rapp<ler  vox  collegues.  afin  que 
aulcung  d'iceiilx  ne  vous  y  traversa  ou  bien 
empescha,  s'y  estans  niontre/  peu  affection- 
nez.  et  |>our  non  si  bien  entendre  le  cours  de 
cesfe  n^gociation.   et  pour   aussi   que    vous 
garderez  mieulx  le  secret  qu'est  tant  requis 
ct  ne  se  pourroit  laire.  pa-ssant  ceste  negocia- 
tiou  i^ar  vlusienrs  mains."     L'fivequed' Arras 
a  Kenurd   13  septembre,  1553,  Papiers  d'Etat 
de  Granvelle.  torn.  iv.  p.  103. 


••  "  Pour  la  requerir  et  supplier  d'eslire  ung 
seigneur  de  son  pays  pour  estre  son  mary,  et 
ne  vouloir  prendre  j>er8onnaige  en  mariaige, 
ny  leur  donner  prince  qui  leur  puisse  com- 
mander aultre  que  de  sa  nation."  Ambiis- 
sades  de  Noailles  (Leyde,  1763),  torn.  ii.  p. 

234. 

"  "  Le  Boir  du  30  octobre,  la  reine  fit  venir 
en  sa  chambre,  ou  etoit  expose  le  saint  sacre- 
ment,  I'ambassadeur  de  Tempereur,  et,  apres 
avoir  dit  le  V'etii  creator,  lul  dit  qu'elle  lul 
donnoit  en  face  dudit  sacrement  sa  promesse 
d'epouser  le  prince  d'Espagne,  laquelle  elle 
ne  changeroit  jamais;  qu'elle  avoit  feint 
d'etre  mal«de  les  deux  Jours  precedents,  mais 
que  sa  maladie  avoit  ete  causee  par  le  travail 
qu'elle  avoit  eu  p'  ur  prendre  cetie  resolution." 
MS.  in  the  Belgian  arcliives,  cited  by  Mignet, 
Clmrles-Qulnt,  p.  78,  note. 


PHILIP'S  PROPOSALS  OF  MARRIAGE. 


39 


i 


them  in  person.  She  told  them  that  from  God  she  held  her  crown,  and  that 
to  him  alone  should  she  turn  for  counsel  in  a  matter  so  important ; '"  she  had 
not  yet  made  up  her  mind  to  marry ;  but,  since  they  considered  it  so  necessary 
for  the  weal  of  the  kingdom,  she  would  take  it  into  consideration.  It  was  a 
matter  in  which  no  one  was  so  much  interested  as  herself.  But  they  miffht 
be  assured  that  in  her  choice  she  would  have  regard  to  the  happiness  of  her 
people  full  as  much  as  to  her  own.  The  commons,  who  had  rarely  the  courage 
to  withstand  the  frown  of  their  Tudor  princes,  professed  themselves  contented 
with  tins  assurance;  and  from  this  moment  opposition  ceased  from  that 
quarter. 

Mary's  arguments  were  reinforced  by  more  conciliatory  but  not  less  effica- 
cious persuasives,  in  the  form  of  gold  crowns,  gold  chains,  and  other  compli- 
ments of  the  like  nature,  which  were  distributed  pretty  Uberaliy  by  the  Spanish 
ambassador  among  the  members  of  her  council.'* 

In  the  following  December  a  solemn  embassy  left  Brussels  to  wait  on  Mary 
and  tender  her  the  hand  of  Philip.  It  was  headed  by  Lamoral,  Count  Egmont, 
the  Flemish  noble  so  distinguished  in  later  years  by  his  mihtary  achievements, 
and  still  more  by  his  misfortunes.  He  was  attended  bv  a  number  of  Flemish 
lords  and  a  splendid  body  of  retainers.  He  landed  in  Kent,  where  the  rumour 
went  abroad  that  it  was  Philip  himself ;  and  so  general  was  the  detestation  of 
the  Spanish  match  among  the  people  that  it  might  have  gone  hard  w  ith  the 
envoy  had  the  mistake  not  been  discovered.  Egmont  sailed  up  the  Thames, 
and  went  ashore  at  Tower  Wharf  on  the  second  of  January,  1554.  He  was 
received  with  all  honour  by  Lord  William  Howard  and  several  of  the  great 
English  nobles,  and  escorted  in  much  state  to  Westminster,  where  his  table 
was  supplied  at  the  charge  of  the  city.  Gardiner  entertained  the  embassy  at 
a  sumptuous  banquet ;  and  the  next  day  Egmont  and  his  retinue  proceeded 
to  Hampton  Court  "  where  they  had  great  cheer,"  savs  an  old  chronicler, 
"and  hunted  the  deer,  and  were  so  greedy  of  their  destruction  that  they 
gave  them  not  fair  play  for  their  lives  ;  for,"  as  he  peevishly  complains,  "  they 
killed  rag  and  tag,  with  hands  and  swords."  '^ 

On  the  twelfth,  the  Flemish  count  was  presented  to  the  queen,  and  tendered 
her  proposals  of  marriage  in  behalf  of  Prince  Philip.  Mary,  who  probably 
thought  she  had  made  advances  enough,  now  assumed  a  more  reserved  air. 
*'  It  was  not  for  a  maiden  queen,"  she  said,  "  thus  publicly  to  enter  on  so 
delicate  a  subject  as  her  own  marriage.  This  would  be  better  done  by  her 
ministers,  to  whom  she  would  refer  him.  But  this  she  would  have  him  under- 
stand," she  added,  as  she  cast  her  eyes  on  the  ring  on  her  finger,  "her  realm 
was  her  first  husband,  and  none  other  should  induce  her  to  violate  the  oath 
which  she  had  pledged  at  her  coronation." 

Notwithstanaing  this  prudery  of  Mary,  she  had  already  manifested  such  a 
prepossession  for  her  intended  lord  as  to  attract  the  notice  of  her  courtiers 
one  of  whom  refers  it  to  the  influence  of  a  portrait  of  Philip,  of  which  she  had 
become  "greatly  enamoured." "  That  such  a  picture  was  sent  to  her  appears 
from  a  letter  of  Philip's  aunt,  the  regent  of  the  Netherlands,  in  which  she 
tells  the  English  queen  that  she  has  sent  her  a  portrait  of  the  prince,  from 


I 
' 


»«»  «•  Qu'elle  tenolt  de  dieu  la  couronne  de 
son  royaulme,  et  que  en  luy  seul  esperoit  se 
conseiller  de  chose  si  importante."  Ambas- 
sades  de  Noailles,  torn.  Ii.  p.  269. 

"  "  Le  dit  Lieutenant  a  fait  fondre  quatre 
mil  escuz  pour  chaines,  et  les  autres  mil 
Be  repartironten  argent,  comme  Ton  trouvera 
mieulx  convenir."    Renard,  ap.  Tytler,  Ed- 


ward VI.  and  Mary,  vol.  ii.  p.  325. 

■■'  Strype,  Memorials,  vol.  iii.  pp.  68,  59.— 
Holinshed,  Chronicles  (London,  1808),  vol.  iv. 
pp.  10.  34,  41. 

"  Strype  (Memorials,  vol.  ill.  p.  196),  who 
quotes  a  pa8.«age  from  a  MS.  of  Sir  Thomas 
Smith,  the  application  of  which,  though  the 
queen's  name  is  omitted,  cannot  be  mistaken. 


40  ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 

fi,o  T^nril  nf  Titian  whicli  she  was  to  return  so  soon  as  she  was  in  possession 
of  tKvini  or^^^^^^^^^        had  been  tiiken  some  three  years  before,  she  saul^ 
fnd  wa!s"^'ee3^^^  good  Hkeness,  thou^ Jt  wo^^^^^^^ 
case  of  other  portraits  by  this  master,  to  look  at  it  from  a  distance  in  oraei  lo 

%h^e'marTatw^  was  drawn  up  ^vith  great  circumspection,  under  the 
chancelS7d1?ect^^n^^  It  will  be  necessary  toSiotice  only  the  most  miportairt 
nSns     It  was  stipulated  that  Philip  should  respect  the  laws  of  >"gland, 

Td Tav"  eveiT  man  in^he  full  enjoyment  of  his  "^^^^^"VTeTer^^^^ 
Tiower  of  conferring  titles,  honours,  emoluments,  and  othces  ot  every  aescrip 
tfon  w^  to  beTeslrved  to  the  queen.    Foreigners  were  to  be  excluded  from 
office     The  issue  of  the  marriage,  if  a  son,  was  to  succ^d  to  the  English 
CTO^  and  t<^  the  Spanish  posselions  in  BurLnindy  and  the  Low  Countries 
BStTn  cLe  of  the  death  of  Don  Carlos,  Philip^  son  the  issue  of  the  present 
marria4  4s  to  receivL  in  addition  to  the  former  inheritance  Spam  and  her 
depeScies     ThTqu^en  was  never  to  leave  her  own  kingdom  withou    her 
Sss  desire     Her  children  were  not  to  be  taken  out  of  it  without  the 
^S.  ofThe  nobL.    In  case  of  Mary's  death  Pb. Up  was  n^^^^^^^^^^ 
riffht  of  takinff  Dart  in  the  government  of  the  country.    i?urtner,  it  was  pro 
Xd  It  Phlp'  should  not'entangle  tbe  nation  hi  h^w^^^^^^ 
should  strive  to  maintain  the  same  amicable  relations  that  now  sviDbistea 

"^SweXTS^^^  of  this  treaty,  which  had  more  the 

asSro7a  tr^tyfor  defence  against  an  enemy  than  a  marriage-contmct. 
Th^instmLnt  was  worded  with  I  care  that  reflected  credit  on  the  ,saj?acity 
of  its  ?™^^  All  wa.s  done  that  parchment  could  do  to  secure  the  mW 
denceTthe  crown,  as  well  as  the  liberties  of  the  people.  "But  if. the  bond 
brvTolated"  asked  one  of  the  parliamentary  speakers  on  the  occasion     who 

is  there  to  sue  the  bond  ? "  Efery  retiecting  ^^^IrrPWli^'who  once 
inefficacv  of  any  guarantee  that  could  be  extorted  from  Philip,  who,  once 
un'K  Mary,^wSild  find  little  diWculty.  in  n^srsuac^uig  a  ^^^^^  obed  ent 

wife  to  sanction  his  own  policy,  prejudicial  though  it  might  be  to  the  true 

before  partially  disclosed,  showed  itself  openly  throiigtioi^^b^^^^^ 
Placards  were  put  up,  lampoons  were  wntten,  reviling  the  queens  ministers 
anSciilin-  t>ie  Spaniarcfs ;  ominous  voices  were  heard  from  old,  dilamdated 
bu™s^^^K  ruin  of  the  monarchy.  Even  the  children  l.ecame 
infectel  with  the  passions  of  their  fathers.  Games  were  played  ni  which  the 
English  were  represented  contonding  with  the  Spaniards  ;  and  in  one  of  these 
an  unlucky  urcfiin,  who  played  the  part  of  Philip,  narrowly  escaped  with  his 
life  from  the  hands  of  his  exasperated  comrades. 

But  something  more  serious  than  child's  play  showed  itself,  m  three  several 
insurrections  which  broke  out  in  ditterent  quarters  of  the  kingdom.  The  most 
fSdab  e  of  them  was  the  one  led  by  Sir  f  homas  Wyatt,  son  of  the  celebi-ated 
^of  that  name.  It  soon  gathered  head  and  tbe  numte  of  the  u  s  rgen^^ 
was  greatly  augmented  by  the  accession  of  a  considerable  body  of  the  loyai 


»•  "Si  est-ce  qu'elle  verra  assez  par  icclle 
sa  ressemblance,  la  voyant  a  son  jour  et  de 
loing,  comme  sont  toutes  poiucturcs  dudict 
Titian  que  de  preB  ne  se  vecongnoissent." 
Marie,  Reine  de  Hongrie,  a  rAnihassadeiir 
R.  nard.  novembre  19,  15W,  I'upiers  d'EUt  de 
Graiivelle,  torn.  iv.  p.  150. 


'»  See  the  treaty  in  Rymer,  Foedera,  vol. 

30  ..  l.j„.*  la^"  adds  NoalUes,  who  tells  the 
etory,  "  vous  pouvez  veolr  comme  le  prince 
d'E8p:tgne  sera  le  bien  venu  en  ce  pays,  puis- 
que  Ifs  enfans  le  logent  an  gibet."  Ambas- 
eades  de  No;iiU('P,  torn.  iii.  p.  130. 


INSURRECTION  IN  ENGLAND. 


41 


forces,  who  deserted  their  colours  and  joined  the  very  men  against  whom  they 
had  been  sent.  Thus  strengthened,  vVyatt  marched  on  London.  All  there 
were  filled  with  consternation,— all  but  their  intrepid  queen,  who  showed  as 
much  self-possession  and  indifference  to  danger  as  if  it  were  only  an  ordinary 

riot. 

Proceeding  at  once  into  the  city,  she  met  the  people  at  Guildhall,  and  made 
them  a  spirited  address,  which  has  been  preserved  in  the  pages  of  Holinshed. 
It  concludes  in  the  following  bold  strain,  containing  an  allusion  to  the  cause 
of  the  difficulties :  "  And  certainly,  if  I  did  either  know  or  think  that  this 
marriage  should  either  turn  to  the  danger  or  loss  of  any  of  you,  my  loving 
subjects,  or  to  the  detriment  or  impairing  of  any  part  or  parcel  of  the  royal 
estate  of  this  realm  of  England,  I  would  never  consent  thereunto,  neither 
would  I  ever  marry  while  I  lived.  And  on  the  word  of  a  queen,  I  promise  and 
assure  you  that,  if  it  shall  not  probably  appear  before  the  nobility  and 
commons,  in  the  high  court  of  parliament,  that  this  marriage  shall  be  for  the 
singular  benefit  and  commodity  of  all  the  whole  realm,  that  then  I  will  abstain 
not  only  from  this  marriage,  hut  also  from  any  other  whereof  peril  may  ensue 
to  this  most  noble  realm.  Wherefore  now  as  good  and  faithful  subjects  pluck 
up  vour  hearts,  and  like  true  men  stand  fast  with  your  lawful  prince  against 
these  rebels,  both  our  enemies  and  yours,  and  fear  them  not ;  for  I  assure  you 
that  I  fear  them  nothing  at  all !  '^"  The  courageous  spirit  of  their  queen 
communicated  itself  to  her  audience,  and  in  a  few  hours  twenty  thousand 
citizens  enrolled  themselves  under  the  royal  banner. 

Meanwhile,  the  rebel  force  continued  its  march,  and  reports  soon  came  that 
Wyatt  was  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  Thames  ;  then,  that  he  had  crossed 
the  river.  Soon  his  presence  was  announced  by  the  flight  of  a  good  number 
of  the  royalists,  among  whom  was  Courtenay,  who  rode  oil"  before  the  enemy 
at  a  speed  that  did  little  credit  to  his  valour.  All  was  now  confusion  again. 
The  lords  and  ladies  in  attendance  gathered  round  the  (lueen  at  Whitehall,  as 
if  to  seek  support  from  her  more  masculine  nature.  Her  ministers  went  down 
on  their  knees  to  implore  her  to  take  refuge  in  the  Tower,  as  the  only  place 
of  safety.  Mary  smiled  with  contempt  at  the  pusillanimous  proposal,  and 
resolved  to  remain  where  she  was  and  abide  the  issue. 

It  was  not  long  in  coming.  Wyatt  penetrated  as  far  as  Ludgate,  with 
desperate  courage,  but  was  not  well  seconded  by  his  followers.  The  few  who 
proved  faithful  were  surrounded  and  overwhelmed  by  numbers.  Wyatt  was 
made  prisoner,  and  the  whole  rebel  rout  discomfited  and  disi}ersed.  By  this 
triumph  over  her  enemies,  Mary  was  seated  more  strongly  than  ever  on  the 
throne.  Henceforward  the  Spanish  match  did  not  meet  with  opposition  from 
the  people,  anv  more  than  from  the  parliament. 

Still,  the  emperor,  after  this  serious  demonstration  of  hostility  to  his  son, 
felt  a  natural  disquietude  in  regard  to  his  personal  safety,  which  made  him 
desirous  of  obtaining  some  positive  guarantee  before  trusting  him  among  the 
turbulent  islanders.  He  wrote  to  his  ambassador  to  require  such  security 
from  the  government  But  no  better  could  be  given  than  the  royal  promise 
that  everything  should  be  done  to  insure  the  prince's  safety.  Renard  was 
much  perplexea.  He  felt  the  responsibility  of  his  own  position.  He  declined 
to  pledge  liimself  for  the  quiet  deportment  of  the  English  ;  but  he  thought 
matters  had  already  gone  too  far  to  leave  it  in  the  power  of  Spain  to  recede. 
He  wrote,  moreover,  both  to  Charles  and  to  Philip,  recommending  that  the 
prince  should  not  bring  over  with  him  a  larger  retinue  of  Spaniards  than  was 

•'  HoHnsbed.  vol.  Iv.  p.  16.— The  accounts  rf^adr,  as  given,  at  more  or  less  length,  in 
of  this  insurrection  are  familiar  to  the  EtigUsh       every  history  of  the  period. 


42 


ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 


necessary,  and  that  the  wives  of  his  nobles— for  he  seems  to  have  regarded  tlie 
sex  as  the  source  of  evil— should  not  accompany  them."  Above  all,  he  urged 
Philip  and  his  followers  to  lay  aside  the  Castilian  luiuteur^  and  to  substitute 
the  conciliatory  manners  which  might  disarm  the  jealousy  of  the  English." 


CHAPTER  IV. 

ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 

Mary's  Betrothal— Joanna  Regent  of  Castile— Philip  embarks  for  England— His  splendid 
Receptiy„_Marriage  of  riiilip  and  Mary— Royal  Entertaiuments- Fhilip's  Influence— 
The  Catholic  Church  restored— I 'hilip's  Departure. 

1554,  1555. 

In  the  month  of  March,  1554,  Count  Egmont  arrived  in  England,  on  a  second 
embassy,  for  the  purpose  of  exchanging  the  ratifications  of  the  marriage- 
treaty.  He  cafue  in  the  same  state  as  before,  and  was  received  by  the  queen 
in  the  presence  of  her  council.  The  ceremony  was  conducte<l  with  great 
solemnity.  Mary,  kneeling  down,  called  God  to  witness  that  in  contracting 
this  marriage  she  had  been  influenced  by  no  motive  of  a  carnal  or  worldly 
nature,  but  by  the  de-^ire  of  securing  the  welfare  and  tranquillitv  of  the 
kingdom.  To  her  kingdom  her  faith  had  first  been  plighted  ;  and  she  hoped 
that  Heaven  would  ^ive  her  strength  to  maintain  hiviolate  the  oath  she  had 
taken  at  her  coronation. 

This  she  said  with  so  much  grace  that  the  bystanders,  says  Renard,— who 
was  one  of  them, — were  all  moved  to  tears.  The  ratifications  were  then 
exchanged,  and  the  oaths  taken,  in  presence  of  the  host,  by  the  representa- 
tives of  Spain  and  England ;  when  Mary,  2jpk\\  kneeling,  called  on  those 
present  to  unite  with  her  in  prayer  to  the  Almighty  that  he  would  enable  her 
faithfully  to  keep  the  articles  of  the  treaty  and  would  make  her  marriage  a 
happy  one. 

Count  Egmont  then  presented  to  the  queen  a  diamond  ring,  which  the 
emperor  had  sent  her.  Mary,  putting  it  on  her  finger,  showed  it  to  the 
company  ;  "and  assuredly,"  exclaims  the  Spanish  minister,  "the  jewel  was  a 
precious  one,  and  well  worthy  of  admiration."  Egmont,  before  departing  for 
^|)ain,  inquired  of  Mary  whether  she  would  intrust  him  with  any  message  to 
Prince  Philip.  The  queen  replied  that  "  he  might  tender  to  the  prince  her 
most  affectionate  regards,  and  assure  him  that  she  should  be  always  ready  to 
vie  with  him  in  such  offices  of  kindness  as  became  a  loving  and  obedient  wife." 
When  asked  if  she  would  write  to  him,  she  answered,  "Isot  till  he  had  begun 
the  correspondence." ' 

This  lets  us  into  the  knowledge  of  a  little  fact,  very  significant.    Up  to  this 


*•  "  I/on  a  eecript  d'Espaigne  que  plusieurs 
Bieurs  deliberoient  amoner  leurs  femmes  avec 
eulx  parde^a.  Si  ainsi  est,  vostre  Majeste 
pourra  preveuir  un  grand  desordre  en  o  ste 
court."  Renard,  ap.  Tytfcr,  Edward  VI.  and 
Mary,  vol.  li.  p.  351. 

^*  "  Seullement  sera  requis  que  les  Espai- 
gnolez  qui  suyvront  vostre  Alt'-ze  comportent 
les  famous  de  faire  des  Angloys,  et  soient 
HKxiePtes,  confians  que  vostre  AUpzp  les  aica- 
rassera  par  son  humanite  costumiere."    Re- 


nard, ap.  Tytler,  Edward  VI.  and  Mary,  vol. 
ii.  p.  335. 

'  The  particulars  of  this  interview  are  taken 
fVom  one  of  Renard's  despatches  to  the  em- 
peror, dated  March  8th,  1554,  ap.  Tytler, 
England  under  the  reigns  of  Edward  VI.  and 
Mary  (vol.  il.  pp.  326-329).— a  work  in  which 
the  author,  by  the  publication  of  original 
documents,  and  his  own  sagacious  commen- 
tary, has  dou"  much  for  ttie  iUubtiation  of 
this  portion  of  English  history. 


MARY'S  BETROTHAL. 


43 


\ 


\ 


time  Philip  had  neither  written  nor  so  much  as  sent  a  single  token  of  regard 
to  his  mSess.    All  this  had  been  left  to  his  father.    ^I^^^f ,  ^^^^F/^f  ^^^ 
the  marriage,  had  wooed  the  br  de,  had  won  over  her  P/;»f;f  j/^^  .fj^'^^^^ 
short,  had  dine  all  the  courtship.    Indeed,  the  inclinations  of  f  hilip,  it  is 
said,  had  taken  another  direction,  and  he  would  ^ave  m;eferr^  the  hand  o 
his  royal  kinswoman,  Mary  of  Portugal.'    However  ^^is  ^^i^Pi^'  ^^^^ 
probable  that  he  felt  any  great  satisfaction  m  the  prospect  of  being  ""J^J^ 
awoman  who  was  eleven  yeai-s  older  than  himself,  and  whose  Per^o^^l  chann^ 
tvliatever  they  might  once  have  been,  had  long  since  faded,  under  the  effects 
of  disease  aula  constitutional  melancholy.    Bivt  he  lov^d  power  ;a^^^^^^^ 
pvpr  scruDles  he  might  have  entertained  on  his  own  account  were  siiencea 
Sfthe' wishes  of  liis  father.'    "  ^^e  another  Isaac,"  exc^ajs  S^^^^^^^^^ 
in  admiration  of  his  conduct,  "  he  sacrihced  himself  on  the  alUr  of  fil  al  du  ^ 
The  same  implicit  deference  which  Philip  showed  his  father  m  this  dehcaie 
matter  he  atterwards,  mider  similar  circumstonces,  received  from  his  own 

'^fter  the  marriage-articles  had  been  ratified,  Plji^iP^roS^hiTrallhe 
magnificent  jewel  to  the  English  queen,  by  a  Spanish  noble  of  ^  g^^jank',f  ^ 
Alnrm  kde  las  Navas*  The  marquis,  who  crossed  from  Biscav  with  a 
«  uXn  of  four  Xt  landed  at  pi\mo.^l,  and,  ^  he  J0-''j4X^;^'^ 
T  nridon  was  met  bv  the  Youug  Lord  Herbert,  son  of  the  earl  of  Pemi^roKe, 
iTot  IduSed^Wnt'with  a'n  escort  of  four  hundred  ■^"'fd  6?"'  «n^,j,  to  h^s 
family  seat  in  Wiltshire.  "  And  as  they  rode  together  to  ft  ilton  says  Loro 
Edmund  Uudley,  one  of  the  party,  "  there  were  cer  an.  ^""Jf;^^,,^^ ''>«  h*^ 
which  was  so  pleksant  that  tfie  niarquis  much  dehdited  n.  fi»f  "S  f^.^'I? 
Tn  rpadilt  atiDointed  As  for  the  mar<inis's  great  cheer,  as  well  that  night  at 
suD^r  al  SSat  hfs  breakfast  tl'ie  next  day,  surely  it  was  so  abuudan^ 
K  was  not  rift«e  marvel  to  consider  that  so  K>-f  ^^JPXcomforrto^^ 
S'e^r?  Z  rXL^gTSou^i, W  &"trora'.^aTfv»^  o1  7. 

nf^nwhffef^Mlip  was  making  W^ar^ngements  for  I~  Spmn^a^^^ 
providing  a  government  for  the  country  during  h'^  absence  t  was  a^iUM 
ty  the  emperor  to  intrust  the  regency  to  his  daughter,  the  Princess  Joanna. 

•^  '^  ._-         :c„„-..^..  i.a,or  In  vnlnntad  de  su  padre,  y 


k 


»  Florez.  Keynas  Catholicas.  torn.  ii.  p.  «90. 
»  riiilip  would  have  prelerred  that  Charles 
should  carry  out  his  original  design  by  taking 
Mary  for  his  own  wife.     But  he  acquiescd. 
without  a  murmur,  in  the  choice  his  father 
made  lor  him.     Mlgnet  quotes  a  passage  fioni 
a  letter  of   Philip  to  the  emperor  on  this 
subject,  which  shows  him   to  have  l)een  a 
pattern  of  filial  obedience.     The  letter  is 
copied  by  Gonzales  in  his  unpublished  worlc, 
Retiro  y  Estancia  de  Carlos  yuinto:  "  "i  que 
pues  piensan  proponer  su  matrimonio  con 
Vuestra  Magestad,  hallandose  eu  disp..8icion 
para  ello,  cKto  seria  lo  mas  acertado     Pcro  en 
caso  que  Vuestra  Magestad  entii  en  lo  que  me 
escribe  y  le  paieciere  traUr  de  lo  que  a  ml 
toca,  ya  Vuestra  Magestad  sabe  que,  como 
un  obediente  hijo,  no  he  tener  mas  voluntiid 
que  la  suya ;  cuanto  mas  sieiido  e.ste  negocio 
de  imporuncia  y  calidad  que  es.     Y  asi  me  ha 
parecido  remitirlo  a  Vue.>tra  Magestad  para 
Sue  en  todo  haya  lo  que  le  parecieiO,  y  lucre 
Bervido."    Mignet,  Charles-guint,  p.  7b 

•  Higo  en  esto  lo  que  uu  Isaac  dexandose 


sacrificar  i)or  hazer  lavoluntad  de  su  Pfdre,  y 
por  el  bien  de  la  Iglesia."  Sandoval,  Hist,  de 
Carlos  v.,  torn.  ii.  p.  B'?. 

*  A  single  diam<md  in  the  omamefit  which 
Philip  sent  his  queen  was  valued  at  eiphty 
thou.«<and  crowns:  "Unajoya  que  don  Fihpe 
le  enbiaba.  en  que  avia  un  diamante  de  valor 
de  och.Mita  mil  escudos."  Cabrera,  Filipe 
Segundo,  lib.  i.  cap.  4.  ^   ^    .,       ,     .1,^ 

?  Letter  of  Lord  Edmund  Dudley  to  the 
Lords  of  the  Council.  MS.  This  document, 
with  other  MSS.  relating  to  tiiis  periotl,  waa 
kindly  furnished  to  me  by  the  late  lamented 
Mr  1  vtler,  who  copied  them  from  the  origi- 
nals in  the  State  Paper  Office.-The  young 
Lord  Herbert  mentioned  in  the  text  became 
aiterwards  that  earl  of  Pembroke  who 
married,  for  his  second  wife,  the  celebrated 
sister  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney,  to  whom  he 
Sfcat^  the  »  Areola,"-  less  ce  ebrat^^^ 
perhapK.  from  this  dedication  than  from  the 
Tpitaph  on  her  monument,  by  Ben  Jonson. 
in  Salisbury  Cathedral. 


«  «t 


PHILIP'S  SPLENDID  RECEPTION. 


45 


44  ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 

She  wa.  eight  years  vomv^r  than  » J,^^^^^^^^^^^  t 

had  gone  to  Portueat  as  the  bride  otl^^^  heir  of  th^  i^^^-  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^ 


it  was  not  without  an  e^ort  that  Jcwinna  resi  nea  ne^^  ^  -^^^  y.^.o,,, 
and  consented  to  enter  on  the  duties  o^^^^^^^^^^  Me^  WiS,-and,  amidst  the 
-the  scene  of  early  joys  and  of  i^oP^'^J^^".  ^l^' Z  eiort^  to  Castile.  She 
regrets  of  the  whole  ^"^^'^^^^^^^^  her  to 

was  received  on  the  borders  fy,,^7^^;V«\  "^'  ,pn.,.;tJ  in  her  office  of  regent. 
Valladolid.  Here  she  was  in^^^^d,  with  due  ^ol|nniUy^^^  n^^^^  consisted  of 
A  council  of  state  l^^s  associateil  with  her  in  the  g^^^^^  ^^  ^^^.^ 

affairs  of  religion.^  „.^»v.or.  nf  rlkprption  and  virtue,— qualities 

Joanna  seems  to  have  been  a  woman  %,^«^,'^^  ^,^^^11^^^^^^^  benefactions 
which  belonged  to  the  females  of  her  ^»f '   ^^  f  •  ^,^_  {^^^^^^^  gratitude 

to  convents  and  colleges  ;  and  their  cloistered  i»»  «f  ^^"^"^^^  rather  singular 
by  the  most Javish.testiniony  to  her  de^^^^^^^^^  ^ 

r,ractice.    She  was  in  the  habit  of  drop  ing  f/^^^j^J^^';;,^onal^  she 

foreign  ambassadors     '^^0  prevent  all  dm^  princ'eW?" 

l,egan  the  audience  by  raising  her  ^^e^l',  f  J^  f '  „.^'\^^  continue^l  without 

vefn  of  the  Sime  madness  which  darkened  so  large  a  part  of  the  hfe  of  het 
^"S;t?S'  ralLS^c!?&/l'.rp%o™:f  a'separate  establishment  for  Ws 
son'^^n  Carlosrand  placed  his  fScatton  under  the  c^^^^^^^^^^  KarC  'tu^r 
dp  Vives  a  scholar  not  to  be  confounded  with  tiis  namesake,  J^  \ '^'*' ""^     ,  . 

of  Mary  of  England.    Havin;;  completed  his  ^■;^-"g— la^f  P^^^^ 
theplaieof  his  embarkation  in  the  north     At  toniposteiia  ne  pa*.eu 
•lavs   otierine  up  his  devotions  to  the  tutelar  saint  of  i^P*'"' ■""„^^i3,,,, 
tSghoTtt^e  Middle  Ages  had  been  the  most  popular  resort  of  pilfirmis 

^^vvrt  rrZnrtSla*  K'suCribed  the  marriage-treatr,  which  had 

J.     — ..>>«^n<lAT>     etna     a\ 


'  Cabrera,  Filipe  Sognndo.  lib.  1.  cap.  4.— 
Florez,  Keynaa  CathoHoaa.  torn.  ii.  p.  «73.— 
Memorial  des  VoyaRes  da  Rol,  M.S. 

•  ••  Y  prevenitla  de  que  los  Kuii>aja«Jorc8  se 
onejaban,  preiextando  que  no  sabian  si  ha- 
blaban  con  la  Prince*! ;  levantabael  nianto  al 
etupezar  la  Audiencia,  preguntando  ^  Soy  la 


Pnvcesaf  y  en  oyondo  responder  que  si, 
volvia  a  ecbarae  el  velo.  como  que  ya  cefisaba 
el  inconveniente  de  ignorar  con  quien  habla- 
ban  V  que  para  ver  no  neceasitaba  tener  la 
cara  descublerta."  Florez,  Reynas  Catholicas, 
torn.  il.  p-  »73. 


tw^t  trooDS  of  Soain  On  the  eleventh  of  July,  Philip  embarked,  with  his 
^merorretinuCin  which,  together  with  the  Finish  Counts  Egiuo^^f',^ 
■Hnnrt,^  were  to  he  seen  the  dukes  of  Alva  and  Medina  Cel^  the  prince  oi 
eS  '-in Tort  the  «^t^r  of  the  Castilian  nobility.  Tlrey  <^me  att^nd^^^^^^ 
their  wives  and  vassals,  minstrels  and  mummers  and  a  hos' »  '^«  {«"o«^«> 
t/i  a,M  to  thp  .snlendour  of  the  paijeant  and  do  honour  to  their  royal  masrer. 
Yeftt  Snanisra  ZLdor  at  London  had  expressly  rea.mmended  to  Philip 
?hat1^^cKts  should  leave  their  ladies  at  ho'»«.  f"d  ^^o»ld  jmo^m  as 
simnle  raise  as  possible,  so  as  not  to  arouse  the  jealousy  of  the  Juiglish. 

ACr  a1)l^iit  run  of  a  few  dikys,  the  Spanish  aiuadron  came  in  sight  of 
the^^nbin^iffisTEn^andandVlandersV^der^^^^^^^^^^^ 
Admiral  Howard,  who  was  cruising  in  *«  channel  n  order  to  mee'  Jhe^ince 
and  convoy  him  to  the  Eng  sh  shore.    The  admiral  seems  to  nave  oeen  » 
b  unt  so rt^of  man  who  spok'j  his  mind  with  more  candour  than  courte^    He 
greatly  offended  the  Flemings  by  comparing  t^e'r  ^hms  .^j^P^^iadron^^^ 
lie  is  even  said  to  have  fired  a  gun  as  he  *PP,Xi',!l'nf  X  sS^ 
order  to  com[)el  it  to  lower  its  top.sails  in  a*»".""«'iSPf '  *  f^'^e  ^'S^ 
the  English  in  the  "narrow  seas."    But  '^.s^s  pi^jbably  ^ 
of  an  English  writer,  since  it  is  scarcely  P?»>^'ble  *f  ,* '« ''t^'«'S 
that  day  would  have  made  such  a  concession,  and  still  less  so  'J^'  tl^British 
commander  would  have  been  so  discourteous  as  to  exact  jt  »»™is  occasion 

0    tie  nineteenth  of  July  the  fleets  came  to  an^O'Xl"  |he  shore   one 
ampton.    A  number  of  barges  were  soon  seen  P»f  "°f.  f  ,*[<^"i  *f„r^^^^ '  ^u 

all  gkily  ornamentei  received  his  nobles  and  their  retmues 

f he  Spanish  prince  was  welcomed,  on  landing,  by  ^TTi^^Jy^ 
EiHish  fords,  assembled  to  pay  him  their  obeisance.    T^«.  «^  \,f^  ^^  S 
™ted  hiin,  in  the  queen's  name,  with  the  ^If^"^  trvLlipi.  w^^^^^^ 
the  Garter  '^    Philii>'s  dress,  as  usual,  was  of  plain  black  velvet,  ^^^^  ^''jerrei 
a  p  ornamented,  afer  the  fashion  of  the  time,  with  gold  chains     Bv  Marv  s 
0  i^rs,  a"  ph^^^^^^  Andalusian  jennet  had  been  P^^^f^U?^;.^;"^^^^^^^ 
prince  instintly  mounted.    He  was  a  good  rider  and  P^^^^^^^Ji^^  ^'' 

CO  uteous  bearing'  and  the  graceful  manner  in  which  he  managed  his  J  oise 

'  Tir  oyaKsli^    then  moved  forward  to  the  ar«^t,;j,^XV^^^^^^^ 
Rood!  where  mass  was  said,  and  thanks  were  offered  "P.^or  their  prospero^^ 
v^vaee     Philip,  after  this,  repaired  to  the  quarters  assigned  to  him  during 
hifsSv  in  the  town.    They  were  sumptuously  titted  up,  and  the  waHs  of  the 
p  nctpl  lapar^^^^  with  arra.s,  conmiemorating  the  d^^^^^^^^ 

Lem^,  l/enry  the  Eighth     Ammi^^^^^^^^^ 

be  seen  one  proclaiming  him     Head  ot  tiie  ^""j^Ji.  *"".,,  „„*.  v^^q  wn 
Faith,»-wor5s  which,  as  they  were  probably  m  Latin,  could  not  nave  oeen 

lost  on  the  Spaniards.** 


•  Letter  of  I^dford  and  Fitzwaters  to  the 
Council,  ap.  Tytler,  Edward  VI.  and  Mary, 
vol  ii.  pp.  410.-Cal)rera,  Filipe  Segundo.  lib. 
i.  cap.  4;  S.-Sepulvedifi  Opera,  vol.  n.  pp. 

496,497.  .        o     ,     fl  »»„  ^a 

">  "II  appelle  lea  navirea  de  la  flotte  de 
vostre  Majeste  coquiUt^  de  monies,  et  plu- 
Bifura  semblablea  particulantez.  Letter  of 
K-aard,  ap.  Tytler,  Edward  VL  and  Mary, 
Vol.  ii.  p.  414.  „ 

"L'ordre  de  la  Jaretiere,  que  la  Royne 


1 1 


et  les  Chevaliers  ont  concludz  luy  donner ;  et 
en  a  fait  faire  une  la  Koyne,  qu'est  estimee 
sept  ou  huict  mil  escuz,  et  joinctement  fait 
faire  pluaieurs  riches  babillemeus  pour  son 
Altese."  Letter  of  Renard.  ap.  Tytler,  In- 
ward VI.  and  Mary,  vol.  ii-  p.  416. 

•'  Salazar  de  Mendoza,  Monarquia  de  ts- 
paea  (Madrid,  1770),  torn.  ii.  p.  ll^.-Aiubas- 
sa.les  de  Noailles,  torn.  m.  pp.  ^^^Tt^e.— 
Sepulvedffi  Ot»era.  vol.  ii.  p.  '»9«-7^*9''f'^*', 
Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  i.  cap.  5.— Leti,  Vita  di 


k 


4a  ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 

The  news  of  Philip's  landiiiR  was  received  in  London  with  every  de'nonstrfl- 
tion  of  io^  Gmw  were  fired,  tells  were  runfe  processions  were  made  to  the 
churcherbonfires  were  lighted  in  all  the  principal  streets,  tables  were  Bpre^J 
in  the  smiares,  laden  with  good  cheer,  and  wine  and  ale  flowed  free)/ a\»»'^J 
for  aU  Smers  "  In  short,  the  city  gave  itself  np  to  a  Jjeneral.jnbifee,  as  if  t 
were  celebrating  some  victorious  monarch  retumetl  to  his  domu.ions,  and  not 

ttfe  man  whSse  name  had  lately  been  the  ob  ect  "f  ;7'jJ  g^J^^'} .  S^ew"; 
Marv  rave  instant  orders  that  the  nobles  of  her  court  should  hold  tlieniseives 
in  rJXess  to  a«Zpany  her  to  Winchester,  where  she  was  to  receive  the 
BrinS  and  on  SiT  wm.ty-first  of  July  she  made  her  entry,  in  great  stat«. 
FntS  thkt  Snitel  and  established  her  residence  at  the  episcopal  paface. 

DuringX  few Xys  that  Philip  stayed  at  Southampton  he  rode  constants 

fhTmore  haughty  of  tie  aristocracy  did  take  exception  at  his  neglecting  to 
rafse  his  can  tS  them.  That  he  should  have  imposed  the  degree  of  resti-aint 
which  tsW  done  on  the  indulgence  of  his  natural  disposition  is 

''f^'toV'^^TPM^  l^^o^dtr ^h  gave  umbrage  to  his  own 
nobles  They  were  still  more  disgusted  by  tfie  rigid  interpretation  of  one  of 
?he  nLria^eLS^  by  which  some  hunieds  of  their  attendants  werejro. 
hibiteTS' foreigners,  from  landing,  or,  after  landing,  were  compelled  to 
rSuk  iiT^^^^  to  Spain"  ^Whenever  P»f  P  ,^^,,"3^^^^^^^ 
accompanied  by  Englishmen.  He  was  served  by  Englishmen  at  his  meai^ 
Hrreakfastea  and  dined  in  public-a  thing  but  little  to  his  taste.  He 
Lik  heaUhs,  after  the  manner  of  the  English  and  encouraged  his  S^^^^^^^^ 
followers  to  imitate  his  example,  as  he  quaHed  the  stong  a  e  of  tlie  countiy. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  tfie  month  the  earl  of  Pembroke  arrived,  with  a 
brilliant  company  of  two  hundred  mounted  gentlemen,  to  escort  the  pnnce  to 
wSestei-  He  was  attended,  moreover,  by  a  body  of  English  archers,  whose 
tunics  of  yellow  cloth  striped  with  bars  o^  red  velvet  displayed  the  gaudy- 
combed  livery  of  the  housTof  Aragon.  The  day  was  unpropitious.  The  rain 
f e  iTeavi^^^^^^^^^  torrents  as  might  have  coofed  the  enthusiasm  of  a  more 

ardent  lover  than  Phihp.  But  he  was  too  gallant  a  cavalier  te  be  daunted 
bv  the  elements  The  ^distance,  not  great  in  itself,  was  te  be  travelled  on 
feSict-th^^^^^  mode  of  conveyance  at  a  time  when  roads  were  scarcely 
practicable  for  carriages. 


FUippo  11  ,tom.  i.  p.  231.— Hollnshed.  vol.  Iv. 
p  57. —Memorial  dfs  Voyages  du  Roi.  MS. 

'»  Strype,  Memorial^,  vol.  iii.  pp.  ri7,  128. 

»♦  The  change  in  Philip's  manners  ^eenis  to 
have  attract'd  general  attention.  We  find 
Wotton,  the  ambassador  at  the  French  court, 
speaking,  in  one  of  his  letters,  of  the  report 
of  it  as  having  reached  his  e^irs  in  Paris. 
Wotton  to  Sir  W.  Petre,  August  JOth,  1554, 

MS 

'^  According  to  Nnailles,  Philip  forbade  the 
Spaniards  to  leave  their  ships,  on  pain  of 
being  hange«i  when  they  set  foot  on  shore. 
This  was  enforcing  the  provisions  of  the  mar- 
riage-treaty tn  rigueur:  "Apres  que  ledict 


princo  fust  de«cendu,  il  fict  crier  et  command* 
aux  Espaignols  que  chascun  se  retirast  en  8*111 
navire  et  que  sur  la  peyne  d'estre  pendu,  nul 
no  descendist  a  terre."  Ambassades  de  No- 
ailles,  tom.  iii.  p.  27. 

'"  Leti,  Vita  di  Filippo  II..  torn.  I.  pp.  231, 
232  — •*  Ix)r8  II  appellu  les  seigneurs  Lspai- 
enols  qui  cstoient  pros  de  luy  et  leurdict  qu  il 
falloit  desormais  oublier  toutes  les  coustumes 
d'P:8paiKDC,  et  vifvre  de  tons  poinds  a  I  An- 
gloise,  a  quoy  il  voulloit  bien  (ommancer  et 
leur  monstrer  le  chemin,  puis  se  fist  apportcr 
de  la  biere  d.-  laquelle  II  bent."  Ambassades 
de  Noailles,  turn.  iii.  p.  287. 


MARRIAGE  OF  PHILIP  AND  MARY. 


47 


'The  '^v^n^d'  Ws  Sufreceived  continual  accessions  from  the  neigh- 

hall  of  the  palace.    Mary,  stepping  forward  to  ^tfupVhPn  conducted  him  to  a 
him  with  a  W  kiss  before  allthecom^^^^^^    s^de  unL'^rstatel^^^^ 
sort  of  throne,  vN^iere  she  took  her  seat  by  ^J^^^^^^^^^^  ,vhile  their 

They  remaiiied  there  for  an  hour  o^  nior^coi  versmg  t^f^^^^^^^^^  ^^  fi,,^ 

courtiers  had  leisure  to  become  acquainted  ^vlth  one  a^^^^^^^^      an 

PTh?ens„ingday,the  festival  of  ^t.  J--,  the  P^- -^^^^^^^^ 
the  one  appointed  for  the  marriage.    P'>''  P  «?f  K'str^    T^ej  were  of 
for  the  bridal  vestments  prov..ded  for  h>m  ^y  h>^  "i^"^^  ^^J^  „{  gold, 
spotless  white,  as  the  reporter  is  careful  to  "™™  "''„'*"  j  i,:.  neck  he  wore 
tK?ckly  powdered  'ytji  pear k  and  p,^^^^       |ton^^  B^dian  order  ;  while 

reffi»nMw«Slf^^^ 

rn^o^l^^S^"h^-^lUr  ?.nt  S^^^^^^^^^     ^^Piendour  of  their 

"^  Halfan  hour  elapsed  before  Philip  was  joined  by  the  queen  at  the  entrance 


48 


ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 


ROYAL  ENTERTAINMENTS. 


4» 


of  the  cathedral.  Mary  was  surrounded  by  the  lords  and  ladies  of  her  court. 
Her  drS  of  white  sat^in  and  cloth  of  .gold,  like  hif  own  wa.  s^iuided  and 
f ringed  with  diamonds  of  inestiniable  price  some  of  them,  doubtless,  the  gift 
of  Philip,  which  he  had  sent  to  her  by  the  hands  of  the  prince  of  Eboli,  soon 
after  h^  landing  Her  bright-red  slippers  and  her  mantle  of  black  velvet 
fonned  a  coS'to  the  rest^of  her  ap&  and,  for  a  bridal  costume,  would 
hardly  suit  the  taste  of  the  present  da^.  The  royal  party  th^Bu  moved  upthe 
nave  of  the  cathedral,  andVere  recefved  in  the  choir  by  the  bishop  of  ^Win- 
chester, supported  by  the  great  prelates  of  the  English  Church.  The  grwitest 
of  airCranmer,  the  primate  of  all  England,  who  should  have  performed  the 
ceremony,  was  absent,-in  disgrace  and  a  pnsoner. 

Philip  and  Mary  took  their  seats  under  a  royal  canopy,  with  an  a  tar 
between  them.  The  queen  wa^  surrounded  by  the  ladies  of  her  court,- 
whose  beauty,  says  an  Italian  writer,  acquired  additional  lustre  by  contrast 
with  the  shadowy  complexions  of  the  south.>;  The  aisles  and  spacious  gal- 
leries were  crowded  with  spectators  of  every  degree,  drawn  together  from  the 
most  distant  quarters  to  witness  the  ceremony. 

The  silence  was  broken  by  Figueroa,  one  of  the  imperial  council  who  read 
aloud  an  instrument  of  the  emperor,  Charles  the  Fifth.  It  stated,  that  this 
marriage  had  been  of  his  own  seeking ;  and  he  was  desirous  that  his  beloved 
son  should  enter  into  it  in  a  manner  suitable  to  his  own  expectations  and  the 
dignity  of  his  illustrious  consort.  He  therefore  resigned  to  him  his  entire 
riSit  and  sovereignty  over  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and  the  duchy  of  Milan. 
The  rank  of  the  parties  would  thus  be  equal,  and  Mary,  mstead  of  giving 
her  hand  to  a  subject,  would  wetl  a  sovereign  like  herself. 

Some  embarrassment  occurred  as  to  the  person  who  should  give  the  queen 
away,-a  part  of  the  ceremony  not  provided  for.  After  a  brief  conference,  it 
was  removed  by  the  marquis  of  Winchester  and  the  earls  of  Pembroke  and 
Derby,  who  took  it  on  themselves  to  give  her  away  m  the  name  of  the  whole 
realm  ;  at  which  the  multitude  raised  a  shout  that  made  the  old  walls  of  the 
cathedral  ring  again.  The  marriage-service  was  then  concluded  by  the  bishop 
of  Winchester.  Philip  and  Mary  resumed  their  seats,  and  mass  was  per- 
formed, when  the  bridegroom,  rising,  gave  his  consort  the  kiss  of  peace, 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  time.  The  whole  ceremony  occupied  nearly 
four  hours.  At  the  close  of  it,  Philip,  taking  Mary  by  the  hand,  led  her 
from  the  church.  The  royal  couple  were  followed  by  the  long  train  of  pre- 
lates and  nobles,  and  were  preceded  by  the  earls  of  Pembroke  and  Derby 
each  bearing  aloft  a  naked  sword,  the  symbol  of  sovereignty.  The  efiect  of 
the  spectacle  was  heightened  by  the  various  costunies  of  the  two  nations, - 
the  richly-tinted  and  picturesque  dresses  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the  sohd 
magnificence  of  the  English  and  Flemings,  mingling  together  in  gay  con- 
fusion.  The  glittering  procession  moved  slowly  on,  to  the  blithe  sounds  ot 
festal  music,  while  the  air  was  rent  with  the  loyal  acclamations  of  the  popu- 
lace, delighted,  as  usual,  with  the  splendour  of  the  pageant. 

In  the  great  hall  of  the  episcopal  palace  a  sumptuous  banquet  was  prepared 
for  the  whole  company.    At  one  end  of  the  apiirtment  was  a  dais,  on  which 
under  a  superb  canopy,  a  table  was  set  for  the  king  and  queen  ;  and  a  third 
seat  wa.s  added  for  Bishop  Gardiner,  the  only  one  of  the  great  lords  who  was 
admitted  to  the  distinction  of  dining  with  royalty. 


•■  "  Poco  dopo  comparve  ancora  la  Regina 
pomposameute  vestita.  rilucendo  da  tutte  le 
parti  pretlosJssime  g^-mme,  acconipagnata  da 
tante  e  cosi  belle  Principesse,  che  pareva  ivi 


ridotta  quasi  tutta  la  bellezza  del  mondo,  onde 
gU  Spaguoli  servivano  con  il  loro  Olivastni, 
tra  tanti  soli,  come  ombre,"  Leti,  Vita  di 
Filippo  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  232. 


u 


Below  the  dais,  the  tables  were  set  on  either  side  through  the  whole  length 
of  the  hall,  for  the  English  and  Spanish  nobles,  all  arranged— a  perilous  point 
of  etiquette— with  due  regard  to  their  relative  rank.  The  royal  table  was 
covered  with  dishes  of  gold.  A  spacious  beaufet,  rising  to  the  height  of  eight 
stages,  or  shelves,  and  filled  with  a  profusion  of  gold  and  silver  vessels,  some- 
what ostentatiously  displayed  the  magnificence  of  the  prelate,  or  of  his  sove- 
reign. Yet  this  ostentation  was  rather  Spanish  than  English,  and  was  one 
of  the  forms  in  which  the  Castilian  grandee  loved  to  display  his  opulence. |» 

At  the  bottom  of  the  hall  was  an  orchestra,  occupied  by  a  band  of  excellent 
performers,  who  enlivened  the  repast  by  their  music.  But  the  most  interest- 
ing part  of  the  show  was  that  of  the  Winchester  boys,  some  of  whom  were 
permitted  to  enter  the  presence  and  recite  in  Latin  their  epithalamiums  in 
honour  of  the  royal  nuptials,  for  which  they  received  a  handsome  guerdon 

from  the  queen.  , .  ,    .,  .    .  ,  ,j -o     v  u 

After  the  banquet  came  the  ball,  at  which,  if  we  are  to  take  an  old  English 
authority,  "  the  Spaniards  were  greatly  out  of  countenance  when  they  saw 
the  English  so  far  excel  them."  *«  This  seems  somewhat  strange,  considering 
that  dancing  is,  and  always  has  been,  the  national  pastime  of  Spam.  Dancing 
is  to  the  Spaniard  what  music  is  to  the  Italian,— the  very  condition  of  his 
social  existence.' '  It  did  not  continue  late  on  the  present  occasion,  and  at 
the  temperate  hour  of  nine  the  bridal  festivities  closed  for  the  evening." 

Philip  and  Mary  passed  a  few  days  in  this  merry  way  of  life  at  Winchester, 
whence  they  removed,  with  their  court,  to  Windsor.  Here  a  chapter  of  the 
order  of  the  Garter  was  held,  for  the  purpose  of  installing  King  Philip.  The 
herald,  on  this  occasion,  ventured  to  take  down  the  arms  of  England  and 
substitute  those  of  Spain,  in  honour  of  the  new  sovereign,— an  act  of  defer- 
ence which  roused  the  indignation  of  the  English  lords,  who  straightway 
compelled  the  functionary  to  restore  the  national  escutcheon  to  its  proper 

Dlace  " 

On  the  twenty-eighth  of  August,  Philip  and  Mary  made  their  public  entry 
into  London.  They  rode  in  on  horseback,  passing  through  the  borough  of 
South wark,  across  London  Bridge.  Every  preparation  was  made  by  the  loyal 
citizens  to  give  them  a  suitable  reception.  The  columns  of  the  buildings 
were  festooned  with  flowers,  triumphal  arches  spanned  the  streets,  the  walls 


••  The  sideboard  of  the  duke  of  Albuquer- 
que, who  died  about  the  middle  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  was  mounted  by  forty  silver 
ladders !  And,  when  he  died,  six  weeks  were 
occupied  in  making  out  the  inventory  of  the 
gold  and  silver  vessels.  iSee  Dunlop's  Me- 
moirs of  Spain  during  the  Reigns  of  Philip  IV. 
and  Charles  II.  (Edinburgh,  1834),  vol.  i.  p. 
384 

»»  Strype,  Memorials,  vol.  iil.  p.  130. 

"  Some  interesting  particulars  respecting 
the  ancient  national  dances  of  the  Peninsula 
are  given  by  Ticknor,  in  his  History  of  Span- 
ish Lit.rature  (New  York,  1849),  vol.  ii.  pp. 
445-448 ;  a  writer  who,  under  the  title  of  a 
History  of  Literature,  has  thrown  a  flood  of 
light  on  the  social  and  political  institutions  of 
the  nation,  whose  character  he  has  evidently 
studied  under  all  its  a«pect8. 

"  "  Relation  of  what  passed  at  the  Celebra- 
tion of  the  Marriage  of  our  Prince  with  the 
Most  Serene  Queen  of  England,"— from  the 
original  at  Louvain,  ap.  Tytler,  Edward  VI. 
and  Mary,  vol.  ii.  p.  430.— Salazar  de  Men- 


doza,  Monarquia  de  Espafia,  tom.  ii.  p.  117. — 
Sandoval,  Historia  de  Carlos  V.,  tom.  ii.  pp. 
660-563.— l^eti.  Vita  di  Filippo  II.,  torn.  i.  pp. 
231-233. — Sepulvedaj  Opera,  vol.  ii.  p.  600. — 
Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo.  lib.  i.  cap.  5.— Memo- 
rial de  Voyages,  MS.— Miss  Strickland,  Lives 
of  the  Queens  of  England,  vol.  v.  pp.  389-396. 
—To  the  la^t  writer  I  am  especially  indebted 
for  several  particulars  in  the  account  of  pro- 
cessions and  pageants  which  occupies  the  pre- 
ceding pages.  Her  information  is  chiefly 
derived  from  two  works,  neither  of  which  is 
in  my  possession,— the  Book  of  Precedents  of 
Ralph  Brook,  York  herald,  and  the  narrative 
of  an  Italian,  Baoardo,  an  eye-witness  of  the 
scenes  he  describes.  Miss  Strickland's  inte- 
resting volumes  are  particularly  valuable  to 
the  historian  for  the  copious  extracts  they  con- 
tain from  curious  unpublished  documents, 
which  bad  escaped  the  notice  of  writers  too 
exclusively  occupied  w  ith  political  events  to 
givf  much  heed  to  details  of  a  domestic  and 
personal  nature. 
="  Holinshed,  vol.  iv.  p.  62. 

E 


60  ENGLISH   ALLIANCE. 

were  huiiff  with  pictures  or  emblazoned  with  legpds  in  commemoration  of 
the  illustnous  pair,  and  a  genealogy  was  traced  for  Phihp,  settmg  forth  his 
descent  from  John  of  Gaunt,— making  him  out,  m  short,  as  much  of  an 

EngHshman  as  possible.  , .  ,  „         .t     t.-  i-i.u  i.^ij:«« 

Among  the  paintings  was  one  in  which  Henry  the  Eighth  was  seen  holding 
in  his  hand  a  Bible.  This  device  gave  great  scandal  to  the  chancellor, 
Gardiner,  who  called  the  painter  sundry  hard  names,  rating  him  roundly  for 
putting  into  King  Harry's  hand  the  sacred  volume,  which  should  rather  have 
been  mven  to  his  daughter,  Queen  Mary,  for  her  zeal  to  restore  the  primitive 
worship  of  the  Church.  The  unlucky  artist  lost  no  time  in  repairing  his  error 
by  brushing  out  the  offending  volume,  and  did  it  so  eftectually  that  he  brushed 
out  the  royal  fingers  with  it,  leaving  the  old  monarch's  mutilated  stump  held 
up,  like  some  poor  mendicant's,  to  excite  the  compassion  of  the  spectators. 

But  the  sight  which  more  than  all  these  pageants  gave  ioy  to  the  hearte  of 
the  Londoners  was  an  immense  quantity  of  bullion,  which  Philip  aiused  to 
be  paraded  through  the  city  on  its  way  to  the  Tower,  where  it  was  deposited 
in  the  royal  treasury.  The  quantity  was  said  to  be  so  great  that  on  one 
occasion  the  chests  containing  it  filled  twenty  carts.  On  another,  two  wagons 
were  so  heavily  laden  with  the  precious  metal  as  to  reiuiire  to  be  drawn  by 
nearly  a  hundred  horses."  The  good  people,  who  had  looked  to  the  coniing 
of  the  Spaniards  as  that  of  a  swarm  of  locusts  which  was  to  consume  their 
substance,  were  greatly  pleased  to  see  their  exhausted  coffers  so  well  re- 
plenished from  the  American  mines. 

From  London  the  royal  pair  proceeded  to  the  shady  solitudes  of  Hampton 
Court,  and  Philip,  weary  ot  the  mummeries  in  which  he  had  been  compelled 
to  take  part,  availed  himself  of  the  indisposition  of  his  >vife  to  indulge  in  that 
retirement  and  repose  which  were  more  congenial  to  his  taste.  This  way  of 
Ufe  in  his  pleasant  retreat,  however,  does  not  appear  to  have  been  so  well 
suited  to  the  taste  of  the  EiiLdish  subjects.  At  least,  an  old  chronicler 
peevishly  complains  that  "  the  hall-door  within  the  court  was  continually 
shut,  so  that  no  man  might  enter  unless  his  errand  were  first  known  ;  which 
seemed  strange  to  Englishmen  that  had  not  been  used  thereto." '' 

Yet  Philip,  although  his  apprehensions  for  his  safety  had  doubtless  sub- 
sided, was  wise  enough  to  affect  the  same  conciliatory  manners  as  on  his  first 
landing, — and  not  altogether  in  vain.  "  He  discovered,"  says  the  Venetian 
ambassador,  in  his  report  to  the  senate,  "  none  of  that  sosieryo— the  haughty 
indifference  of  the  Spaniards— which  distinguished  him  when  he  first  left 
home  for  Italy  and  Flanders.'^  He  was,  indeed,  as  accessible  as  any  one 
could  desire,  and  gave  patient  audience  to  all  who  asked  it.    He  was  soUci- 


•*  HolinBhed.  vol.  iv.  p.  63. 

**  The  Spaniards  mu«t  have  been  quite  as 
much  astonished  as  the  E»)gUsh  at  thp  sight  of 
such  an  amount  of  gold  and  silver  in  the  cof- 
fers of  tlieir  king,— a  higlit  that  rarely  re- 
j<»iced  the  eyes  of  either  Charles  or  Philip, 
though  lords  of  the  Indies.  A  liundred  horseg 
might  well  have  drawn  a.s  many  tons  of  gold 
and  silver,— an  amount,  considering  the  value 
of  raon-^y  in  that  day,  that  taxes  our  fai  h 
Bomewhat  heavily,  and  not  the  less  that  ouly 
two  wag.itiR  were  employed  to  carry  it. 

"•  Holinshed,  ubl  supra. 

•'  Relatione  di  <iio.  Michel!,  MS.— Michele 
Soriano,  who  represented  Venice  at  Madrid, 
in  1559,  bears  similar  testimony,  in  stiii 
Stronger  language,  to  i'hilip'a  altered  deport- 


ment while  in  England  :  "  Essendo  avvertito 
prim «  dal  Cardinale  di  Trento,  poi  dalla  Re- 
gina  Maria,  et  con  piu  efflcaccia  dal  padre, 
che  quel  la  riputatione  et  severita  non  si  con- 
veniva  a  lui,  che  dovea  dominar  nation!  varle 
et  po|>oll  di  costumi  diversi,  si  mut6  in  modo 
che  pa.«5sando  1'  altra  volta  di  Spagna  per  andar 
in  Inghilterra,  ha  mostrato  sempre  una  dol- 
cezza  et  humanita  cosi  grande  che  non  e  supe- 
ruto  da  Trencipc  alcuno  In  questa  parte,  et 
benche  sorvi  in  tutte  leattioni  sue  riputatione 
et  gravita  regie  alle  quali  e  por  natura  incli- 
nato  et  per  costume,  non  e  pero  manco  grato, 
anzi  fanno  parore  la  cortesia  maggiore  che 
S.  M.  usa  cf)n  tutti."  Relatione  di  Micbele 
Soriano,  MS. 


I 


t 


* 


PHILIP'S  INFLUENCE. 


61 


tous,"  continues  Micheli,  "  to  instruct  himself  in  affairs,  and  showed  a  taste 
for  application  to  business,"— which,  it  may  be  added,  grew  stronger  with 
years.  "  He  spoke  little,  but  his  remarks,  though  brief,  were  pertinent.  In 
short,"  he  concludes,  "  he  is  a  prince  of  an  excellent  genius,  a  hvely  appre- 
hension, and  a  judgment  ripe  beyond  his  age."  ,    J  ,.     X   X  1 

Philip's  love  of  business,  however,  was  not  such  as  to  lead  him  to  take  part 
prematurely  in  the  management  of  affairs.  He  discreetly  left  this  to  the 
queen  and  her  ministers,  to  whose  judgment  he  affected  to  r>ay  the  greatest 
deference.  He  particularly  avoided  all  appearance  of  an  attempt  to  interfere 
with  the  administration  of  justice,  unless  it  were  to  obtain  some  act  of  grace. 
Such  interference  only  served  to  gain  him  the  more  credit  with  the  people. 

That  he  gained  largely  on  their  good  will  may  be  inferred  from  the  casual 
remarks  of  more  than  one  contemporary  writer.  They  bear  emphatic  testi- 
mony to  the  affability  of  his  manners,  so  little  to  have  been  expected  from 
the  popular  reports  of  his  character.  "  Among  other  things,"  writes  Wotton, 
the  English  minister  at  the  French  court,  "  one  I  have  been  nght  glad  to 
hear  of  is,  that  the  king's  highness  useth  himself  so  gently  and  lovingly  to  all 
men.  For,  to  tell  you  truth,  I  have  heard  some  say,  that,  when  he  came  out 
of  Spain  into  Italy,  it  was  by  some  men  wished  that  he  had  showed  a  some- 
what more  benign  countenance  to  the  people  than  it  was  said  he  then  did.  ^ 
Another  contemporary,  in  a  private  letter,  written  soon  after  the  kings 
entrance  into  London,  after  describing  his  person  as  "so  well  proportioned 
that  Nature  cannot  work  a  more  perfect  pattern,"  concludes  with  commend- 
ing him  for  his  "  pregnant  wit  and  most  gentle  nature."  ^<> 

Philip,  from  the  hour  of  his  landing,  had  been  constant  m  all  his  religious 
observances.  "He  was  as  punctual,"  says  Micheli,  "in  his  attendance  at 
mass,  and  his  observance  of  all  the  forms  of  devotion,  as  any  monk,— more 
so,  as  some  i)eople  thought,  than  became  his  age  and  station.  The  eccle- 
siastics," he  adds,  "  with  whom  Phihp  had  constant  intercourse,  talk  loudly 

of  his  piety.'*  ,        „  .„.      t.,  i-  t. 

Yet  there  was  no  hypocrisy  in  this.  However  wilhng  Phdip  may  have 
been  that  his  concern  for  the  interests  of  religion  might  be  seen  of  men,  it  is 
no  less  true  tliat,  as  far  as  he  understood  these  interests,  his  concern  was  per- 
fectly sincere.  The  actual  state  of  England  may  have  even  operated  as  an 
inducement  with  him  to  overcome  his  scruples  as  to  the  connection  with  Mary. 
"Better  not  reign  at  all,"  he  often  remarked,  "than  reign  over  heretics. 
But  what  triumph  more  glorious  than  that  of  converting  these  heretics  and 
bringing  them  back  again  to  the  bosom  of  the  Church  ?  He  was  most  anxious 
to  prepare  the  minds  of  his  new  subjects  for  an  honourable  reception  of  the 
papal  legate.  Cardinal  Pole,  who  was  armed  with  full  authority  to  receive 
the  submission  of  England  to  the  Holy  See.  He  employed  his  personal 
influence  with  the  great  nobles,  and  enforced  it  occasionally  by  liberal  dratts 


"  "Lasciando  1'  essecutlone  delle  cose  di 
giustitia  alia  Regina,  et  a  i  Ministri  quand' 
occorrc  di  condannare  alcuno,  o  nella  robbii,  o 
nella  vita,  per  poter  poi  usarli  impetrando, 
come  fa,  le  gratie,  et  le  mercedl  tutte  :  le  quai 
cose  fanno,  che  quanto  alia  persona  sua,  non 
Bolo  sia  ben  voluto,  et  amato  da  ciascuno,  ma 
anco  desiderate."  Relatione  di  Gio.  Micheli,. 
MS. 

'•  Letter  of  Nicholas  Wotton  to  Sir  William 
Petre,  MS. 

'"  See  the  Remarks  of  John  Elder,  ap. 
Tytler,  Edward  VI.  and  Mary,  vol.  il.  p.  258. 


"  "  Nella  religione,  .  .  .  per  quel  che  dal  I' 
esterior  si  Tede,  non  si  potria  giudicar  meglio, 
et  piu  assiduo,  et  attt-ntissimo  alle  Messe,  a  i 
Ve.speri,  et  alle  Prediche,  come  un  religiose, 
molto  piii  che  a  lo  stato,  et  eta  sua,  a  molte  pare 
che  si  convenga.  11  medisimo  conferiscono  dell' 
Intrinseco  olira  certi  frati  Theologi  suoi  prwli- 
catori  huoniini  certo  di  stima,  et  anco  altri 
che  ogni  di  trattano  con  lui,  che  nelle  cose 
della  conscientia  non  desiderano  ne  piu  pia, 
ne  miglior  intentione."  Relatione  di  Gio. 
Micheli,  MS. 


62  ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 

on  those  Pcnivian  in?ots  which  he  had  sent  to  the  Tower.  At  least,  it  is 
asserted  that  he  gave  away  yearly  pensions,  to  the  large  amount  of  between 
fifty  and  sixty  thousand  ?6ld  crowns,  to  sundry  of  the  nueen  s  nnnisters.  It 
was  done  on  the  general  plea  of  recompensing  their  loyalty  to  their  imstress. 

Early  in  November,  tidings  arrived  of  the  landing  of  Pole,  lie  had  l)een 
detained  some  weeks  in  Germany  by  tbe  emperor,  who  felt  some  distrust— not 
ill  founded,  as  it  seems— of  the  cardinal's  disposition  in  regard  to  the  Spanish 
match.  Now  that  this  dirticultv  was  obviated,  he  was  allowed  to  resume  his 
journey.  He  came  up  the  Thames  in  a  magnificent  barge,  with  a  large  silver 
cross,  the  emblem  of  his  legatine  authority,  displayed  on  the  prow.  Ihe 
le<-ate,  on  landing,  was  received  by  the  king,  the  queen,  and  the  whole  court, 
with  a  reverential  deference  which  augured  well  for  the  success  of  his  mission. 

He  was  the  man,  of  all  others,  best  qualified  to  execute  it.  To  a  natural 
kindness  of  temper  he  united  an  urbanity  and  a  refinement  of  manners  derived 
from  familiar  intercourse  with  the  most  polished  society  of  Europe.  His  royal 
descent  entitled  him  to  mix  on  terms  of  ecpiality  with  persons  of  the  highest 
rank,  and  made  him  feel  as  much  at  ease  in  the  court  as  m  the  cloister,  llis 
long  exile  had  opened  to  him  an  acquaintance  with  man  as  he  is  found  in 
vanous  climes,  while,  as  a  native-born  Englishman,  he  perfectly  understood 
the  prejudices  and  peculiar  temper  of  his  own  countrymen.  "  Cardinal  Pole, 
says  the  Venetian  minister,  "  is  a  man  of  unblemished  nobility,  and  so  strict 
in'his  integrity  that  he  grants  nothing  to  the  importunity  of  friends.  He  is 
so  much  beloved,  both  by  prince  and  people,  that  he  may  well  be  styled  the 
king  where  all  is  done  by  his  authority."  "  An  English  cardinal  was  not  of 
too  frequent  occurrence  'in  the  Sacred  College.  That  one  should  have  been 
found  at  the  present  juncture,  with  personal  (qualities,  moreover,  so  well  suited 
to  the  delicate  mission  to  England,  was  a  coincidence  so  remarkable  that  Philip 
and  Mary  might  well  be  excused  for  discerning  in  it  the  finger  of  Providence. 

On  the  seventeenth  of  the  month,  parliament,  owing  to  the  queen's  indis- 
position, met  at  Whitehall,  and  Pole  made  that  celebrated  speech  in  which  he 
recapitulated  some  of  the  leading  events  of  his  own  life,  and  the  persecutions 
he  had  endured  for  conscience'  sake.  He  reviewed  the  changes  in  religion 
which  had  taken  place  in  England,  and  implored  his  audience  to  abjure  their 
spiritual  errors  and  to  seek  a  reconciliation  with  the  Catholic  Church.  He 
assured  them  of  his  plenary  power  to  grant  absolution  for  the  past,  and— what 
was  no  less  important— to  authorize  the  present  proprietors  to  retain  possession 
of  the  abl)ey  lands  which  had  been  confiscated  under  King  Henry.  This  last 
concession,  which  had  been  extorted  with  difticulty  from  the  pope,  reconciling, 
as  it  did,  temporal  with  spiritual  interests,  seems  to  have  dispelled  whatever 
scraples  yet  lingered  in  the  breasts  of  the  legislature.  There  were  few,  pro- 
bably, in  that  goodly  company  whose  zeal  would  have  aspired  to  the  crown  of 

martyrdom.  ,  ,  , 

The  ensuing  day,  parliament,  in  obedience  to  the  royal  summons,  again 
assembled  at  Whitehall.  Philip  took  his  seat  on  the  left  of  Mary,  under  the 
same  canopy,  while  Cardinal  Pole  sat  at  a  greater  distance  on  her  right." 


«  Relatione  di  Gio.  Michell.  MS. 

»*  Relatione  di  Gio.  Michpli,  MS.— Mason, 
the  English  minister  at  the  imperial  court, 
who  had  had  much  intercourse  with  Pole, 
speaks  of  him  in  terms  of  unqualified  admira- 
tion :  "  Such  a  one  as,  for  his  wisdom,  joined 
with  learning,  virtue,  and  godliness,  all  the 
world  8eek«^>th  and  adoreth.  In  whom  it  is  to 
be  thought  that  God  hath  chosen  a  special 
place  of  habitation.    Such  is  his  conversation 


adorned  with  infinite  godly  qualities,  above 
the  oniinary  sort  of  men.  And  whosoever 
within  the  realm  liketh  him  worst,  I  would  he 
might  have  with  him  the  talk  of  one  half- 
hour.  It  were  a  right  stony  heart  that  in  a 
small  time  he  could  not  soften."  Letter  of 
Sir  John  Mason  to  the  Queen,  MS. 

•*-  If  we  are  to  credit  Cabrera,  Philip  not 
only  took  bis  seat  in  parliament,  but  on  one 
occasion,  the  better  to  conciliate  the  good  will 


THE  CATHOLIC  CHURCH  KESTORED. 


53 


The  chancellor,  Gardiner,  then  presented  a  petition  in  the  name  of  the  lords 
and  commons,  praying  for  reconciliation  with  the  papal  see.  Absolution  was 
solemnly  pronounced  by  the  legate,  and  the  whole  assembly  received  his 
benediction  on  their  bended  knees.  England,  purified  from  her  heresy,  was 
once  more  restored  to  the  communion  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 

Philip  instantly  despatched  couriers  with  the  glad  tidings  to  Rome,  Brussels, 
and  other  capitals  of  Christendom.  Everywhere  the  event  was  celebrated 
with  public  rejoicings,  as  if  it  had  been  some  great  victory  over  the  Saracens. 
As  Philip's  zeal  for  the  faith  was  well  known,  and  as  the  great  change  had 
taken  place  soon  after  his  arrival  in  England,  much  of  the  credit  of  it  was 
ascribed  to  him."  Thus,  before  ascending  the  throne  of  Spain  he  had  vindi- 
cated his  claim  to  the  title  of  Catholic,  so  much  prized  by  the  Spanish 
monarchs.  He  had  won  a  triumph  greater  than  that  which  his  father  had 
been  able  to  win,  after  years  of  war,  over  the  Protestants  of  Germany  ;  greater 
than  any  which  had  been  won  by  the  arms  of  Cortes  or  Pizarro  in  the  JSew 
World.  Their  contest  had  been  with  the  barl)arian ;  the  field  of  Philip's 
labours  was  one  of  the  most  potent  and  civilized  countries  of  Europe. 

The  work  of  conversion  was  speedily  followed  by  that  of  persecution.  To 
what  extent  Philip's  infiuence  was  exerted  in  this  is  not  manifest.  Indeed, 
from  anything  that  appears,  it  would  not  be  easy  to  decide  whether  his  infiu- 
ence was  employed  to  promote  or  to  prevent  it.  One  fact  is  certain,  that, 
immediately  after  the  first  martyrs  suftered  at  Smithfield,  Alfonso  de  Castro, 
a  Spanish  "friar,  preached  a  sermon  in  which  he  bitterly  inveighed  against 
these  proceedings.  He  denounced  them  as  repugnant  to  the  true  spirit  of 
Christianity,  which  was  that  of  charity  and  forgiveness,  and  which  enjoined  its 
ministers  not  to  take  vengeance  on  the  sinner,  but  to  enlighten  him  as  to  his 
errors  and  bring  him  to  repentance.^*  This  bold  appeal  had  its  effect,  even  in 
that  season  of  excitement.  For  a  few  weeks  the  arm  of  persecution  seemed 
to  be  palsied.  But  it  was  only  for  a  few  weeks.  Toleration  was  not  the  virtue 
of  the  sixteenth  century.  The  charitable  doctrines  of  the  good  friar  fell  on 
hearts  withered  by  fanaticism ;  and  the  spirit  of  intolerance  soon  rekindled  the 
fires  of  Smitlifield  into  a  fiercer  glow  than  before. 

Yet  men  wondered  at  the  source  whence  these  strange  doctrines  had  pro- 
ceeded. The  friar  was  Philip's  confessor.  It  was  argued  that  he  would  not 
have  dared  to  speak  thus  boldly  had  it  not  been  by  the  command  of  Philip,  or 
at  least  by  his  consent.  That  De  Castro  should  have  thus  acted  at  the  sugges- 
tion of  his  master  is  contradicted  by  the  whole  tenor  of  Philip's  life.  Hardly 
four  years  elapsed  before  he  countenanced  by  his  presence  an  auto  def^'m 
Valladolid,  where  fourteen  persons  perished  at  the  stake  ;  and  the  burning  of 
heretics  in  England  could  have  done  no  greater  violence  to  his  feehngs  than 
the  burning  of  heretics  in  Spain.  If  the  friar  did  indeed  act  in  obedience  to 
Philip,  we  may  well  suspect  that  the  latter  was  infiuenced  less  by  motives  of 
humanity  than  of  policy,  and  that  the  disgust  manifested  by  the  people  at  the 
spectacle  of  these  executions  may  have  led  him  to  employ  this  expedient  to 
relieve  himself  of  any  share  in  the  odium  which  attached  to  them." 


of  the  legislature  to  the  legate,  delivered  a 
speech,  which  the  historian  gives  in  extenso. 
If  he  ever  made  the  speech,  it  could  have  been 
untterstood  only  by  a  miracle.  For  Philip 
could  not  speak  English,  and  of  his  audience 
not  one  in  a  hundred,  probably,  could  tuider- 
Btand  Spanish.  But  to  the  Castilian  historian 
the  occasion  might  seem  worthy  of  a  miracle, 
— digvus  vindice  nodus. 
=»  ♦•  Obraron  de  suertc  Don  Felipe  con  pru- 


dencia,  agrado,  honras,  y  mercedes,  y  bu  fami- 
lia  con  la  cortesia  natural  de  Espafia,  que  se 
reduxo  Inglaterra  toda  a  la  obediencia  de  la 
Iglesia  Catolica  Romana,  y  se  abjuraron  h-s 
errores  y  heregias  que  corrian  en  aquel  Rey- 
no,"  says  Vanderhammen,  Felipe  el  Prudente, 
p.  4. 

»'  Strype,  Memorials,  vol.  iii.  p.  209. 

="  Philip,  in  a  letter  to  the  Regent  Joanna, 
dated  Brussels,  1657,  seems  to  cla.m  fur  him- 


64  ENGLISH  ALLIANCE. 

What  was  the  real  amount  of  Philip's  influence,  in  this  or  other  matters  it 
is  not  i)ossible  to  determine.  It  is  clear  that  he  was  careful  not  to  arouse  the 
PA  oiisv  of  the  English  by  any  parade  of  it."  One  obvious  channel  of  it  lay 
r  rquiilwho  lenis  to  ha^ve^doted  on  him  with  a  fondness  that  one  ^^^uM 
hardly  iave  thought  a  temper  cold  and  repulsive,  like  that  of  Philip,  capable 
of  exciting.  But  he  was  young  and  good-looking.  His  manners  had  afways 
been  found  to  please  the  s^x,  even  where  he  had  not  been  so  solicitous  to  please 
afhe  was  in  England.  He 'was  Mary's  first  and  only  love;  ioTtheem^Tor 
was  too  old  to  have  touched  aught  but  her  vanity,  and  Courtenay  ^s  too  fri- 
volous to  have  excited  any  other  than  a  temporary  feeling.  This  devotion  to 
Philip,  according  to  some  accounts,  was  ill  requited  by  his  gallantiies.  ilie 
Venetian  ambassador  says  of  him  that  "  he  we  (deserved  the  tenderness  of  his 
wSor  he  was  the  most  loving  and  the  best  of  husbands."  But  it  seen^pro- 
bable  that  the  Italian,  in  his  estimate  of  the  best  of  husbands,  adopted  the 

hberal  standard  of  his  own  country.'*  j  •  ^  *u  f  *u«  «„onr.  ^-ac 

About  the  middle  of  November,  parliament  was  advised  that  the  queen  was 

in  a  state  of  pregnancy.    The  intelligence  was  received  with  the  joy  usually 

manifested  by  loyal  subjects  on  like  occasions.    The  emperor  seems  to  have 

been  particularly  pleased  with  this  prospect  of  an  heir,  who,  by  the  terms  of 

the  maiTiage-treaty,  would  make  a  division  of  that  great  empire  which  it  had 

been  the  object  of  its  master's  life  to  build  up  and  consohdate  under  one 

sceptre     The  commons,  soon  after,  passed  an  act  empowermg  Philip,  m  case 

it  should  go  otherwise  than  well  with  the  queen  at  the  time  of  her  conhnement, 

to  assume  the  regency  and  take  charge  of  the  education  of  her  child  during  its 

minority.    The  regency  was  to  be  limited  by  the  provisions  of  the  marnage- 

treaty  ;  but  the  act  may  be  deemed  evidence  that  Philip  had  gamed  on  the 

confidence  of  his  new  subjects.  j       ^v   ^-  ^„«»,^ /^, 

The  symptoms  continued  to  be  favourable  ;  and,  as  the  time  approached  tor 

Mary's  confinement,  messengers  were  held  in  readiness  to  bear  the  tidings  to 

the  difterent  courts.    The  loyal  wishes  of  the  neople  ran  so  far  ahead  of  reality 

that  a  rumour  went  abroad  of  the  actual  birth  of  a  pnnce.    Bells  were  rung, 

bonfires  lighted  ;  Te  Deum  was  sung  in  some  of  the  churches  ;  and  one  ot  the 

preachers^*  took  upon  him  to  describe  the  proportions  of  the  child,  how  fair, 

how  beautiful  and  great  a  prince  it  was,  as  the  hke  had  not  been  seen ! 

"  But  for  all  this  great  labour,"  says  the  caustic  chronicler,     for  their  yoong 


self  the  merit  of  having  extirpated  heresy  in 
Kiiglttiid  by  the  destruction  of  ihe  hen  tics: 
"  Aviendo  apartado  deste  Reyno  las  sect  as,  l 
reduzidole  a  la  obediencia  de  la  Iglepia,  i  avi- 
endo ido  seuipre  en  acrecentamiento  con  el 
rastigo  de  los  Erepes  tan  sin  contradiclones 
como  se  haze  en  Inglaterra."    (Cabrera,  Filipe 
Segundo.  lib.  ii.  cap.  6.)    The  emperor,  in  a 
letter  from  Yuste,  endorses  this  claim  of  his 
8on  to  the  full  extent:  "  Pues  en  Ynglaterr 
Be  han  hecho  y  hacen  tantas  y  tan  crudas  jus 
ticias  hasta  obispos,  por  la  orden  que  alii  h 
dado,  como  si  fuera  su  Rey  natural,  y  se  lo 
permiten,"    Carta  del  Emperador  i  la  Prin- 
cesa.  Mayo  25,  1558,  MS. 

"  Micheli,  whose  testimony  is  of  the  mor 
value  as  he  was  known  to  have. joined  Noailles 
in  his  opposition  to  the  Spanish  match,  tells 
us  that  Philip  was  pcrupulous  in  his  obser- 
vance of  every  article  of  the  marriage-treaty : 
"  Che  non  havendo  alterato  co-a  alcuna  dollo 
Btile,  et  forma  del  governo,  non  essendo  uscito 


un  pelo  della  capltolatione  del  matrimonio,  h« 
in  tutto  tolla  via  quella  paura  che  da  princi- 

fiio  fu  grandissima,  che  egli  non  volesse  con 
mperio,  et  con  la  potentia,  disporre  et  co- 
mandare  delle  cose  a  modo  suo."  Relatione 
di  Gio.  Micheli,  MS. 

"  •♦  D'amor  nasce  I'esser  inamorata  come  e 
et  giustaracnte  d^  1  marito  per  quel  che  s'  ha 
potuto  conoscer  nel  ten»po  che  e  stata  seco 
dallii  natura  et  modi  suoi,  certo  da  innamorar 
ognuuo.  non  che  chi  havesse  havuto  la  huona 
compagnia  et  il  buon  trattamento  ch'  ell'  ha 
havuto.  Tale  in  verita  che  nessun'  altro  po- 
trebbe  essergU  stato  ne  migliore  ne  pid  anio- 
revol  marito.  .  .  .  Se  appresso  al  m  artel  lo  s* 
aggiutigesse  la  gelosia,  della  qual  fin  hora  non 
si  sa  che  patlsca,  perche  se  n<tn  ha  il  Re  per 
casto,  almanco  dico  el  la  so  che  e  libero  dell' 
amor  d'  altra  donna  ;  se  fosse  dico  gelosa,  sa- 
rebbe  veramentc  misera."  Relatione  di  Glo. 
Micheli,  MS. 


PHILIP'S  INFLUENCE. 


55 


maister  long  looked  for  coming  so  surely  into  the  world,  in  the  end  appeared 
neither  yoong  maister  nor  yoong  maistress,  that  any  man  to  this  day  can  hear 

of."  *° 

The  queen's  disorder  proved  to  be  a  dropsy.  But,  notwithstanding  the 
mortifying  results  of  so  many  prognostics  and  preparations,  and  the  ridicule 
which  attached  to  it,  Mary  still  cherished  the  illusion  of  one  day  giving  an  heir 
to  the  crown.  Her  husband  did  not  share  in  this  illusion  ;  and,  as  he  became 
convinced  that  she  had  no  longer  prospect  of  issue,  he  found  less  inducement 
to  protract  his  residence  in  a  country  which,  on  many  accounts,  was  most 
distasteful  to  him.  Whatever  show  of  deference  might  be  paid  to  him,  his 
haughty  spirit  could  not  be  pleased  by  the  subordinate  part  which  he  was  com- 
pelled to  play,  in  pubHc,  to  the  queen.  The  parliament  liad  never  so  far 
acceded  to  Mary's  wishes  as  to  consent  to  his  coronation  as  king  of  England. 
Whatever  weight  he  may  have  had  in  the  cabinet,  it  had  not  been  such  as  to 
enable  him  to  make  the  politics  of  England  subservient  to  his  own  interests, 
or,  what  was  the  same  thing,  to  those  of  his  father.  Parliament  would  not 
consent  to  swerve  so  far  from  the  express  provisions  of  the  marriage-treaty  as 
to  become  a  party  ui  the  emperor's  contest  with  France.*' 

Nor  could  the  restraint  constantly  imposed  on  Philip,  bv  his  desire  to  accom- 
modate himself  to  the  tastes  and  habits  of  the  English  be  otherwise  than 
irk>ome  to  him.  If  he  had  been  more  successful  in  this  than  might  have  been 
expected,  yet  it  was  not  possible  to  overcome  the  prejudices,  the  settled  anti- 
pathy, with  which  the  Spaniards  were  regarded  by  the  great  mass  of  the 
people,  as  was  evident  from  the  satirical  shafts  which  from  time  to  time  were 
launched  by  pamphleteera  and  ballad-makers  both  against  the  king  and  his 

followers.  ,        ,        .    .  ^       r  xu  •     *      •    „ 

These  latter  were  even  more  impatient  than  their  master  of  their  stay  in  a 
country  where  they  met  with  so  many  subjects  of  annoyance.  If  a  Spaniard 
bought  anything,  complains  one  of  the  nation,  he  was  sure  to  be  charged  an 
exorbitant  price  for  it."  If  he  had  a  quarrel  with  an  Englishman,  says 
another  writer,  he  was  to  be  tried  by  English  law,  and  was  very  certain  to 
come  off  the  worst."  Whether  right  or  wrong,  the  Spaniards  could  hardly 
fail  to  find  abundant  cause  of  irritation  and  disgust.  The  two  nations  were 
too  dissimilar  for  either  of  them  to  comprehend  the  other.  It  was  with  no 
little  satisfaction,  therefore,  that  Philip's  followers  learned  that  their  master 
had  received  a  summons  from  his  father  to  leave  England  and  join  him  in 
Flanders. 


♦°  Holinshed,  vol.  iv.  pp.  10,  82. 

*'  Soriano  notices  the  little  authority  that 
Philip  seemed  to  possess  in  England,  and  the 
disgust  which  it  occasioned  both  to  him  and 
his  father :  "  L'ln>peratore,  che  dissegnava 
sempre  cose  grandi,  penso  potersi  acquistare 
11  regno  con  occaaione  di  matrimonio  di  quella 
regina  col  figliuolo ;  ma  non  gii  successe  quel 
che  desiderava,  perche  questo  Re  trov6  tant' 
impedimenti  et  tante  difflcolta  che  mi  ricordo 
havere  inteso  da  un  personaggio  che  S.  Mi*-  si 
trovava  ogni  giorno  piu  mal  contenta  d'  haver 
atteso  a  quella  prattica,  perche  non  haver  nel 
regno  ne  autorita  ne  obedienza,  ne  pure  la  co- 
rona, ma  solo  un  certo  nome  che  serviva  piu 
in  apparenza  che  in  effetto."  Relatione  di 
M  ichele  Soriano,  MS. 

*'  ••  Hispani  parum  humane  parumque  hos- 
pltaliter  a  Britannia  tractabantur,  ita  ut  res 


necessarias  longe  carius  communi  pretio  emere 
cogerentur."     Sepulvedaj  Opera,  vol.  il.  p. 

501.  ,     , 

«•  "  Quando  occorre  disparere  tra  un  Inglese 
et  alcun  di  quest  i,  la  giustitia  non  procede  in 
quel  modo  che  dovria.  .  .  .  Son  tanti  lecavil- 
lationi,  le  lunghezze,  et  le  spese  senza  fine  di 
quel  lor'  giuditii,  che  al  torto,  o  al  diritto, 
conviene  ch'  il  forestlero  soccumba;  ne  bi- 
sogna  pensar  che  mai  si  sottouiettessero  I' 
Inglesi  come  l'  altre  nationi  ad  uno  che  chia- 
mano  1'  Alcalde  della  Corte,  spaguuole  dl 
natione,  che  procede  sommariamente  contra 
ogn'  uno,  per  vie  pero  et  termini  Spagnuoli ; 
havendo  gl'  Inglesi  la  lor  legge,  dalla  quale 
non  solo  non  si  partiriano,  ma  vogliano  obligar 
a  quella  tutti  gl'  altre."  Relatione  di  Gio. 
Micheli,  MS. 


f 


56 


WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 


The  cause  of  this  sudden  movement  was  one  that  filled  the  Castilians,  as  it 
did  all  Europe,  with  astonishment,— the  proposed  abdication  of  Charles  the 
Fifth.  It  was  one  that  mi^^ht  seem  to  admit  of  neither  doubt  nor  delay  on 
Philip's  part.  But  Wary,  distressed  by  the  prospect  of  separation,  prevailed 
on  her  husband  to  postpone  his  departure  fur  several  weeks.  She  yielded,  at 
length,  to  the  necessity  of  the  case.  Preparations  were  made  for  Philip's 
journey ;  and  Mary,  with  a  heavy  heart,  accompanied  her  royal  consort  down 
the  Thames  to  Greenwich.  Here  they  parted  ;  and  Philip,  taking  an  affec- 
tionate farewell,  and  commending  the  queen  and  her  concerns  to  the  care  of 
Cardinal  Pole,  took  the  road  to  Dover. 

After  a  short  detention  there  by  contrary  winds,  he  crossed  over  to  Calais, 
and  on  the  fourth  of  September  made  his  entry  into  that  strong  place,  the 
last  remnant  of  all  their  continental  acquisitions  that  still  belonged  to  the 
English. 

PhiHp  was  received  by  the  authorities  of  the  city  with  the  honours  due  to 
his  rank.  He  passed  some  days  there  receiving  the  respectful  courtesies  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  on  his  departure  rejoiced  the  hearts  of  the  garrison  by 
distributing  among  them  a  thousand  crowns  of  ^old.  He  resumed  his  journey, 
with  his  splendid  train  of  Castilian  and  English  nobles,  amonij  whom  were 
the  earls  of  Arundel,  Piembroke,  Huntingdon,  and  others  of  the  highest  station 
in  the  realm.  On  the  road  he  was  met  by  a  military  escort  sent  by  his  father ; 
and  towards  the  latter  part  of  Septeiuber,  1555,  Philip,  with  his  gallant 
retinue,  made  his  entry  into  the  Flemish  capital,  where  the  emperor  and  his 
court  were  eagerly  awaiting  his  arrival." 


CHAPTER  V. 

WAR  WITH   THE   POPE. 

Empire  of  Philip— Paul  the  Fourth— €ourt  of  France— L.eague  against  Spain— The  Duke  of 

Alva — Preparations  for  War — Victorious  Campaign. 

1555,  1556. 

Soon  after  Philip's  arrival  in  Brussels  took  place  that  memorable  scene  of  the 
abdication  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  which  occupies  the  introtluctory  pages  of  our 
narrative.  By  this  event  Philip  saw  himself  master  of  the  most  widely 
extended  and  powerful  monarchy  in  Europe.  He  was  king  of  Spain,  compre- 
hending under  that  name  Castile,  Aragon,  and  Granada,  which,  after  sur- 
viving as  independent  states  for  centuries,  had  been  first  brought  under  one 
sceptre  in  the  reign  of  his  father,  Charles  the  Fifth.  He  was  king  of  Naples 
ana  Sicily,  and  duke  of  Milan,  which  important  possessions  enabled  him  to 
control  to  a  great  extent  the  nicely-balanced  scales  of  Italian  politics.  He 
was  lord  of  Franche-Comte',  and  oif  the  Low  Countries,  comprehending  the 
most  flourishing  and  populous  provinces  in  Christendom,  whose  people  had 
made  the  greatest  progress  in  commerce,  husbandry,  and  the  various  mechanic 
arts.  As  titular  king  of  England,  he  eventually  ootained  an  influence  which, 
as  we  shaU  see,  enabled  him  to  direct  the  counsels  of  that  country  to  his  own 
purposes.  In  Africa  he  possessed  the  Cape  de  Verd  Islands  and  the  Canaries, 
as  well  as  Tunis,  Oran,  and  some  other  important  places  on  the  Barbary 


i 


EMPIRE  OF  PHILIP. 


57 


**  HolinshfHi.    vol.    Iv.     p. 
Memorials,    vul.    iii.    p.  227. 


80.  —  Strype, 
-Memurial  de 


VoyaRe«,    MS.-Letl.   Vita   dl    Fillppo  II., 
torn.  i.  p.  236. 


coast.  He  owned  the  Philippines  and  the  Spice  Islands  in  Asia.  In  America, 
besides  his  possessions  in  the  West  Indies,  he  was  master  of  the  rich  empires 
of  Mexico  and  Peru,  and  claimed  a  right  to  a  boumlless  extent  of  country, 
that  offered  an  inexhaustible  field  to  the  cupidity  and  enterprise  of  the  Spanish 
adventurer.  Thus  the  dominions  of  Philip  stretched  over  every  quarter  o! 
the  globe.  The  flag  of  Castile  was  seen  in  the  remotest  latitudes,— on  the 
Atlantic,  the  Pacific,  and  the  far-off"  Indian  seas. — passing  from  port  to  port, 
and  uniting  by  commercial  intercourse  the  widely  scattered  members  of  her 
vast  colonial  empire. 

The  Spanish  army  consisted  of  the  most  formidable  infantry  in  Europe ; 
veterans  who  had  been  formed  under  the  eye  of  Charles  the  Fifth  and  of  his 
generals,  who  had  fought  on  the  fields  of  Pavia  and  of  Muhlberg,  or  who,  in 
the  New  Worid,  had  climbed  the  Andes  with  Alma^ro  and  Pizarro  and  helped 
these  bold  chiefs  to  overthrow  the  dynasty  of  the  Incas.  The  navy  of  Spain 
and  Flanders  combined  far  exceeded  that  of  any  other  power  in  the  number 
and  size  of  its  vessels  ;  and  if  its  supremacy  might  be  contested  by  England 
on  the  "  narrow  seas,"  it  rode  the  undisputed  mistress  of  the  ocean.  To  supply 
the  means  for  maintaining  this  costlv  establishment,  as  well  as  the  general 
machinery  of  government,  PhiHp  hacl  at  his  command  the  treasures  of  the 
New  World ;  and  if  the  incessant  enterprises  of  his  father  had  drained  the 
exchequer,  it  was  soon  replenished  by  the  silver  streams  that  flowed  in  from 
the  inexhaustible  mines  of  Zacatecas  and  Potosi. 

All  this  vast  empire,  with  its  magnificent  resources,  was  placed  at  the  dis- 
posal of  a  single  man.  Philip  ruled  over  it  with  an  authority  more  absolute 
than  that  possessed  by  any  European  prince  since  the  days  of  the  Caesars. 
The  Netherlands,  indeed,  maintained  a  show  of  independence  under  the 
shadow  of  their  ancient  institutions.  But  they  consented  to  supply  the  neces- 
sities of  the  crown  by  a  tax  larger  than  the  revenues  of  America.  Naples  and 
Milan  were  ruled  by  Spanish  viceroys.  Viceroys,  with  delegated  powers 
scarcely  less  than  those  of  their  sovereign,  presided  over  the  American  colo- 
nies, which  received  their  laws  from  the  parent  country.  In  Spain  itself,  the 
authority  of  the  nobles  was  gone.  First  assailed  under  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella, it  was  completely  broken  down  under  Charies  the  Fifth.  The  liberties 
of  the  commons  were  crush^i  at  the  fatal  battle  of  Villalar,  in  the  beginning 
of  that  monarch's  reign.  Without  nobles,  without  commons,  the  ancient 
cortes  had  faded  into  a  mere  legislative  pageant,  with  hardly  any  other  right 
than  that  of  presenting  petitions  and  of  occasionally  raising  an  ineffectual 
note  of  remonstrance  against  abuses.  It  had  lost  the  power  to  redress  them. 
Thus  all  authority  vested  in  the  soverei.^n.  His  will  was  the  law  of  the  land. 
From  his  palace  at  Madrid  he  sent  forth  the  edicts  which  became  the  law  of 
Spain  and  of  her  remotest  colonies.  It  may  well  be  believed  that  foreign 
nations  watched  with  interest  the  first  movements  of  a  prince  who  seemed  to 
hold  in  his  hands  the  destinies  of  Europe,  and  that  they  regarded  with  no 
little  apprehension  the  growth  of  that  colossal  power  which  had  already  risen 
to  a  height  that  cast  a  shadow  over  every  other  monarchy. 

From  his  position,  Philip  stood  at  the  head  of  the  Roman  Catholic  princes. 
He  was  in  temporal  matters  what  the  pope  was  in  spiritual.  In  the  existing 
state  of  Christendom,  he  had  the  same  interest  as  the  pope  in  putting  down 
that  spirit  of  religious  reform  which  had  begun  to  show  itself^  in  public  or  in 
private,  in  every  corner  of  Europe.  He  was  the  natural  ally  of  the  pope.  He 
understood  this  well,  and  would  have  acted  on  it.  Yet,  strange  to  say,  his 
very  first  war,  after  his  accession,  was  with  the  pope  himself.  It  was  a  war 
not  of  Philip's  seeking. 


'  9 


f    ■ 


58  WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 

The  papal  throne  was  at  that  time  filled  by  Paul  the  Fourth,  one  of  those 
remarkablTmen  who,  amidst  the  shadowy  personages  that  have  rei|?»ed  in  the 
Vatican  and  been  forgotten,  have  vindicated  to  themselves  a  permanent  p  ace 
Sory    HTwasT&^        by  birth,  of  the  noble  family  of  the  Carallas. 
He  was  bred  t^  the  religious  profession,  and  early  attracted  notice  by  his 
miigen?  application  and  the  fruits  he  gathered  from  it.   His  memory  wa^ 
prXious     He  was  not  only  deeply  read  in  theolopcal  science,  but  skilled  in 
vir  oSngua-es,  ancient  and  modern,  several  of  which  he  spoke  with  fluency. 
h£  rnk  sSined  by  his  scholarship,  raised  him  speedily  to  high  preferment 
in  th^Kh     In  1513,  when  thirty-six  years  of  age,  he  went  as  mmcio  to 
England    In    525  he  resigned  his  benefices,  and,  with  a  smaH  number  of  his 
noble  friends,  he  institute!  a  new  religious  order,  called  the  Theatms.'    The 
object  of  the  society  was  to  combine,  to  some  extent  the  contemplative  habits 
of  the  Ink  with  tL  more  active  dutie.  of  the  secular  clergy..  The  members 
visited  the  sick,  buried  the  dead  and  preached  ^requen^  m  pi^^^^^^^^^ 
performing  the  most  imi»ortant  functions  of  the  priestho(xL    For  this  last 
Vo^tion,  of  public  speaking,  Caratfa  was  peculiar^  qualified  by  a  flow  of 
natol  eloquence  which,  if  \t  did  not  alwavs  convince,  was  sure  to  carry  avvay 
the  audience  by  its  irresistible  fervour.'    fhe  new  order  showed  itself  particu^ 
larly  zealous  in  enforcing  reform  in  the  Catholic  clerj,7  and  in  steninnng  the 
^de  of  heresy  which  now  threatened  to  inundate  the  Church.  Caraffa  and  his 
associates  were  earnest  to  introduce  the  Innuisition.    A  life  of  asceticism  and 
penance  too  often  extinguishes  sympathy  with  human  suflering,  and  leads  its 
votaries  to  regard  the  sharpest  remedies  as  the  most  eflectual  for  the  cure  of 

^^From  th'is'kustere  way  of  life  Caraffa  was  called,  in  1536,  to  a  situation 
which  engaged  him  more  directly  in  worldly  concerns.  He  was  inade  cardinal 
by  Paul  the  Third.  He  had,  as  far  back  as  the  time  of  Ferdinand  the 
Catholic,  been  one  of  the  royal  council  of  Naples  Tne  family  of  Caraffa, 
however,  was  of  the  Angevine  party,  and  regarded  the  house  of  Aragon  m  the 
light  of  isurpers.  The  cardinal  had  been  educated  m  this  political  creed  and 
even  after  his  elevation  to  his  new  dignity  he  strongly  urged  Paul  the  Third 
to  assert  the  claims  of  the  holy  see  to  the  sovereignty  of  Naples  This  con- 
duct which  came  to  the  ears  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  so  displeased  that  monarch 
that  he  dismissed  Caraffa  from  the  council.  Aftei  wards,  when  the  (ordinal 
was  named  by  the  pope,  his  unfailing  patron,  to  the  archbishopric  of  Naples, 
Charles  resisted  the  nomination,  and  opposed  all  the  obstacles  m  his  power  to 
the  collection  of  the  episcopal  revenues.  These  indignities  sank  deen  into  the 
cardinal's  mind,  naturally  tenacious  of  affronts  ;  and  what  at  first  had  been 
only  a  political  animosity  was  now  sharpened  into  personal  hatred  of  the  most 
implacable  character.' 


•  "  Ritornato  a  Roma,  rlnundo  la  Cblesa  di 
Cbieti,  Che  aveva  prima,  e  quella  dl  Brindisl, 
ritirandosi  affatto,  e  menando  peinpre  vita 
privata,  aliena  da  ogni  sorte  di  publico  affare, 
anzi,  lasciata  dopo  il  saco  Roma  stessa,  pa-so 
a  Verona  e  pol  a  Venezia,  quivi  trattenendosi 
lungo  tempo  in  compagnia  dl  alcniii  buoni 
ReligioHi  della  medesinia  inclinazione,  ch*-  pol 
crepcendo  di  numpro,  ed  in  santita  di  coptumi, 
fondarono  la  Congregazione,  che  oggi,  dal 
Titolo  che  aveva  Paolo  allora  di  Vescovo  Tea- 
tiiio,  de  Teatini  tuttavia  riti^ne  il  nome." 
Relazione  della  Ouerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e 
Fillppo  Secondo,  dl  Pietro   Noies,  MS. -See 


also  Relazlono  dl  Roma  dl  Pemardo  Navagero, 
1558,pui  llshedin  Uelazionidegll  Ambasciatori 
V<neti,  Fironzc,  1846,  vol.  vii.  p.  37«.  — Nava- 
gt-ro.  In  his  report  to  the  senate,  dwells  mi- 
nutely on  the  personal  qualities  as  well  as  the 
policy  of  Paul  the  Fourth,  whose  character 
neems  to  have  been  rrgarded  as  a  curious 
study  by  the  sagacious  Venetian. 

'  Relazione  di  Bertiardo  Navagero. 

»  Nores.  Guerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo 
Secondo,  MS.— Relazione  dl  Bernardo  Nava- 
pero.— Giannone,  IsUnia  civile  del  Regno  di 
Napoli  (Milano,  1823),  torn  x.  pp.  11-13. 


\ 


i 


PAUL  THE  FOURTH. 


69 


Such  was  the  stete  of  feeling  when  on  the  death  «fMarcenns  the  S^^^^ 
in  1555.  Cardinal  Caraffa  was  raised  to  the  papal  throne.  Uis  election,  as 
was  Stu^'gSy  disgusted  the  emperor,  and  caused  a«tO'>|f  •'»>'="*  *S^: 
^rf  K,,rfme  •  fOT  he  had  not  the  conciliatory  manners  which  win  the  favour 
and  tte  Sages  of  manWnd.  But  the  Oatfiolic  Church  sto<Ki  itself  in  need 
o?a  reformed  to  enable  it  to  resist  the  encroaching  spirit  of  Protestantism. 
Thfs  wis  wel  'undel^tood  not  only  by  the  highest  b"' »??  ^e  humblest  e^^^^^ 

ist  cs ;  and  in  Carafl^a  they  saw  the  man  «h»f  .q'^f '  f/l^^'^^^^^^^ 
t/i  pflFect  such  a  reform.  He  was,  moreover,  at  the  time  ot  ms  eieciion,  m  m» 
riXtfeth  vear*  andT'eand  infirmity  have  always  proved  powerful  arguments 
wfth  theSr'ed  Co^Fege,  as  affordfng  the  numerous  competitors  tie  b^t 
mmrant^es  for  a  BweSf  vacancy.  Yet  it  has  more  than  once  happened  that 
fh^lor^u^ate  .^iilS  wh?  hi  owed  his  election  mainly  to  his  mfirmiUes 
lias  been  miraculously  restored  by  the  touch  of  the  tiara. 

I>arU  tl^  Fo  nh-^^    such  was  the  name  assumed  by  the  new  pope,  in 
Jt^ttet  the  memory  of  his  P^on-adopted  a  way  o^^^^^ 
fnr  which  his  brethren  of  the  college  were  not  at  all  prepared,     ine  ausieriiy 
"ifVenial  of  ^^^^^^  days  formed  a  stronpontrast  to  the^^^^^^^ 
present  establishment  and  the  profuse  luxury  £  *lp,  ^^  f '^.^^^^^ 
L  wnnM  lw>  Rprved  "  How  but  as  a  great  prince  ?    he  answerea.    lie  nsuauy 
;  Lid  three  ir^^      his  dinner,  which  consisted  of  numerous  courses  of  the 

C'retfdtTep^^^^^^^  dishes.  No  ^wK^f  ^^^^eM^^^^^^ 
more  of  the  cardinals  were  usually  present,  with  whom  he  fre^^^^ 
and  as  he  accompanied  his  meals  with  large  draughts  9f  the  thick,  biacK  w  lie 
nf  Nanlel  it  no  Sibt  gave  additional  animation  to  his  discourse.*  At  such 
?Lps  Evourit^  them^^^^  the  Spaniards,  whom  he  denounced  as  the  scum 
Ke  StrT^racnSurse^  of  Go^d,  heretics  and  schismatics,  the  spawn  of 
Jews  and  of  'm^^^^^^  He  bewailed  the  humiliation  of  Italv,  galled  by  tV  yoke 
Jews  ana  oi  ^^^""r^*  y^''T^„x  .y.^  ^„  Ug,A  come,  he  wou  d  thunder  out,  when 
teS  Phil'^^ere  ^betll^'to  a  rSkoning  for  their  ill-gotten  posses- 

'Tt'pau'f.ufno/raltellrhls 'hours  in  this  idle  vapoimng,  nor  in  the 

?K£^^aSlnti?n*^^b:^i^-^^ 

£  S;^  tf»  ^^^^  »H^ 
been  weTfOT  any  one  of  his  household  to  venture  into  his  presence  without  a 

'"paTs'Ued  to  be  always  in  a  state  of  nervous  ^^f  «"•    "  H^,\^^Tis 

ei?h^r.?S;".^iS,'lri?fW^^ 

arrogance  ^as  greatly  increased   by  his  elevation  to   the   first  dignity  m 


*  "  Vuol  essere  gervitomoltodellcatamente ; 
e  nel  prin.  ipio  del  suo  pontlficato  non  basta- 
vano  venticinque  piatti ;  beve  molto  pm  dl 
quello  che  mangia ;  il  vino  e  possente  e 
cagliardo,  nero  e  tanto  epesso,  che  si  potna 
quasi  tagllare.  e  diinanda.si  mangiaguerra, 
il  quale  Pi  conduce  dal  regno  di  Napoli.  Re- 
lazione di  liernardo  Navagero. 

*  "  N a/lone  Spagnuola,  odlata  da  lui.  e  one 
egli  solova  chiauiar  vile,  ed  abieta,  seme  di 
Giudei,  e  ftccia  del  Mondo."  Non  s,  t^'^rra 
fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo  Secondo,  MS.— 
"  DicenJo  in  prtscnzadi  molti :  che  era  venulo 


il  tenipo,  che  sarebbero  castigati  del  loyo  pec- 
cati :  che  perderebbero  li  stati,  e  clie  1  Italia 
saria  llberaU."  Relazione  di  Bernardo  Nava- 
eero  -  At  another  time  we  find  the  pope  de- 
claiming against  the  Spaniards,  now  the 
masters  of  Italy,  who  had  once  been  known 
there  only  as  its  cooks :  "  Dice  .  .  .  dl  sentire 
infinito  dispiacere,  che  quelli  che  eolevano 
essere  cuochi  o  mozzi  dl  stalla  in  Italia,  ora  co- 
mandino."  Relazione  di  Bernardo  Navagero. 
•  -Cammlna  che  non  pare  che  tocchi  terri ; 
e  tutto  nervo  con  poca  came."  Relazione  di 
Bernardo  Navagero. 


Il< 


60 


WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 


Christendom.  He  had  always  entertained  the  highest  ideas  of  the  aiithonty 
of  the  sacerdotal  ottice ;  and  now  that  he  was  in  the  chair  of  fet.  Peter  he 
seemed  to  have  entire  confidence  in  his  own  infallibihty.  He  looked  on  the 
princes  of  Europe  as  not  so  much  his  sons— the  language  of  the  Church— as 
his  servants,  bound  to  do  his  biddding.  Paul's  way  of  thinking  would  have 
better  suited  the  twelfth  century  than  the  sixteenth.  He  came  into  the  world 
at  least  three  centuries  too  late.  In  all  his  acts  he  relied  solely  on  himself. 
He  was  impatient  of  counsel  from  any  one,  and  woe  to  the  man  who  ventured 
to  oppose  any  remonstrance,  still  more  any  impediment  to  the  execution  of 
his  plans.  He  had  no  migivings  as  U)  the  wisdom  of  these  plans.  An  idea 
that  had  once  taken  possession  of  his  mind  lay  there,  to  borrow  a  cant  phrase 
of  the  day,  like  "  a  fixed  fact,"— not  to  be  disturbed  by  argument  or  persuasion. 
We  occasionally  meet  with  such  characters,  in  which  strength  of  will  and 
unconquerable  eneriry  in  action  pass  for  genius  with  the  world.  They,  in  fact, 
serve  as  the  best  substitute  for  genius,  by  the  ascendency  which  such  qualities 
secure  their  possessors  over  ordinary  minds.  Yet  there  were  ways  of  approach- 
in"-  the  pontiff,  for  those  who  understood  his  character  and  who  by  conde- 
scending to  flatter  his  humours  could  turn  them  to  their  own  account.  Such 
was  the  policy  pursued  by  some  of  Paul's  kindred,  who,  cheered  by  his 
patronage,  now  came  forth  from  their  obscurity  to  glitter  in  the  rays  of  the 

meridian  sun.  .  ,   .        .    •    xi. 

Paul  had  all  his  life  declaimed  against  nepotism  as  anopprobnous  sm  m  the 
head  of  the  Church.  Yet  no  sooner  did  he  put  on  the  tiara  than  he  gave  a 
glaring  example  of  the  sin  he  had  denounced,  m  the  favours  which  he  lavished 
on  three  of  his  own  nephews.  This  was  the  more  remarkable  as  they  were 
men  whose  way  of  life  had  given  scandal  even  to  the  Itahans,  not  used  to  be 
too  scrupulous  in  their  judgments.  ,     r      j  i 

The  eldest,  who  reprer>ented  the  family,  he  raised  to  the  rank  of  a  duke, 
providing  him  with  an  ample  fortune  from  the  confiscated  property  of  the 
Colonnas,— which  illustrious  house  was  bitterly  persecuted  by  Paul  for  its 
attachment  to  the  Spanish  interests.  ,.     .     ,       , .  ,   i 

Another  of  his  nephews  he  made  a  cardinal,— a  dignity  for  which  he  was 
indifferently  qualifiecl  by  his  former  profession,  which  was  that  of  a  soldier, 
and  still  less  fitted  by  his  life,  which  was  that  of  a  libertine.  He  was  a 
person  of  a  busy,  intriguing  disposition,  and  stimulated  his  uncle's  vindictive 
leeHngs  against  the  Spaniards,  whom  he  himself  hated  for  some  aftront  which 
he  conceived  had  been  put  upon  him  while  in  the  emperor's  service.' 

But  Paul  needed  no  prompter  in  this  matter.  He  very  soon  showed  that, 
instead  of  ecclesiastical  reform,  he  was  bent  on  a  project  much  nearer  to  his 
heart,— the  subversion  of  the  Spanish  power  in  Naples.  Like  Julius  the 
Second,  of  warlike  memory,  he  swore  to  drive  out  the  barbarians  from  Italy. 
He  seemed  to  think  that  the  thunders  of  the  Vatican  were  more  than  a  mat<;h 
for  all  the  strength  of  the  empire  and  of  Spain.  But  he  was  not  weak  enough 
to  rely  wholly  on  his  spiritual  artillery  in  such  a  contest.  Through  the  French 
ambassador  at  his  court,  he  opened  negotiations  with  France,  and  entered 
into  a  secret  treaty  with  that  power,  by  which  each  of  the  parties  agreed  to 
furnish  a  certain  contingent  of  men  and  money  to  carry  on  the  war  for  the 
recovery  of  Naples.  The  treaty  was  executed  on  the  sixteenth  of  December, 
1555.' 


'  "  Servi  lungo  tempore  1'  Imperatore,  ma 
con  infelicissinio  evento,  non  avendo  potuto 
avere  alcuna  riconipensa,  come  egli  stesso 
diceva,  in  premio  della  sua  miglior  eta,  e  di 
niolte  fatiche,  e  pericoli  sostenuti,  se  uon 


spese,  danni,  dlsfavore,  epillo  ed  ultimamente 
un  iiigiustissinia  prigionla."    Nores,  Guerra 
fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo  Secondo,  MS. — 
llelazione  di  IkTnardo  Navagero. 
"  Nores,  Guerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo 


COUPvT  OF  FRANCE. 


61 


In  less  than  two  months  after  this  event,  on  the  fifth  of  February  1556, 
the  fickle  monarch  of  France,  seduced  by  the  advantageous  otters  of  Charles, 
backed,  moreover,  by  the  ruinous  state  of  his  own  finances,  deserted  his  new 
ally,  and  signed  the  treaty  of  Vaucelles,  which  secured  a  truce  for  five  years 
between  his  dominions  and  those  of  Philip.  ,   ,  ,     ,  • 

Paul  received  the  news  of  this  treaty  while  surrounded  by  his  courtiers. 
He  treated  the  whole  with  skepticism,  but  expressed  the  pious  hope  that  such 
a  peace  might  be  in  store  for  the  nations  of  Christendom.  In  private  he  was 
not  so  temperate.  But,  without  expending  his  wrath  m  empty  menaces,  he 
took  effectual  means  to  bring  things  back  to  their  former  state,— to  induce  the 
French  king  to  renew  the  treaty  with  himself,  and  at  once  to  begin  hostilities. 
He  knew  the  vacillating  temper  of  the  monarch  he  had  to  deal  with.  Cardinal 
Carafta  was  accordingly  despatched  on  a  mission  to  Paris,  fortified  with  ample 
powers  for  the  arrangement  of  a  new  treaty,  and  with  such  tempting  promises 
on  the  part  of  his  holiness  as  might  insure  its  acceptance  by  the  monarch  and 

his  ministers.  ,       .  -        r  tt         au 

The  French  monarchy  was  at  that  time  under  the  sceptre  of  Henry  the 
Second,  the  son  of  Francis  the  First,  to  whose  character  his  own  bore  no 
resemblance ;  or  rather  the  resemblance  consisted  in  those  showy  qualities 
which  lie  too  near  the  surface  to  enter  into  what  may  be  called  character  He 
affected  a  chivalrous  vein,  excelled  in  the  exercises  of  the  tourney,  and  indulged 
in  vague  aspirations  after  military  renown.  In  short,  he  fancied  himself  a 
hero,  and  seems  to  have  imposed  on  some  of  his  own  courtiers  so  far  as  to 
persuade  them  that  he  was  designed  for  one.  But  he  had  few  of  the  qualities 
which  enter  into  the  character  of  a  hero.  He  was  as  far  from  being  a  hero  as 
he  was  from  being  a  good  Christian,  though  he  thought  to  prove  his  orthodoxy 
by  persecuting  the  Protestants,  who  were  now  rising  into  a  formidable  sect  m 
the  southern  parts  of  his  kingdom.  He  had  little  reliance  on  his  own  resources, 
leading  a  life  of  easy  indulgence,  and  trusting  the  direction  of  his  aflairs  to  his 
favourites  and  his  mistresses.  ,  ^  .  ..  i.  j  u    tt 

The  most  celebrated  of  these  was  Diana  of  Poictiers,  created  by  Henry 
duchess  of  Valentinois,  who  preserved  her  personal  charms  and  her  mfiuence 
over  her  royal  lover  to  a  much  later  period  than  usually  happens.  The  persons 
of  his  court  in  whom  the  king  most  confided  were  the  Constable  Montmorency 

and  the  duke  of  Guise.  _  ^  .  j    ^   r  4.1  ^ 

Anne  de  Montmorency,  constable  of  France,  was  one  of  the  proudest  of  the 
French  nobility,— proud  alike  of  his  great  name,  his  rank,  and  his  authority 
with  his  sovereign.  He  had  grown  gray  in  the  service  of  the  court,  and 
Henry,  accustomed  to  his  society  from  boyhood,  had  learned  to  lean  on  him 
for  the  execution  of  his  measures.  Yet  his  judgments,  though  contidentlv 
given,  were  not  always  sound.  His  views  were  far  from  being  enlarged  ;  and, 
thou"^h  full  of  courage,  he  showed  Httle  capacity  for  military  affairs.  A  con- 
sciousness of  this,  perhaps,  may  have  led  him  to  recommend  a  pacific  policy, 
suited  to  his  own  genius.  He  was  a  staunch  Catholic,  extremely  punctilious 
in  all  the  ceremonies  of  devotion,  and,  if  we  may  credit  Brantome,  would 
stran<^ely  mingle  together  the  military  and  the  religious.  He  repeated  his 
Pater"- Noster  at  certain  fixed  hours,  whatever  miffht  be  his  occupation  at  the 
time.  He  would  occasionally  break  off  to  give  his  orders,  calling  out.  Cut 
me  down  such  a  man  ! "  "  Hang  up  another  ! "  "  Run  those  fellows  through 
with  your  lances!"  "Set  fire  to  that  village !  "—and  so  on;  when,  havuig 

S-condo,  MS.-SummontP,  Historla  della  Citta       278.-Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  torn.  x.  p. 
e  Uegno  di  Napoli  ^Napoli,  1675),  torn.  iv.  p.        20. 


I 


62 


WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 


thus  relieved  the  military  part  of  his  conscience,  he  would  go  on  with  his 
Pater- Nosters  as  before.'  .     j  i       c 

A  very  different  character  was  that  of  his  younger  rival,  Francis,  duke  ot 
Guise,  uncle  to  Mary,  queen  of  Scots,  and  brother  to  the  regent.  Of  a  bold, 
aspiring  temper,  tilled  with  the  love  of  glory,  brilliant  and  popular  in  his 
address,  he  charmed  the  people  by  his  manners  and  the  splendour  of  his 
equipage  and  dress.  He  came  to  court  attended  usually  by  three  or  four 
hundred  cavaliers,  who  formed  themselves  on  Guise  as  their  model.  His  tine 
person  was  set  off  by  the  showy  costume  of  the  time,— a  crimson  doublet  and 
cloak  of  spotless  ermine,  and  a  cap  ornamented  with  a  scarlet  plume.  In  this 
dress  he  might  often  be  seen,  mounted  on  his  splendid  charger  and  followed 
by  a  gay  retinue  of  gentlemen,  riding  at  full  gallop  through  the  streets  of 
Paris,  and  attracting  the  admiration  of  the  people. 

But  his  character  was  not  altogether  made  up  of  such  vanities.  He  was 
sagacious  in  counsel,  and  had  proved  himself  the  best  captain  of  France.  It 
was  he  who  commanded  at  the  memorable  siege  of  Metz  and  foiled  the  efforts 
of  the  imperial  forces  under  Charles  and  the  duke  of  Alva.  Caraffa  found 
little  dirticulty  in  winning  him  over  to  his  cause,  as  he  opened  to  the  ambitious 
chief  the  brilliant  perspective  of  the  conquest  of  Naples.  The  arguments  of 
the  wily  Italian  were  supported  by  the  duchess  of  Valentinois.  It  was  in 
vain  that  the  veteran  Montmorencv  reminded  the  king  of  the  ruinous  state 
of  the  finances,  which  had  driven  h'im  to  the  shameful  expedient  of  putting 
up  public  offices  to  sale.  The  other  party  represented  that  the  condition  of 
Spain,  after  her  long  struggle,  was  little  better ;  that  the  reins  of  government 
had  now  been  transferred  from  the  wise  Charles  to  the  hands  of  his  inex- 
perienced son  ;  and  that  the  co-operation  of  Rome  atTorded  a  favourable  con- 
junction of  circumstances,  not  to  be  neglected.  Henry  was  further  allured  by 
Caraffa's  assurance  that  his  uncle  would  grant  to  the  French  monarch  the 
investiture  of  Naples  for  one  of  his  younger  sons,  and  bestow  Milan  on 
another.    The  offer  was  too  tempting  to  be  resisted. 

One  objection  occurred,  in  certain  conscientious  scruples  as  to  the  violation 
of  the  recent  treaty  of  Vaucelles.  But  for  this  the  pope,  who  had  anticipated 
the  objection,  readily  promised  absolution.  As  the  king  also  intimated  some 
distrust  lest  the  successor  of  Paul,  whose  advanced  age  made  his  life  pre- 
carious, mi^ht  not  be  inclined  to  carry  out  the  treaty,  Caraffa  was  authorized 
to  assure  him  that  this  danger  should  be  obviated  by  the  creation  of  a  batch 
of  French  cardinals,  or  of  cardinals  in  the  French  interest. 

All  the  difficulties  being  thus  happily  disposed  of,  the  treaty  was  executed 
in  the  month  of  July,  1556.  The  parties  agreed  each  to  furnish  about  twelve 
thousand  infantry,  five  hundred  men-at-arms,  and  the  same  numl^r  of  light 
horse.  France  was  to  contribute  three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  ducats  to 
the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  Rome  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.  The 
French  troops  were  to  be  supplied  with  provisions  by  the  poi^e,  for  which  they 
were  to  reimburse  his  holiness.  It  was  moreover  agree<l  that  the  crown  of 
Naples  should  be  settled  on  a  younger  son  of  Henry,  that  a  considerable  tract 
on  the  northern  frontier  should  be  transferred  to  the  papal  territory,  and 
that  ample  estates  should  be  provided  from  the  new  conquests  for  the  three 


•  Brantrime.  who  has  introduced  the  con- 
stable into  liis  gallery  of  portraits,  has  not 
omitted  this  characteristic  anecdote :  "  On 
disait  qu'il  se  falloit  garder  des  pate-nostres 
de  M.  le  connestable,  car  en  les  disant  et  mar- 
mottant  lors  que  lea  ocasiona  se  presentoient, 
comme  force  desbordemens  et  desordrea  y 


arrivent  maintenant,  il  disoit :  Allez  moy 
prendre  un  tel ;  attachezceluy  la  k  cet  arbre  ; 
faictes  passer  ceatuy  \k  par  les  picques  tout  k 
ce«t<»  heure,  ou  les  harquebuses  tout  devant 
moy ;  taillez  m«»y  en  pieces  tons  ces  niarauts," 
etc.  Brantome,  (Euvres  (Paris,  1822),  torn, 
ii.  372. 


' 


THE  DUKE  OF  ALVA. 


63 


nephews  of  his  holiness.    In  short,  the  system  of  Partition  was  as  mcely 
adjusted  as  if  the  quarry  were  actually  in  their  possession,  ready  to  be  cut  up 

and  divided  among  the  parties."  u     u  •  .a^^  fV»/»  QnUon  Snlvman  to 

Finally,  it  was  arranged  that  Henry  should  invite  the  S"lten  bo  yi^n  to 
renew  his  former  alliance  with  France  and  make  a  descent  with  his  ^Ueys 
on  the  coast  of  Calabria.  Thus  did  his  most  Christian  majesty,  with  the  pope 
for  one  of  his  alHes  and  the  Grand  Turk  for  the  other,  prepare  to  make  war 
on  the  most  Catholic  prince  in  Christendom  ! 

MeaSe,  Paul  tKe  Fourth,  elated  by  the  prospect  of  a  fpcessful  nego- 
tiatlTrhrew  off  the  little  decency  he  had  hitWrto  preserved  in  his  d 
ment  He  launched  out  into  invectives  more  bitter  than  ever  against  Philip, 
S^d  in  a  tone  of  defiance  told  such  of  the  Spanish  ^ardina  s  as  were  pres^^^ 
that  they  might  repeat  his  sayings  to  their  master.  He  ^^^^ed  of  instituting 
a  legal  process  agafnst  the  king  for  the  recovery  of  Napl^,  ^hi^h  he  h^  for- 
feited bv  omitting  to  pay  the  yearly  tribute  to  the  holy  see.  The  prf text  was 
iT  fouKas  the  pope  well  Lew.  But  the  process  went  on  with  suitable 
Jav^Cand  a  sent^^  of  forfeiture  was  ultimately  pronounced  against  the 

""""^^il^^^Vor^^ni  insults,  Paul  employed  more  effectu^l^^^^^^^^^^ 
ftiiro  He  Dersecuted  all  who  showed  any  leaning  to  the  bpanish  interesi. 
He  set  atout  reSg  the  walls  of  Rome  and  strengthening  the  garnsons  on 
the  frontte"  As  movements  raised  great  alarm  among  tie  R^man^  /ho 
had  tS.  vivid  a  recollection  of  their  last  war  "ith  Spain,  under  Clement  the 
Seventh,  to  wish  for  another.  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  w^o  had  represented 
Philin  durinc  his  father's  reign,  at  the  papal  court,  wrote  a  full  account  « 
theKii^Ss  to  the  viceroy  of  Naples,  dafcilasso  was  instantly  thrown  into 
Brfson     tIxU,  the  Spanisl  director  of  the  posts,  was  both  thrown  into  prison 

S  put  t^  the'torturl.  Saria,  the  ^^^^^^^ ^J--^^f?^'^^J'i^l^l 
stratlng  against  these  outrages,  waiteA  on  the  W*"  Remand  his  passpor^ 
and  WM  kept  standing  a  full  hour  at  the  gate  of  the  Vatican  before  he  was 

"^PWl^  had  full  intelligence  of  all  the«,  proceedings  He  had  long^since 
descri  Jthe  dark  storm  that  was  n.ustenng  beyond  %  Ali«.  He  tod  pro- 
vided  for  it  at  the  close  of  the  preceding  year  by  committing  the  go»e™™ent 
of  Naples  to  the  man  most  competent  to  such  a  crisis  Th>s  was  the  duke  of 
Alva  at  that  time  eovemor  of  Milan  and  commander-in-chiel  ot  tne  army  in 
MrAsthisrTmirk^ble  person  is  to  occupy  a  large  «Pa^  •" ,*«  suWnt 
ratres  of  this  narrative,  it  may  be  well  to  give  some  account  of  his  earlier  life, 
^fernandi  Alvarez  de  Toledo  was  descended  from  an  illustnous  house  m 
Ci^«rwhose™  is  associated  with  some  of  the  m»t  memorable  event,  in 
th^  national  history.  He  was  born  in  l.W  and,  while  a  «h,ld,^h^^^^^^^^  ^^, 
fnrtnnc  to  lose  his  father,  who  perished  in  Africa,  at  the  siege  oi  ueives.  Aire 
c^reTthe  01^^^^^^^  on^iis  graiidfather,  the  celebrated  conquer^^ 

Navarre.    Under  this  veteran  teacher  the  young  Fernando  Received  his  first 
lessons  in  war,  being  present  at  more  than  one  skirmish  when  quit«  a  boy 
This  seems  to  have  Sharpened  his  appetite  for  a  soldier's  life,  for  we  find  hmi 
It  hereof  sixteen  secfetly  leaving  his  home  ^.^^  taking  ^rvice  under  the 
banner  of  the  Constable  Velasco,  at  the  siege  of  Fontarabia.    He  was  sub- 


»"  Nores,  Guerra  fra  Paola  Quarto  e  Filippo 
Secondo,  MS.-  Summonte,  Historiadi  Napoli, 
torn.  Iv.  p.  280.— Giannone,  Istorla  di  Napoli. 
torn.  X.  p.  2l.-r)eThou,Hl8tolreuniver6elle, 
torn.  ili.  p.  23,  et  seq. 


"  Giannone,  Istoriadi  Napoli.  torn.  x.p.  19. 

"  Nores,  Guerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Fillppo 
Secondo,  MS.— Carta  del  Duque  de  Alba  6  la 
Gobemadora,  28  de  Julio,  1656,  Mb.— tjian- 
none,  Isioria  di  NaiKjli,  torn.  x.  pp.  15.  i»- 


64 


WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 


I 


sequently  made  governor  of  that  place.  In  1527,  when  not  twenty  years  of 
age,  he  came,  by  his  grandfathei^s  death,  into  possession  of  the  titles  and 
large  patrimonial  estates  of  the  house  of  Toledo. 

The  capacity  which  he  displayed,  as  well  as  his  high  rank,  soon  made  him 
an  object  of  attention  ;  and  as  Philip  grew  in  years,  the  duke  of  Alva  was 
placed  near  his  person,  formed  one  of  his  council,  and  took  part  in  the  regency 
of  Castile.  He  accompanied  Philip  on  his  journeys  from  Spam,  and,  as  we 
have  seen,  made  one  of  his  retinue  both  in  Flanders  and  m  England.  Ihe 
duke  was  of  too  haughty  and  imperious  a  temper  to  condescend  to  those  arts 
which  are  thought  to  open  the  most  ready  avenues  to  the  favour  of  the  sove- 
reign. He  met  with  rivals  of  a  finer  policy  and  more  accommodating  disposi- 
tion. Yet  Philip  perfectly  comprehended  his  character.  He  knew  the  strength 
of  his  understaning,  and  did  full  justice  to  his  loyalty ;  and  he  showed  his 
confidence  in  his  integrity  by  placing  him  in  offices  of  the  highest  respon- 

^^  The  emperor,  with  his  usual  insight  into  character,  had  early  discerned  the 
military  talents  of  the  young  nobleman.  He  took  Alva  along  with  him  on 
his  campaigns  in  Germany,  ^vhere  from  a  subordinate  station  he  rapidly  rose 
to  the  first  command  in  the  army.  Such  was  his  position  at  the  unfortunate 
siege  of  Metz,  where  the  Spanish  infantry  had  nearly  been  sacnhced  to  the 
obstinacy  of  Charles.  ^  ^  ,  ,..  ^   , 

In  his  military  career  the  duke  displayed  some  of  the  qualities  most  charac- 
teristic of  his  countrymen.  But  they  were  those  qualities  which  belong  to  a 
riper  period  of  life,  tie  showed  little  of  that  romantic  and  adventurous  spirit 
of  the  Spanish  cavalier  which  seemed  to  court  peril  for  its  own  sake  and  would 
hazard  all  on  a  single  cast.  Caution  was  his  prominent  trait,  in  which  he  was 
a  match  for  any  graybeard  in  the  army,— a  caution  carried  to  such  a  length  as 
sometimes  to  put  a  curb  on  the  enterprising  spirit  of  the  emperor.  Men  were 
amazed  to  see  so  old  a  head  on  so  young  shoulders. 

Yet  this  caution  was  attended  by  a  courage  which  dangers  could  not  daunt, 
and  by  a  constancy  which  toil,  however  severe,  could  not  tire.  He  preferred 
the  surest,  even  though  the  slowest,  means  to  attain  his  object.  He  was  not 
ambitious  of  effect ;  never  sought  to  startle  by  a  brilliant  coup-de-main.  He 
would  not  have  compromised  ia.  single  chance  in  his  own  favour  by  appealing 
to  the  issue  of  a  battle.  He  looked  steadily  to  the  end,  and  he  moved  surely 
towards  it  by  a  system  of  operations  planned  with  the  nicest  forecast  The 
result  of  these  operations  was  almost  always  success.  Few  great  commanders 
have  been  more  uniformly  successful  in  their  campaigns.  Yet  it  was  rare  that 
these  campaigns  were  marked  by  what  is  so  dazzling  to  the  imagination  of 
the  young  aspirant  for  glory,- a  great  and  decisive  victory.  Such  were  some 
of  the  more  obvious  traits  in  the  military  character  of  the  chief  to  whom  Philip 
at  this  crisis  confided  the  post  of  viceroy  of  Naples.'* 


"  1  have  three  biographies  of  the  duke  of 
Alva,  which  give  a  view  of  his  whole  career. 
The  most  important  is  one  in  Latin,  by  a 
Spanish  Jesuit  named  Oswirio,  and  entitled 
Ferdinandi  Tole«ani  Albae  Ducis  Vita  et  Res 
gesta*  (Salmanticse,  1669).  The  author  wrote 
nearly  a  century  after  the  time  of  his  hero. 
But,  as  he  seems  to  have  hatl  access  to  the 
best  sources  of  information,  his  narrative  may 
be  said  to  rest  on  a  good  foundation.  He 
w  rites  in  a  sensible  and  business-like  manner, 
more  often  found  among  the  Jesuits  than 
among  the  members  of  the  other  orders.    It  is 


not  surprising  that  the  harsher  features  of  the 
portrait  should  be  smoothed  down  under  the 
fritndlv  hand  of  the  Jesuit  coromfmoratiiig 
the  det'ds  of  the  great  champion  of  Catholi- 
cism. A  Fiench  life  of  the  duke,  printed 
some  thirty  years  later,  is  only  a  translation 
of  the  pnceding,  Histoire  de  Ferdinand- 
Alvarez  de  lolede.  Due  d'AUe  (Paris  169<»). 
A  work  of  more  pretension  is  entitled  Re- 
sultas  de  la  VIda  de  Fernando  Alvarez  tercero 
Puque  de  Alv«u  escrita  por  Don  Juan  An- 
tonio do  Vera  y  Figueroa,  Conde  de  la  Roca 
(^1643).    It  belongs,  apparently,  to  a  class  of 


i 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR. 


65 


Before  commencing  hostilities  against  the  Church,  the  Spanish  monarch 
determined  to  ease  his  conscience  by  obtaining,  if  possible,  a  warrant  for  his 
proceedings  from  the  Chiurch  itself.    He  assembled  a  body  composed  of  theo- 
logians from  Salamanca,  Alcala,  Valladolid,  and  some  other  places,  and  of 
jurists  from  his  several  councils,  to  resolve  certain  queries  which  he  pro- 
pounded.   Among  the  rest,  he  inquired  whether,  m  ca-^^  of  a  defensive  war 
with  the  pope,  it  would  not  be  lawful  to  sequestrate  the  revenues  of  those 
persons,  natives  or  foreigners,  who  had  benefices  in  Spam,  but  who  refused 
obedience  to  the  orders  of  its  sovereign ;  whether  he  might  not  lay  an  em- 
bargo on  all  revenues  of  the  Church,  and  prohibit  any  remittance  of  moneys 
to  Rome  ;  whether  a  council  might  not  be  convoked  to  determine  the  validity 
of  Paul's  election,  which  in  some  particulars  was  supposed  to  have  been 
irregular  ;  whether  inquiry  might  not  be  made  into  the  gross  abuses  of  exicle- 
siastical  patronage  by  the  Roman  see,  and  ertectual  measures  taken  to  redress 
them     The  suggestion  of  an  ecclesiastical  council  was  a  menace  that  grated 
unpleasantly  on  the  pontifical  ear,  and  was  used  by  European  princes  as  a  sort 
of  counterblast  to  the  threat  of  excommunication.    The  particular  objects  for 
which  this  council  was  to  be  summoned  were  not  of  a  kind  to  soothe  the 
irritable  nerves  of  his  holiness.    The  conclave  of  theologians  and  jurists  made 
as  favourable  responses  as  the  king  had  anticipated  to  his  several  interroga- 
tories ;  and  Philip,  under  so  resi)ectable  a  sanction,  sent  orders  to  his  viceroy 
to  take  effectual  measures  for  the  protection  of  Naples  »* 

Alva  had  not  waited  for  these  orders,  but  had  busily  employed  himself  m 
mustering  his  resources  and  in  collecting  troops  from  the  Abruzzi  and  other 
parts  of  his  territory.     As  hostilities  were  inevitable,  he  determined  to  strike 
the  first  blow,  and  (iirry  the  war  into  the  enemy's  country  before  he  had  time 
to  cross  the  Neapolitan  frontier.     Like  his  master,  however,  the  duke  was 
willing  to  release  tiimself,  as  far  as  possible,  from  personal  responsibility  before 
taking  up  arms  against  the  head  of  the  Church.    He  accordingly  addressed  a 
manifesto  to  the  pope  and  the  cardinals,  setting  forth  in  glowing  terras  the 
manifold  grievances  of  his  sovereign  ;  the  opprobrious  and  insultm^r  angu^e 
of  Paul ;  the  indignities  off-ered  to  Philip's  agents  and  to  the  imperial  ambas- 
sador ;  the  process  instituted  for  depriving  his  master  of  Naples -and  lastly, 
the  warlike  demonstrations  of  the  pone  abiig  the  frontier,  which  left  no  doubt 
as  to  his  designs.    He  conjured  his  holiness  to  pause  be  ore  he  plunged  h  s 
country  into  war.    As  the  head  of  the  Church,  it  was  his  duty  to  preserve 
peace,  not  to  bring  war  into  Christendom.  .He  painted  the  inevitable  evils  of 
war,  And  the  ruin  and  devastation  which  it  must  bring  on  the  fair  fields  of 
Italy.    If  this  were  done,  it  would  be  the  pope's  doing,  and  his  vvould  be  the 
responsibility.   On  the  part  of  Naples  the  war  would  be  a  war  of  defence,   tor 
hi  Sf  he  had  no  alternative.   He  was  placed  there  to  {f  "^^.a»\  J^.P ?f  S^^^^^^^ 
of  his  sovereign  ;  and,  by  the  blesssing  of  God,  he  would  maintain  them  to  the 

last  drop  of  his  blood." 


works  not  uncommon  in  Spain,  in  which 
vague  and  uncertain  statements  take  the  place 
of  simplrt  narrative,  and  the  writer  covers  up 
his  stilted  panegyric  with  the  solemn  garb  of 
moral  philos<iphy. 

'*  Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  torn.  x.  i>. 
27.— Consulta  hecha  a  varios  letrados  y  teo- 
logos  relativamente  a  las  desavenencias  con 
el  Papa,  MS.  This  document  iii  preserved  in 
the  archives  of  Simancas. 

"  Nores.  Guerra  fra  I'aolo  Quarto  e  Filippo 
Secondo,  MS.— Andrea  Guerra  de  Campafia  de 


Roma  (Madrid,  1589),  p.  U.  — Summonte, 
Historia  di  Napoli,  tom.  iv.  p.  270.—  1  he  most 
circumstantial  printed  account  of  this  war  is 
to  be  found  in  the  work  of  Alessandro  Andi;ea, 
a  Neapolitan.  It  was  first  published  in  Italian, 
at  Venice,  and  subsequently  translated  by  the 
author  into  Castilian,  and  printed  at  MadriU. 
Andrea  was  a  soldier  of  some  experience, 
and  his  account  of  these  tran -actions  is  de- 
rived patly  from  personal  observation,  and 
partly,  as  he  tt^lls  us,  from  the  most  accredited 
witnesses.     The  Spanish  version  was  maue 

F 


66 


WAR  WITH  THE  POPK 


Alva,  while  making  this  appeal  to  the  pope,  invoked  the  good  offices  of  the 
Venetian  government  in  bringing  about  a  reconciliation  between  Philip  and 
the  Vatican.  His  spiritual  manifesto  to  the  pope  was  intnisted  to  a  special 
messenger,  a  person  of  some  consideration  in  Naples.  The  only  reply  which 
the  hot-headed  pontitf  made  to  it  was  to  throw  the  envoy  into  prison,  and,  as 
some  state,  to  put  him  to  the  torture. 

Meanwhile,  Alva,  who  had  not  placed  much  reliance  on  the  success  of  his 
appeal,  had  mustered  a  force  amounting  in  all  to  twelve  thousand  infantry, 
fifteen  hundred  horse,  and  a  train  of  twelve  pieces  of  artillery.  His  infantry 
was  chiefly  made  up  of  Neapolitans,  some  of  whom  had  seen  but  little  service. 
The  strength  of  his  army  lay  in  his  Spanish  veterans,  forming  one-third  of  his 
force.  The  place  of  rendezvous  was  San  Germano,  a  town  on  the  northern 
frontier  of  the  kingdom.  On  the  first  of  September,  1556,  Alva,  attended  by 
a  gallant  Imnd  of  cavaliers,  left  the  capital,  and  on  the  fourth  arrived  at  the 
place  appointed.  The  following  day  he  crossed  the  borders  at  the  head  of  his 
troops,  and  marched  on  Pontecorvo.  He  met  with  no  resistance  from  the 
inhabitants,  who  at  once  threw  o])en  their  gates  to  him.  Several  other  places 
followed  the  example  of  Pontecorvo ;  and  Alva,  taking  possession  of  them, 
caused  a  scutcheon  displaying  the  arms  of  the  Sacred  College  to  be  hun^  up 
in  the  principal  church  of  each  town,  with  a  placard  announcing  that  he  ne!d 
it  only  for  tiie  college,  until  the  election  of  a  new  pontitf.  By  this  act  he 
proclaimed  to  the  Christian  world  that  the  object  of  the  war,  as  far  as  Spaiib 
was  concerned,  was  not  conr^uest,  but  defence.  Some  historians  find  in  it  a 
deeper  policy,— that  of  excitmg  feelings  of  distrust  between  the  pope  and  the 
cardinals.'* 

Anagni,  a  place  of  some  strength,  refused  the  duke's  summons  to  surrender. 
He  was  detained  three  days  before  his  guns  had  openeii  a  practicable  breach 
in  the  walls.  He  then  ordered  an  assault.  The  town  was  stormed  and 
delivered  up  to  sack,— by  which  phrase  is  to  be  undei-stood  the  perpetration 
of  all  those  outrages  which  the  ruthless  code  of  war  allowed,  in  that  age,  on 
the  persons  and  property  of  the  defenceless  inhabitants,  without  regard  to  sex 


or  age. 


17 


One  or  two  other  places  which  made  resistance  shared  the  fate  of  Anagni ; 
and  the  duke  of  Alva,  having  garrisoned  his  new  conquests  with  such  forces 
as  he  could  spare,  led  his  victorious  legions  against  Tivoli,— a  town  strongly 
situated  on  elevated  ground,  commanding  the  eastern  approaches  to  the 
capital.  The  place  surrendered  without  attemptinf^  a  defence ;  and  Alva, 
willing  to  give  his  men  some  repose,  made  Tivoli  his  liead-quarters,  while  his 
army  spread  over  the  suburbs  and  adjacent  country,  which  afforded  good 
forage  tor  his  cavalry. 

The  rapid  succession  of  these  events,  the  fall  of  town  after  town,  and,  above 
all,  the  dismal  fate  of  Anagni,  filled  the  people  of  Rome  with  terror.  The 
women  began  to  hurry  out  of  the  city  ;  many  of  the  men  would  have  followed 
but  for  the  interference  of  Cardinal  Caraffa.  *  The  panic  was  as  great  as  if  the 
enemy  had  been  already  at  the  gates  of  the  capital.  Amidst  this  general 
consternation,  Paul  seemed  to  be  almost  the  only  person  who  retained  his 


at  the  suggestion  of  one  of  Philip's  ministers, 

prftty  good  evidence  th.it  the  writpr.  in  liis 

narrative,  had  demeaned  himself  like  a  loyal 
subject. 

'»  Giannone,  Istoria  di  Nnpoli,  torn.  x.  p  25. 
— <^arta  del  Duque  de  Alb;i  a  la  Gobornadora, 
8  de  Setiembr*'.  15.S6,  MS.—"  In  tal  modo,  non 
"cAo  veniva  a  niitigar  l'  aspreaze,  che  portava 


seco  r  occupar  le  Terre  dollo  stato  ecclesias- 
tico,  ma  veniva  a  sparger  semi  di  discordia,  e 
di  fiisma,  fra  li  Cardinal!  ed  il  Papa,  tentando 
d'  alienarli  da  lui,  e  mostrargli  verso  di  hiro 
riverenza  e  risprtto."  Nores,  G»ierra  fra 
Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo  Se«  ondo,  MS. 

"  Nors,  Gucrra  fra  Paclo  Quurto  e  Filippo 
S^'condo,  MS. 


VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGN. 


67 


self-possession.  Navagero,  the  Venetian  minister,  was  present  when  he 
received  tidings  of  the  storming  of  Anagni,  and  bears  witness  to  the  composure 
with  which  he  went  through  the  official  business  of  the  morning,  as  if  nothing 
had  happened."  This  was  in  public  ;  but  the  shock  was  sufficiently  strong  to 
strike  out  some  sparkles  of  his  fiery  temper,  as  those  found  who  met  him  that 
day  in  private.  To  the  Venetian  aj^ent  who  had  come  to  Rome  to  mediate  a 
peace,  and  who  pressed  him  to  enter  into  some  terms  of  accommodation  with  the 
Spaniards,  he  haughtily  replied  that  Alva  must  first  recross  the  frontier,  and 
then,  if  he  had  aught  to  solicit,  prefer  his  petition  like  a  dutiful  son  of  the 
Church.  This  course  was  not  one  very  likely  to  be  adopted  by  the  victorious 
general.'* 

In  an  interview  with  two  French  gentlemen,  who,  as  he  had  reason  to  sup- 
pose, were  interesting  themselves  in  the  affair  of  a  peace,  he  exclaimed, 
"Whoever  would  bring  me  into  a  peace  with  heretics  is  a  servant  of  the 
Devil.  Heaven  will  take  vengeance  on  him.  I  will  pray  that  God's  curse  may 
fall  on  him.  If  I  find  that  you  intermeddle  in  any  such  matter,  I  will  cut 
your  heads  off  your  shoulders.  Do  not  think  this  an  empty  threat.  I  have 
an  eye  in  my  back  on  you," — quoting  an  Italian  proverb, — "  and  if  I  find  you 
playing  me  false,  or  attempting  to  entangle  me  a  second  time  in  an  accursed 
truce,  I  swear  to  you  by  the  eternal  God,  I  will  make  your  heads  flv  from 
your  shoulders,  come  what  may  come  of  it ! "  "  In  this  way,"  concludes  the 
narrator,  one  of  the  parties,  "his  holiness  continued  for  nearly  an  hour, 
walking  up  and  down  the  apartment,  and  talking  all  the  while  of  his  own 
grievances  and  of  cutting  off  our  heads,  until  he  had  talked  himself  quite  out 
of  breath."  20 

But  the  valour  of  the  pope  did  not  expend  itself  in  words.  He  instantly  set 
about  putting  the  capital  in  the  best  state  of  defence.  He  taxed  the  people 
to  raise  funds  for  his  troops,  drew  in  the  garrisons  from  the  neighbounng 
places,  formed  a  body-guard  of  six  or  seven  hundred  horse,  and  soon  had  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  his  Roman  levies,  amounting  to  six  thousand  infantry, 
well  equipped  for  the  war.  They  made  a  brave  show,  with  their  handsome 
uniforms  and  their  banners  richly  emblazoned  with  the  pontifical  arms.  As 
they  passed  in  review  before  his  Holiness,  who  stood  at  one  of  the  windows  of 
his  palace,  he  gave  them  his  benediction.  But  the  edge  of  the  Roman  sword, 
according  to  an  old  proverb,  was  apt  to  be  blunt ;  and  these  holiday  troops 
were  soon  found  to  be  no  match  for  the  hardy  veterans  of  Spain. 

AmonsT  the  soldiers  at  the  pope's  disposal  was  a  body  of  German  merce- 
naries, \vlio  followed  war  as  a  trade,  and  let  themselves  out  to  the  highest 
bidder.  They  were  Lutherans,  with  little  knowledge  of  the  Roman  Catnolic 
religion,  and  less  respect  for  it.  They  stared  at  its  rites  as  mummeries,  and 
made  a  jest  of  its  most  solemn  ceremonies,  directly  under  the  eyes  of  the  pope. 
But  Paul,  who  at  other  times  would  have  punished  oftiences  like  these  witn  the 

fibbet  and  the  stake,  could  not  quarrel  with  his  defenders,  and  was  obliged  to 
igest  his  mortification  as  he  best  might.  It  was  remarked  that  the  times 
were  sadly  out  of  joint,  when  the  head  of  the  Church  had  heretics  for  his  allies 
and  Catholics  for  his  enemies.*' 


'•  "  Stava  intrepido,  parlando  delle  cose  ap- 
part^nenii  a  quel'  ufiizio,  come  se  non  vi 
f  UK8e  alcuna  sospezione  di  guerra,  non  che  gl' 
inimici  fussero  viciiu  alle  porte."  Kelazione 
di  Bernardo  Navagero. 

"  •'  Pontitex  earn  conditlonem  ad  se  relatam 
aopernatus  in  eo  perpistebat,  ut  A I  banns 
copiaH  donium  reduceret,  deinde  quod  vellet, 
a  Be  Bupplicil  us  precibus  postularet."   Sepul- 


veda,  De  Rebus  gestis  Philippi  II.,  lib.  I.  cap. 
17. 

-"  Sismondi,  Histoire  dc«  Frao^ais,  torn, 
xviii.  p.  17. 

''  "Quel  Pontefice,  che  per  ciascuna  dl 
queste  cose  che  fosse  cascata  in  un  processo, 
avreb1>e  condannato  ognuiio  alia  morte  ed  ai 
fuoco,  le  t<'llcrava  in  questi,  come  in  suoi  de- 
feneori."    Relazione  di  Bernardo  Navagero. 


68  WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 

Meanwhile  the  duke  of  Alva  was  lyin,  at  Tivoli.  I^^^^^J^^i^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
of  the  panic  caused  by  his  successes,  ^^ /"^^^^Vtai  Vut  1^  f  d  d  not 
difhcultv  have  made  himself  master  of  the  capital.  But  tins  tli^  not  suu  ms 
policr^l^Sh^va^  rather  to  bring  the. pope  to  tern,s  tlian  t^  ruin  hin  lie 
was  aesirous  to  reduce  the  city  by  cutting  oft  its  «"tfc  JJ^f  P/^.  '^^^^^^^^  to 
Tivoli  as  already  noticed,  enabled  him  to  command  ^^1^  ^;?^«"^  ,^ftf,f  ^^^^^^^^ 
Rome,  and  he  now  proposed  to  make  himself  master  of  Ostia  and  thus  destroy 

%rcSir drnwi^g^^^^^^^^^^^  forces,  he  quitted  Tivoli,  and  directed  his 

mair^'oK^^^  of  the  Ko-an  c^piUl    On  his^way 

made  himself  master  of  some  places  belonging  to  the  holy    ee  an     ^n      e 
early  part  of  November  arrived  before  Ostia  and  took  up  a  los»tion  on  ine 
Ss^f  the  Tiber,  where  it  spread  into  two  t^ranclies  tl^  no  then    o  e  o 
which  was  called  the  Fiumicino,  or  little  ^•i^^rv„T]l^,j7"' %':^^^^^^^^^ 
consisted  of  only  a  few  stragg  ng  houses,  very  diflerent  from  the  prouausiia 
XS^acim^^arbm    waton?e  filled  with  the.commerce  of    he  .^^^^^^^^^ 
was  protected  by  a  citadel  of  some  strength  garr.soned^^^^^^ 
body  of  troops,  so  indifferently  provided  with  military  stores  that  it  was  clear 
the  government  had  not  anticipated  an  attack  in  this  a^fter      . 

The  duke  ordered  a  number  of  boats  to.  be  sent  ^^""^  J^  .^^J*.""?'^^^^^ 
on  the  coa^t,  of  which  he  had  got  possession     By  "^f "?  «^^^f '^  *f,/C 
bridge,  over  which  he  passed  a  small  detachment  of  ^^^  armv,  to{2e  her  a^  itn 
h     battering  train  of  artillery.    The  l^'-^n^^^t^was  easily  taken  bt^^^ 
citadel  refused  to  surrender,  Alva  laid  regular  siege  to  it    He  constructed  tvAO 

bktt7rles™^  he  planted  his  heavy^guns,  ^--^rnn'tH^ov^"^^^^ 
or  the  fortress.  He  then  opened  a  lively  cannonade  on  the  outworks,  wiiicn 
was  returned  with  great  spirit  by  the  garrison.  ,     ^  i  t  « 

MeanS  he  dftachei  a  considerable  body  of  horse,  under  Colonna,  who 
swept  the  country  to  the  very  walls  of  Rome.  A  squadron  of  cavalry,  whose 
gallant  bearTng  had  filled  the  heart  of  the  old  pope  w  th  exultation  sallied  oj.t 
against  the  marauders.  An  encounter  took  pface  not  far  from  the  city  ihe 
Rmnans  bore  themselves  up  bravely  to  the  shock  ;  but,  ?/ter  snhntering  their 
lances,  they  wheeled  about,  and,  without  striking  another  blow  abandoned 
the  field  to  the  enemy,  whi  followed  them  up  to  the  gates  of  the  capital 
They  w^^^^^^  in  their  flight  t^at  the  valiant  troopers  could 

iot  le  induced  again  to  leave  their  walls  although  ^^[^"^  ,^  „^*/,^^f;:^,^,^^^^^^ 
a  narrow  escape  from  the  enemy— sallied  out  with  a  handful  of  his  followers, 

to  give  them  confidence.'*  .       .i       •        ^*  Ao+Jo  .  i^nf 

During  this  time  Alva  was  vigorously  pressing  the  siege  of  Ustia ,  but, 
though  more  than  a  week  had  elapsed,  the  besieged  showed  no  disposition  to 
surrender.  At  length  the  Spanish  commander  on  the  seventeenth  of  ^o- 
vember,  finding  his  ammunition  nearly  expended,  and  his  army  short  of  pro- 
visions, determined  on  a  general  as.sault.  Early  on  the  following  morning, 
after  hearing  mass  as  usual,  the  dnke  mounted  his  horse,  and,  nding  among 
the  ranks  to  animate  the  spirits  of  his  soldiers,  gave  orders  for  the  attack.  A 
corps  of  Italians  was  first  detached,  to  scale  the  works ;  but  they  were 
reimlsed  with  considerable  loss.  It  was  found  impossible  for  their  oti.cers  to 
rally  them  and  bring  them  back  to  the  assault.  A  picked  body  of  .Spanish 
infantry  was  then  despatched  on  this  dangerous  service.  With  increcm)le 
dirticulty  they  succeeded  in  scaling  the  mmparts,  under  a  storm  of  combus- 
tibles and  other  missiles  buried  down  by  the  garrison,  and  effected  an  entrance 
into  the  place.    But  here  they  were  met  with  a  courage  as  dauntless  as  their 

"  Nores,  Guerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo  Secondo,  MS. 


VICTORIOUS  CAMPAIGN. 

own.  The  struggle  was  long  and  desperate.  There  had  been  no  such  fighting 
in  the  course  of  the  campaign.  At  length,  the  duke,  made  aware  of  the 
severe  loss  sustained  by  his  men,  and  of  the  impracticability  of  the  attempt, 
as  darkness  Avas  setting  in,  gave  the  signal  for  retreat.  The  assailants  had 
doubtless  the  worst  of  it  in  the  conflict ;  but  the  besieged,  worn  out  with 
fatigue,  with  their  ammunition  neariy  exhausted,  and  almost  without  food, 
did  not  feel  themselves  in  condition  to  sustain  another  assault  on  the  following 
day.  On  the  nineteenth  of  November,  therefore,  the  morning  after  the  con- 
flict, the  brave  garrison  capitulated,  and  were  treated  with  honour  as  prisoners 
of  war  " 

The  fate  of  the  campaign  seemed  now  to  be  decided.  The  pope,  with  his 
principal  towns  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  his  communications  cut  off  both 
with  the  country  and  the  coast,  may  well  have  felt  his  inability  to  contend 
thus  single-handed  against  the  power  of  Spain.  At  all  events,  his  subjects 
felt  it,  and  they  were  not  deterred  by  his  arrogant  bearing  from  clamouring 
loudly  against  the  continuance  of  this  ruinous  war.  But  Paul  would  not  hear 
of  a  peace.  However  crippled  by  his  late  reverses,  he  felt  confident  of  repair- 
ing them  all  on  the  arrival  of  the  French,  who,  as  he  now  learned  with  joy, 
were  in  full  march  across  the  territory  of  Milan.  He  was  not  so  disinclined  to 
a  truce,  which  might  give  time  for  their  coming. 

Cardinal  Caraffa,  accordingly,  had  a  conference  with  the  duke  of  Alva,  and 
entered  into  negotiations  with 'him  for  a  suspension  of  arms.  The  proposal 
was  not  unwelcome  to  the  duke,  who,  weakened  by  losses  of  every  kind,  was 
by  no  means  in  condition  at  the  end  of  an  active  campaign  to  contend  with  a 
fresh  army  under  the  command  of  so  practised  a  leader  as  the  duke  of  Guise. 
He  did  not  care  to  expose  himself  a  second  time  to  an  encounter  with  th« 
French  general,  under  disadvantages  nearly  as  great  as  those  which  had  foiled 

him  at  Metz.  ,  i   .  .u 

With  these  amiable  dispositions,  a  tnice  was  soon  arranged  between  the 
parties,  to  continue  forty  days.  The  terras  were  honourable  to  Alva,  since 
they  left  him  in  possession  of  all  his  conouests.  Having  completed  these 
arrangements,  the  Spanish  coinmandei  broke  up  his  camp  on  the  southern 
bank  of  the  Tiber,  recrossed  the  frontier,  and  in  a  few  days  made  his  tri- 
umphant entry,  at  the  head  of  his  battalions,  into  the  city  of  Naples.' 

So  ended  the  first  campaign  of  the  war  with  Rome.  It  had  given  a  severe 
lesson,  that  might  have  shaken  the  confidence  and  humbled  the  pride  of  a 
pontiff  less  arrogant  than  Paul  the  Fourth.  But  it  served  only  to  deepen  his 
hatred  of  the  Spaniards,  and  to  stimulate  his  desire  for  vengeance. 


"  The  details  of  the  siege  of  Ostia  are  given 
with  more  or  less  minuteness  by  Nores,  Guerra 
Ira  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo  Secondo,  MS. — 
Andrea,  Guerra  de  Roma,  p.-  72,  et  seq.,— 
Carapana,  Vita  del  Catholico  Don  Filippo 
Secondo,  con  le  Guerre  de  suol  Tempi  (Vi- 
cenza,  1605),  torn.  ii.  fol.  146,  147,— Cabrera, 
Filipe  Si^gundo,  lib.  ii.  ctp.  15. 

''*  Nores.  Guerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo 
Secondo,  MS.— Andrea,  Guerra  de  Roma,  p. 
86,  et  seq.— The  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth, 
wh»n  on  his  way  to  Yuste,  took  a  very  diflfen- 
ent  view  from  Alva's  of  the  truce,  rating  the 
duke  roundly  for  not  having  followed  up  the 
capture  of  Ostia  by  a  decisive  blow,  instead 


of  allowing  the  French  time  to  enter  Italy 
and  combine  with  the  pope.—"  El  emperador 
o\6  todo  lo  que  v.  md.  dize  del  duque  y  de 
Italia,  y  ha  tornado  muy  mal  el  haver  dado 
el  duque  oidos  6,  suppension  de  armas,  y 
muclio  mas  do  haver  prorrogado  el  plazo,  por 
parecelle  que  seni  instrumento  para  que  la 
gonte  del  Rey  que  baxava  6.  Piamonte  se  jun- 
taese  con  la  del  Papa,  6  quepta  dilacion  sera 
noces<=itar  al  duque,  y  estorvalle  el  eflecto  que 
pudiera  hazer,  si  prosigiiiera  pu  vitoria  des- 
pue-<  de  haber  ganado  a  Ostia,  y  entre  dientes 
dixo  otras  cosas  que  no  pude  comprehender." 
Carta  de  Martin  de  Gaztelu  &  Juan  Vazquez, 
Enero  10, 1557,  MS. 


70 


WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

WAR  WITH   THE   POPE. 

Guise  enters  Italy-Operations  In  the  Abruzzi-Siege  of  Civitella-Alva  drives  o«t  the  Fret, ch 
-Rome  menaced  by  the  Spauiard^^Paul  consents  to  peace-His  subsequent  Career 

1557. 

While  the  events  recorded  in  the  preceding  pages  were  f  ^^^"g ^? ^|f]y '  ^,^f 
French  army,  nnder  the  duke  of  Guise,  hadarnvedon  the  Ijordersof  Piedmont. 
TharcomS  der,  on  leaviuL^  Paris,  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a  force  con- 
sisting of  twelve  thousand  Infantry,  of  which  five  thousand  were  Swiss,  and 
Srfst  French  including  a  considerable  number  of  Gascons.  His  cavalry 
to^LlZt  Ih'ollS  and  he  was  provided  f^\^-±-^i^^^^^^^ 
In  addition  to  this.  Guise  was  attended  by  a  gallant  body  of  1^  lench  gentle- 
men, young  for  the  most  part,  and  eager  to  win  laurels  under  the  renowned 

"^"S  FrenSmy  met  with  no  opposition  in  its  passage  through  Piedmont 
The  king  of  Spain  had  ordered  the  government  of  Milan  to  strengthen  the 
garrisonf  of  the  fortresses,  but  to  oppose  no  res  stance  to  the  French,  unless 
fhe  latter  began  hostiUties.^  Some  of  the  duke's  couns^ellors  would  have  per- 
suaded him  to  do  so.  His  father-in-law,  the  duke  of  Ferrara  m  particular, 
who  had  brought  him  a  reinforcement  of  six  thousand  troops,  strongly  pressed 
the  French  general  to  make  sure  of  the  Milanese  before  Penetrating  to  the 
south  ;  otherwise  he  would  leave  a  dangerous  enemy  m  his  rear,  rhe  Italian 
urged,  moreover,  the  importance  of  such  a  step  in  giving  confidence  to  the 
Angeiine  faction  in  Naples,  and  in  drawing  over  to  France  those  sUtes  which 
hesitated  as  to  their  policy  or  which  had  but  lately  consented  to  an  alliance 

^^Frai??e"at  this  time  exercised  but  little  influence  in  the  counsels  of  the 
Italian  powers.  Genoa,  after  an  ineftectual  attempt  at  revolution,  was  dooted 
to  Spain.  The  co-operation  of  Cosmo  de'  Medici,  then  lord  of  Tuscany,  had 
been  secured  by  the  cession  of  Sienna.  The  duke  of  Parma,  who  had  co- 
quetted for  some  time  with  the  French  monarch,  was  won  over  to  Spain  by 
the  restoration  of  Placentia,  of  which  he  had  been  despoiled  by  Charles  the 
Fifth.  His  young  son,  Alexander  Farnese,  was  sent  as  a  hostage,  to  be 
educated  under  Philip's  eye,  at  the  court  of  Madrid -the  ^FJ^^s  of  which 
training  were  to  l)e  gathered  in  the  war  of  the  Netherlands,  where  he  proved 
himself  the  most  consummate  captain  of  his  time.  Venice,  from  her  lonely 
watch-tower  on  the  Adriatic,  regarded  at  a  distance  the  political  changes  of 
Italy,  prepared  to  profit  by  any  chances  in  her  own  favour.  Her  conservative 
policy,  however,  prompted  her  to  maintain  things  as  far  as  possible  m  their 
present  position.  She  was  most  desirous  that  the  existing  equilibrium  should 
not  be  disturbed  by  the  introduction  of  any  new  power  on  the  theatre  of  Italy  ; 
and  she  had  readily  acquiesced  in  the  invitation  of  the  duke  of  Alva  to  mediate 
an  accommodation  between  the  contending  parties.  This  pacific  temper  found 
little  encouragement  from  the  belligerent  pontiff  who  had  brought  the  war 

"^he  advice  of  the  duke  of  Ferrara,  however  judicious  in  itself,  was  not 
relished  by  his  son-in-law,  the  duke  of  Guise,  who  was  anxious  to  press  forward 

»  Sepulveda,  De  Rebus  gestis  Phllippi  II.,  p.  13. 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  ABRUZZI. 


71 


to  Naples  as  the  \)ro\m  scene  of  his  conquests.  The  pope,  too,  called  on  him 
in  the  most  peremptory  terms,  to  hasten  his  march,  as  Naples  was  the  object 
of  the  expedition.  The  French  commander  had  the  address  to  obtain  instruc- 
tions to  the  same  effect  from  his  own  court,  by  which  he  affected  to  be  decided 
His  Italian  father-in-law  was  so  umch  disgusted  by  this  deternnnation  that 
he  instantly  quitted  the  camp  and  drew  oft"  his  six  thousand  soldiers,  declaring 
that  he  needed  all  he  could  muster  to  protect  his  own  states  against  the  troops 

^  Thut"shorn  of  his  Italian  reinforcement,  the  duke  of  Guise  resumed  his 
march,  and,  entering  the  States  of  the  Church,  followed  down  the  shores  of 
the  Adriatic,  passing  through  Ravenna  and  Rimini ;  then,  striking  into  the 
interior,  he  halted  at  Gesi.  where  he  found  good  accommodations  for  his  men 
and  abundant  forage  for  the  horses.  •    a  4.^  i?^r..« 

Leaving  his  army  in  their  pleasant  quarters,  he  soon  after  repaired  to  Rome, 
in  order  to  arrange  with  the  pope  the  plan  of  the  campaiLni  He  was  graciously 
received  by  Paul,  who  treated  him  with  distinguished  honour  as  the  loyal 
champion  of  the  Church.  Emboldened  by  the  presence  of  the  French  army 
in  his  dominions,  the  pope  no  longer  hesitated  to  proclaim  the  renewal  of  the 
war  against  Spain.  The  Roman  levies,  scattered  over  the  Campagna,  assau  ted 
the  places,  but  feebly  garrisoned  by  the  Spaniards  xMost  of  them  including 
Tivoli  and  Ostia,  were  retaken  ;  and  the  haughty  bosom  of  the  pontiff  swelled 
with  exultation  as  he  anticipated  the  speedy  extinction  of  the  Spanish  nile  m 

Aner  some  days  consumed  in  the  Vatican,  Guise  rejoined  his  army  at  Gesi. 
He  was  fortified  by  abundant  assurances  of  aid  from  his  holiness,  and  he  was 
soon  joined  by  one  of  Paul's  nephews,  the  duke  of  Montebello,  with  a  slender 
reinforcement.  It  was  determined  to  cross  the  Neapolitan  frontier  at  once, 
and  to  begin  operations  by  the  siege  of  Cainph.  r    -.r  ,i  f.^f^r^ 

This  was  a  considerable  place,  situated  m  the  midst  of  a  fruitful  terntory. 
The  native  population  had  been  greatly  increased  by  the  influx  of  people  from 
the  surrounding  country,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  Campli  as  a  place  of  se- 
curity. But  they  did  little  for  its  defence.  It  did  not  long  resist  the  impetu- 
osity of  the  French,  who  carried  the  town  by  storm.  The  men-all  who  made 
resistance-were  put  to  the  sword.  The  women  were  abandoned  to  the 
licentious  soldiery.  The  houses,  first  pillaged,  were  then  fired  ;  and  the  once 
flourishing  place  was  soon  converted  into  a  heap  of  smouldering  ruins,  ihe 
booty  was  great,  for  the  people  of  the  neighbourhood  had  brought  their  effects 
thither  for  safety,  and  a  large  amount  of  gold  and  silver  was  found  in  the 
dwellings.  The  cellars,  too,  were  filled  with  delicate  wines  ;  and  the  victors 
abandoned  themselves  to  feasting  and  wassail,  while  the  wretched  citizens 
wandered  like  spectres  amidst  the  ruins  of  their  ancient  habitations. 

The  fate  of  Italy,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  was  hard  indeed,  ^he  haci 
advanced  far  beyond  the  age  in  most  of  the  arts  which  belong  to  a  civilized 
community.  Her  cities,  even  her  smaller  townMhroughout  the  comity,  dis- 
played the  evidences  of  architectural  taste.  They  were  filled  with  stately 
teinples  and  elegant  mansions  ;  the  squares  were  ornaniented  with  fountani.s 
of  elaborate  workmanship  ;  the  rivers  were  spanned  by  arches  of  solid  masonry. 
The  private  as  well  as  public  edifices  were  furnished  with  costly  works  of  art, 
of  which  the  value  was  less  in  the  material  than  in  the  execution.    A  genera- 


•  Nores,  Gucrra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo 
Secondo,  MS.  —  Andrea,  Guerra  de  Rouia, 

'  Nores,  Guerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  l-ilippo 


Secondo,  MS.— Andrea,  Guerra  de  Koma,  p. 
220.— I).'  Thou,  Hl8toire  universelle,  torn.  iii. 
p.  86.— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lio.  iii.  cap. 
9. 


I 


72 


WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 


tion  had  scarcely  passed  since  Michael  Angelo  and  Raphael  had  produced  their 
miracles  of  sculpture  and  of  paintini; ;  and  now  Correggio,  Paul  V  erouese,  and 
Titian  were  fiHin^;  their  country  with  those  immortal  productions  which  have 
been  the  delight  and  the  despair  of  succeeding  ages  Letters  kept  pace  with 
art  The  magical  strains  of  Ariosto  had  scarcely  died  away  when  a  greater 
bard  had  arisen  in  Tasso,  to  take  up  the  tale  of  Christian  chivalry.  Ihis 
extraordinary  combination  of  elegant  art  and  literary  culture  was  the  more 
remarkable  from  the  contrast  presented  bv  the  condition  of  the  rest  of  i^nrone, 
then  first  rising  into  the  light  of  a  higher  civilization.  But,  with  all  this 
intellectual  progress,  Italy  was  sadly  deficient  in  some  qualities  found  among 
the  hardier  sons  of  the  north,  and  which  seem  indispensable  to  a  national  exist- 
ence. She  could  boast  of  her  artists,  her  poets,  her  ])oliticians  ;  but  of  few  real 
patriots,  few  who  rested  their  own  hopes  on  the  independence  of  their  country. 
The  freedom  of  the  old  Italian  republics  had  passed  away.  There  was  scarcely 
one  that  had  not  surrendered  its  liberties  to  a  master.  The  principle  of  union 
for  defence  against  foreign  aggression  was  as  little  understood  as  the  principle 
of  political  liberty  at  home.  The  states  were  jealous  of  one  another.  The 
cities  were  jealous  of  one  another,  and  were  often  torn  by  factions  withm 
themselves  Thus  their  individual  strength  was  alike  ineffectual  whether  for 
self-government  or  self-defence.  The  gift  of  beauty  which  Italy  possessed  m 
so  extraordinary  a  degree  only  made  her  a  more  tempting  prize  to  the  spoiler, 
whom  she  had  not  the  strength  or  the  courage  to  resist.  The  Turkish  cors-air 
fell  upon  her  coasts,  plundered  her  maritime  towns,  and  swept  off  their  inhabi- 
tants into  slavery.  The  European,  scarcely  less  barbarous,  crossed  the  Alps, 
and,  striking  into  the  interior,  fell  upon  the  towns  and  hamlets  that  lay 
sheltered  among  the  hills  and  in  the  quiet  valleys,  and  converted  them  into 
heaps  of  ruins.  Ill  fares  it  with  the  land  which,  in  an  age  of  violence,  has 
given  itself  up  to  the  study  of  the  graceful  and  the  beautiful,  to  the  neglect  of 
those  hardy  virtues  which  can  alone  secure  a  nation's  independence. 

From  the  smoking  ruins  of  Campli,  Guise  led  his  troops  against  Civitella,  a 
town  but  a  few  miles  distant.  It  was  built  round  a  conical  hill,  the  top  of 
which  was  crowned  by  a  fortress  well  lined  with  artillery.  It  was  an  imiortant 
place  for  the  command  of  the  frontier,  and  the  duke  of  Alva  had  thrown  into 
ft  a  garrison  of  twelve  hundred  men  under  the  direction  of  an  experienced 
officer,  the  marquis  of  Santa  Fiore.  The  French  general  considered  that  the 
capture  of  this  post,  so  soon  following  the  sack  of  Campli,  would  spread  tenor 
among  the  Neapolitans,  and  encourage  those  of  the  Angevine  faction  to  declare 
openly  in  his  favour. 

As  the  place  refused  to  surrender,  he  prepared  to  besiege  it  m  form,  throw- 
ing up  intrenchments,  and  only  waiting'  for  his  heavy  guns  to  begin  active 
hostilities.  He  impatiently  expected  their  arrival  for  some  days,  when  he 
caused  four  batteries  to  be  erected,  to  operate  simultaneously  against  four 
quarters  of  the  town.  After  a  brisk  cannonade,  which  was  returned  by  the 
besieged  with  equal  spirit,  and  with  still  gieater  loss  to  the  enemy,  from  his 
exposed  position,  the  Juke,  who  had  opened  a  breach  in  the  works,  prepared 
for  a  general  assault.  It  was  conducted  with  the  usual  impetuosity  of  the 
French,  but  was  repulsed  with  courage  by  the  Italians.  More  than  once  the 
assailants  were  brought  up  to  the  breach,  and  as  often  driven  back  with 
slaughter.  The  duke,  convinced  that  he  had  been  too  precipitate,  was  obliged 
to  sound  a  retreat,  and  again  renewed  the  cannonade  from  his  batteries, 
keeping  it  up  night  and  day,  though,  from  the  vertical  direction  of  the  fire, 
with  comparatively  little  effect.  The  French  camp  oUered  a  surer  mark  to 
the  guns  of  Civitella. 


SIEGE  OF  CIVITELLA. 


73 


The  women  of  the  place  displayed  an  intrepidity  equal  to  that  of  the  men. 
Armed  with  buckler  and  cuirass,  they  might  be  seen  by  the  side  of  their 
husbands  and  brothei-s,  in  the  most  exposed  situations  on  the  ramparts  ;  ai»«i, 
as  one  was  shot  down,  another  stepped  forward  to  take  the  place  of  her  fallen 
comrade.*  The  fate  of  Campli  had  taught  them  to  expect  no  mercy  from  the 
victor,  and  they  preferred  death  to  dishonour.  n  •    ,   * 

As  day  after  day  passed  on  in  the  same  monotonous  manner,  Guise  s  troops 
became  weary  of  their  inactive  life.  The  mercurial  spirits  of  the  French 
soldier,  which  overleaped  every  obstacle  in  his  path,  were  often  found  to 
evaporate  in  the  tedium  of  protracted  operations,  where  there  was  neither 
incident  nor  excitement.  Such  a  state  of  things  was  better  suited  to  the 
patient  and  persevering  Spaniard.  The  men  began  openly  to  murmur  against 
the  pope,  whom  they  regarded  as  the  cause  of  their  troubles,  /hey  were  led 
by  priests,  they  said,  "  who  knew  much  more  of  praying  than  of  fighting. 

Guise  himself  had  causes  of  disgust  with  the  pontiff"  which  he  did  not  (^re 
to  conceal.  For  all  the  splendid  promises  of  his  holiness,  he  had  received  few 
supplies  either  of  men,  ammunition,  or  money  ;  and  of  the  Angevine  lords  not 
one  had  ventured  to  declare  in  his  favour  or  to  take  service  under  his  banner. 
He  urged  all  this  with  much  warmth  on  the  pope's  nephew,  the  duke  of  Mont€- 
bello  The  Italian  recriminated  as  warmly,  till  the  dialogue  was  abruptly 
ended,  it  is  said,  by  the  duke  of  Guise  throwing  a  napkin,  or,  according  to 
some  accounts,  a  dish  at  the  head  of  his  ally.*  However  this  niay  be,  Monte- 
bello  left  the  camp  in  disgust  and  returned  to  Rome.  But  the  defender  of  the 
Church  was  too  important  a  person  to  quarrel  with,  and  Paul  deemed  it  pru- 
dent, for  the  present  at  least,  to  stifle  his  resentment. 

Meanwhile  heavy  rains  set  in,  causing  great  annoyance  tothe  Brench  troops 
in  their  quarters,  spoiling  their  provisions,  and  doing  great  damage  to  their 
powder.  The  same  rain  did  good  service  to  the  besieged,  by  filling  their 
cisterns    "  God,"  exclaimed  the  profane  Guise,  "  must  have  turned  Spaniard.  ^ 

While  these  events  were  taking  place  in  the  north  of  Naples,  the  duke  of 
Alva,  in  the  south,  was  making  active  preparations  for  the  defence  of  the 
kingdom.  He  had  seen  with  satisfaction  the  time  consumed  by  his  antagonist, 
first  at  Gesi,  and  afterwards  at  the  siege  of  Civitella  ;  and  he  had  fully  profited 
by  the  delay.  On  reaching  the  city  of  Naples,  he  had  summoned  a  parliament 
of  the  great  barons,  had  clearly  exposed  the  necessities  of  the  state,  and  de- 
manded an  extraordinary  loan  of  two  millions  of  ducats.  The  loyal  nobles 
readily  responded  to  the  call ;  but,  as  not  more  than  one-third  of  the  whole 
amount  could  be  instantly  raised,  an  order  was  obtained  from  the  council, 
requiring  the  (governors  of  the  several  provinces  to  invite  the  great  ecclesiastics 
in  their  districts  to  advance  the  remaining  two-thirds  of  the  loan.  In  case 
they  did  not  consent  with  a  good  grace,  they  were  to  be  forced  to  comply  by 
the  seizure  of  their  revenues."  ,  ^   ,  i      •      *   ^u 

By  another  decree  of  the  council,  the  gold  and  silver  plate  belonging  to  the 
monasteries  and  churches  throughout  the  kingdom,  after  being  valued,  was  to 
be  taken  for  the  use  of  the  government.  A  quantity  of  it,  belonging  to  a 
city  in  the  Abruzzi,  was  in  fact  put  up  to  be  sent  to  Naples  ;  but  it  aiused 
such  a  tumult  among  the  people  that  it  was  found  expedient  to  suspend  pro- 
ceedings in  the  matter  for  the  present. 


X. 


•  Andrea,  Guerra  de  Roma,  p.  228, 

•  Gianiioue,    Istoria   di   ^apoli,   torn 
p.  40. 

•  Sismondi,   Histoire   des    Fran^ais,  torn 
xviii.  p.  39. 


'  "Encendldo  de  colera,  vino  a  dezlr.  Que 
Dios  se  auia  buelto  Espi.flol."  Andrea, Guerra 
de  Roma,  p.  228. 

•  Giauuone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  torn.  x.  p.  35. 


74 


WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 


The  viceroy  still  further  enlarged  his  resources  by  the  sequestrntK^^^^^^^ 
revenues  belonging  to  such  ecclesiastics  as  resided  m  Rome.    By  these  various 
P^npVlents  the  duke  of  Alva  found  himself  in  possession  of  sufhcient  funds  for 
rf iTV  nfon  tL  war  as  1^^  He  nmstered  a  force  of  twenty-two,  or 

S  Sac  ounts  stlte  ti^^^^^  Of  these  three  thou.sand 

only  weie  Spanish  veterans,  'five  thou.sand  were  Germans,  and  the  remainder 
Italians  clieHy  from  the  Abruzzi,-for  the  most  part  raw  recruits,  on  whom 
liSle  re^ia^e^^^^^^  be  placed.  He  had  besides  seven  hundred  men-at-arms 
iiulfiite?n  hundred  hit  horse.  .  His  ai'.ny  tl^erefore  thmigh  as  for  ^  tl^ 
Italians  were  concerned,  inferior  m  discipline  to  that  of  his  antagonist,  was 

""^^"J^r^L  called,  some  were  of  or>in ion  that  the  viceroy 
sho  Id  act  on  the  defensive,  and  await  the  apnroacli  of  the  enemy  mtiie 
SLurhood  of  the  capital.    But  Alva  looked  on  this  as  a  timid  «)urse 
arS  distrust  in  himseff,  and  likely  to  infuse  distrust  into  his  followers..   He 
deternmied  to  march  at  once  against  the  enemy  and  prevent  his  gaining  a 

cermanent  foothold  in  the  kingdom.  ,       ,         *        j  r^.  4.u« 

^  Pescara,  on  the  Adriatic,  was  appointed  as  the  place  of  rendezvous  for  the 
army  and  Alva  quitted  the  city  0/  Naples  for  that  place  on  the  eleventh  of 
S'  1557  Here  he  concentrated  Kis  whole  strength  and  received  his 
art  llery  ai  d  military  stores,  which  were  brought  to  him  by  water.  Having 
reviS  his  troops,^ie  began  his  march  to  the  north..  On  reaching  Rio 
U  n  ano  he  detached  a  strong  l)ody  of  troops  to  get  possession  of  Giulia  Nuova, 
TtZTof  some  importance  fately  seized  by  the  enemy.  Alva  ^^^.PPOse^^  ^^.d 
it  seems  correctly,  that  the  French  commander  had  secured  this  as  a  good 
place  of  retreat  iil  case  of  his  failure  l>efore  Oivitella,  since  its  position  w^ 
such  as  would  enable  him  readily  to  keep  up  his  communications  with  the  sea 
The  French  garrison  sallied  out  against  the  Spaniards,  but  were  driven  back 
w  th  loss  ;  and,  as  Alva's  troops  followed  close  in  their  rear,  the  enemy  fled  m 
confusion  through  the  streets  of  the  city,  and  left  it  in  the  hands  of  the 
victors     In  this  commodious  position  the  viceroy  for  the  present  took  up  his 

"^"olfthe  approach  of  the  Spanish  army  the  duke  of  Guise  saw  the  necessity 
of  bringing  his  operations  against  Civitella  to  a  decisive  issue     He  accord- 
i,  cr  y,  as  a  last  efrort,  prepared  for  a  general  assau  t.    But,  although  it  was 
conancted  with  great  spirit,  it  was  repulsed  with  still  greater  bv  the  garrison  ; 
and  the  French  commander,  deeply  mortified  at  his  repeated  failures,  saw  the 
necessity  of  abandoning  the  siege.    He  could  not  effect  even  this  without 
sustaining  some  loss  from  the  brave  defenders  of  Civitel'a,  who  sallied  out  on 
his  rear  as  he  drew  off  his  discomfited  troops  to  the  neighbounng  valley  of 
Nireto     Thus  ended  the  siege  of  Civitella,  which,  by  the  confidence  it  gave 
to  the'loval  Neapolitans  throughout  the  country,  as  well  as  by  the  leisure  it 
afforded  to  Alva  for  mustering  his  resources,  mav  be  said  to  have  decided  Uie 
fate  of  the  war.    The  siege  lasted  twenty-two  days,  during  fourteen  of  which 
the  guns  from  the  four  batteries  of  the  French  had  played  incessantly  on  the 
beleaguered  city     The  viceroy  was  filled  with  admiration  at  the  heroic  con- 
duct of  the  inhabitants,  and,  in  token  of  respect  for  it,  granted  sonie  important 
immunities  to  be  enjoyed  for  ever  by  the  citizens  of  Civitella.    The  women, 
too  came  in  for  their  share  of  the  honours,  as  whoever  married  a  maiden  of 
Civitella  was  to  be  allowed  the  same  immunities,  from  whatever  part  of  the 
country  he  might  come.'* 


I 


^'l 


ROME  MENACED  BY  THE  SPANIARDS. 


75 


ThP  two  armies  were  now  quartered  within  a  few  miles  of  each  other.    Yet 
no^dmoTiSrw\Tn^^^^^^  side,  of  bringing  matters  to  ^^^^^^^^^^ 

a  battle.    This  was  foreign  to  Alva's  PO^^J^'  ^^^^^^^X*.,,^,^  ^ceTo^s  qu^ 
Guise,  so  inferior  in  strength  to  his  antagonist.    On  the  Y^e^^,  ^  T";''  r 

SS  u,  hfs  iip""retrSd  wjh  his  whole  anny  across  the  Tronto,  an.l, 
ndds  there  must  always  be  some  doubt  as  to  the  result.    But  the  oaas  nere 

tatS  loss ;  and  rather  than  incur  the  risk  of  gr^vter  he  «^af  «'"'"S^>|i 

l;%rt^onte^i.;;'^Hr^ 
rn.sr^eri^i^»nLthrt^^^^^^^ 

not  cruelty,  but  a  wholesmne  seventy  d^^^R'-^j^'^^- -Xa\i.nsd  crS^e'd 


•  Nores,  Ctuerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Fillppo 
Secoudo,  MS.— Andrea,  Uuerra  de  Roma,  p. 


237.— Osorio.  Alb*  Vita,  torn.  H.  p.  64. 
'"  The  particulars  of  the  Biege  of  Civitella 


may  be  found  in  Nores,  Guerra  fra  Paolo 
Quarto  e  FUippo  Secondo,  MS.,- Andrea, 
Guerra  de  Roma,  p.  2-42,  et  Beq,.— <)^8orio, 
Albffi  Vita.  torn.  ii.  pp.  ^3-59, -Cabrera. 
Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  iii.  cap.  9,— De  Thou, 
Hlstolre  unlverselle,  torn.  iii.  p.  8<,  et  seq.,— 

eic 

'*'  "Quiso  guardar  el  precepto  de  guerra 
que  es  :  Ha7^r  la  put  nte  d.-  pku  al  eneiuigo, 
que  se  va."    Andrea,  Gueira  de  Roma,  p. 


285 

■^  "  No  pensava  jugar  el  Reyno  de  Napoles 
contra  una  casaca  de  hrocado  del  Duque  de 
Guisa."  Vera  y  Figueroa,  Resultas  de  la 
Vida  del  Duque  de  Alva,  p.  66. 

'■»  "Quiso  usar  mIU  desta  severidad,  no  por 
crueza,  sino  para  dar  exemplo  a  >o8  <>jro8  que 
no  se  atreuiesse  uu  lugarejo  a  defender*e  de 
un  exercito  reaL"  Andrea,  Guerra  de  Roma, 
p.  292. 


7ft 


WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 


men  to  depart  from  such  a  plan,  is  a  remarkable  proof  o  ^^i\P^^?^^'^iance  and 
MeKible  spirit  It  proves,  moreover,  the  empne  which  he  held  ovei  the 
miiufs  of  hTfollowers,  that,  under  such  circumstances,  he  could  niamtam 

'thfcate'lT^^^^^^^^^  ^-as  the  rapid  successes  of  Alva's  confederate 

M^k  Antony  Colonn^  who  had  defeate(f  the  papal  levies,  and  taken  one 

p  ace  after  aLther  in  the  Canipagna,  till  the  Romans  bej,^n  to  tremble  for 

Er  capfbiL    C^^         was  now  dcupied  with  the  siep  of  8egni,  a  place  of 

cSderabe  importance ;  and  the  duke  of  Alva,  rehevecf  of  the  presence  of  the 

F  e  crresolved  to  march  to  his  supi)ort.     He  accordinKlv  recrossed  the 

Tro  to  and  passinL^  through  theNeapohtan  terntory,  halted  for  some  days  at 

Somlirthen  traversed  the  frontier,  but  ha4  not  penetrated  far  into  the 

CampacJna  when  le^^^^^^        tidings  of 'the  fall  of  Segni     That  strong  place, 

after  a  aallant  defence,  had  been  taken  by  storm.    All  the  usual  atrocities 

were  per^pe  rated  by  th^  brutal  soldiery.    £ven  the  sanctity  of  the  convents 

d?d  not  sa4  them^from  pollution.    It  was  in  vain  that  Colonna  interfered 

to  prevent  these  excesses^   The  voice  of  authority  was  little  heeded  m  the 

tempest  of  passion.    It  mattered  little,  in  that  age,  into  whose  hands  a 

Sired  city  fell;   Germans,  French,  Italians,  it  was  all  the  same.     The 

wretched  town,  so  lately  flourishing,  it  might  be,  in  all  the  pride  of  luxury  and 

wealth!was  claimed  as  the  fair  spoil  of  the  victors.    It  was  their  prize-money, 

which  served  in  default  of  payment  of  their  long  arrears,-usually  long  m 

those  days  ;  and  it  was  a  mode  of  payment  as  convenient  for  the  general  as 

"^  The  fall 'orSegni  caused  the  greatest  consternation  in  the  cfP^taJ-    The 
next  thing,  it  was  said,  would  be  to  assault  the  capital  itself     Paul  the  Fourth 
Tncapable  of  fear,  was  filled  with  impotent  fury.    "  They  have  taken  Segi, 
he  said,  in  a  conclave  of  the  cardinals ;      they  have  "^iV'^^^e^f  .^^e  peoije 
destroyed  their  propertv,  fired  their  dwellings.    Worse  than  this,  they    v  ill 
S  mUage  Pall  ano.    :Even  this  will  not  fill  up  the  measure  of  their  cruelty. 
They  w ilfsack  the  city  of  Rome  itself ;  nor  will  they  respect  even  my  pei-son 
But  for  myself,  I  long  to  be  with  Christ,  and  await  without  fear  the  crown  of 
martyrdom  "  '*    Paul  the  Fourth,  after  having  brought  this  tempest  upon 
Italv,  beijan  to  consider  himself  a  martyr !  „    . ,     ,         ,  •     „ 

Yet  even  in  this  extremity,  though  urged  on  all  sides  to  make  concessions, 
he  would  abate  nothing  of  his  hauglity  tone.  He  insisted,  as  a  sine  qua  non, 
that  Alva  should  forthwith  leave  the  Roman  territory  and  restore  uis  con- 
miests  When  these  conditions  were  reported  to  the  duke,  he  coolly  remarked 
that  his  holiness  seemed  to  be  under  the  mistake  of  sunposmg  that  his  own 
army  was  before  Naples,  instead  of  the  Spanish  army  being  at  the  gates  of 

After  the  surrender  of  Segni,  Alva  effected  a  junction  with  the  Italian  forces 
and  marched  to  the  town  of  Colona,  in  the  Campagna,  where  for  the  present 
he  quartered  his  armv.  Here  he  formed  the  plan  of  an  enterprise  the  ad- 
venturous character  of  which  it  seems  difficult  to  reconcile  with  his  habitual 
caution.  This  was  a  night-assault  on  Rome.  He  did  not  communicate^  his 
whole  purpose  to  his  otticers,  but  simply  ordered  them  to  prepare  to  march  on 


'♦  Andrpa,  Guerra  de  Roma,  p.  302.— Osso- 
rio,  Albae  Vita,  torn.  ii.  p  96— Ncres,  <;uerra 
fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo  Secoiido,  MS. 

'*  "  L<>8  enemigos  han  tornado  a  Sefia  con 
Baco,  muerte,  y  fuego.  .  .  .  Enlraran  en  lioma, 
y  la  saqueran,  y  prenderan  a  ml  persona ;  y 
yo,  que  dessto  ser  c6  Cliristo,  aguardo  eiu 


miedo  la  corona  del  martirio."  Andrea, 
Guerra  de  Roma,  p.  303. -"Si  mostro  pron- 
tisslmo  e  dlsposto  di  POBtenere  il  martirio." 
Nores,  Guerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo 
Secondo,  MS. 

"  Andrea,  Guerra  de  Roma,  p.  306. 


ROME  MENACED  BY  THE  SPANIARDS. 


77 


the  following  night,  the  twenty-sixth  of  August,  against  a  neighbouring  city, 
the  name  of^l^ch'he  did  not  disclose     It  was  V'^f  ^^  pl^^^^^^^^^^ 
he  was  most  anxious  that  no  violence  shoidd  be  ottered  ^^  ^^^  ,\",^^^^^^^  '^ 

either  their  persons  or  property.    The  soldiers  should  be  forbidden  even  ^o 
enter  the  dwellings  ;  but  he  promised  that  the  loss  of  booty  should  be  com 
pensated  by  increase  of  pay.    The  men  were  t«  go     S^tly  aimed,^  w^^^^^^ 
baggage,  and  with  their  shirts  over  their  mad,  attordmg  the  best  means  oi 
reco<'iiizine  one  another  in  the  dark.  ,  .  ,        ^  *      •«  ^^<-  ;« 

TSe  ngk  was  obscure,  but  unfortunately  a  drving  storm  of  ram  set  n^ 
wh  ch  di/such  damage  to' the  roads  as  grea*  to  m,p^e  the  march  and  the 
dawn  was  nigh  at  hand  when  the  troops  reached  the  place  of  of  ,"*""% „,t° 
their  grtlt  surprise,  they  then  understood  that  the  object  of  attack  was  Rome 

■' Alva  halted  at  a  short  distance  from  the  city  in  a  "'ef  f^' |J"^^^"*>";"f 
a  small  party  to  reconnoitre  the  capital,  which  seemed  to  ^himber  in  quiet. 
B«rou  a  ne/rer  approach  the  Spaniards  saw  »  g'«» Vfr^wwlThTwaJlf  in^ 
a  multitude  of  torcl.es,  that  seeuied  glancwg  to  ^"*J™;'^^'" '''|** ' ^ter 
ferrinff  some  great  stir  among  the  mhabitants  of  that  quarter,  ooon  auer 
this  a  few  hoSen  were  seen  to  issue  from  one  of  the  gates  and  ride  ort  in 
the  dIrecTion  rf  the  French  camp  at  Tivoli.  The  duke,  on  receivn^  the 
re^rt  was^tisfied  that  the  Itonins  had,  in  some  way  or  other  got  lot^e  o 
hirdesicn  :  that  the  horsemen  had  gone  t«  give  the  alarm  to  the  Freuth  "J 
TWoli-  and  that  he  should  soon  find  himself  bet«f "  »««  f  "f  "fi  J^^ 
relishing  this  critical  position,  he  at  once  abandoned  his  desigii,  and  made 
a  a  id  comitermarch  m  the  place  he  had  left  the  Pf '=«d";g  e^emng- 

In  his  coniectures  the  duke  was  partly  in  the  right  and  paitly  in  the  wrong. 
The"lights"wS  were  seen  glancinrwitliin  the  ^^r^Zvi^—^t. 
f  nine  J  of  Caraflfa,  who,  from  some  apprehensions  of »"  ^'t^'M  ^'I'l'T  "S 
of  information  hi  had  received  of  prenaratioiis  "'JheSpaiu.^  camp  was 
Datrolling  this  quarter  before  daybreak  to  see  that  all  was  sate ,  mit  tne 
&se  en  who  left  the  gate.s  at  that  early  hour  m  the  direction  of  the  French 
I^n^Tre  far  from  t&nking  that  hostile  battalions  lay  withm  gunshot  of 

"'Suchlhhe  account  we  have  of  this  fa"ge  affair     Some  ^torians  a^rt 

that  it  was  not  the  duke's  design  to  attack  Ro"f,  but  only  tf  make  a  leint, 

arS  by  the  panic  which  he  woidd  create,  to  atiord  the  pope  a  good  Pietext  tor 

Sinating  the  war.    In  support  of  this,  it  is  said  that  he  told  his  son  Ferdi- 

S  iust^before  his  depar'ture,  that  lie  f^red  it  would  be  impossible  to 

prevent  the  troops  from  skcking  the  c  ty  if  they  on^  set  foot  mU.      Other 

accounts  state  that  it  was  no  feint,  but  a  surprise  "»«d'tated  in  good  earnest^ 

and  defeated  only  by  the  apparition  of  the  lights  and  the  seeming  state  ot 

prep^rrtfoTln  wh^ich^he  pla\was  found.    InSeed  "n^  wnter  a^erts^^^^^^^^ 

^w  the  scaling  ladders,  brought  by  a  corps  of  two  bundled  arquebusieis,  w  no 

were  appointed  to  the  service  of  mounting  the  walls  purpose 

Tl.o  VpiiPtian  minister.  Navagero,  assures  us  that  Alva  s  avowea  puipof* 

waste  secure  the  ^?^on  of  his  holinks,  which  he  thought  must  bring  the  war 

rL*^er;c£'TVe  duke's  uncle,  tl  e  caf "-' »' Sa..giacon«.,  W 

53^nt;7iX{!2se^v:s^Xtrs;iSkb^^ 


Nores.  Guerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo 
Secondo,  MS.-Andrea,  Guerra  de  Roma.  pp. 
306-311.— Kelazione  di  Bernardo  Navagero.— 
Ossorio,  AlbiB  Vita,  torn.  il.  p  IH,  et  seq.- 
Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  iv.  cap.  H. 


'"  ••  Dixo  a  Don  Fernando  de  Toledo  pu  hijo 
estafl  pal. bras :  Temo  que  bemos  de  saquear 
a  Roma,  y  no  querria."  *"'^~-  '^"-"•-^  '»'» 
Roma,  p.  312. 

'»  Ibid.,  ubi  Bupra. 


Andrea,  Guerra  de 


'!( 


78 


WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 


Rome,  all  of  whom,  sooner  or  later,  had  come  to  a  miserable  end  This 
Avarninc  may  have  made  some  impression  on  the  mind  of  Alva,  who,  however 
inriexible  by  nature,  had  conscientious  scruples  of  Ins  own,  and  was,  no  doubt, 
accessible  as  others  of  his  time  to  arguments  founded  on  superstition. 

We  cannot  but  admit  that  the  whole  atfair— the  preparations  for  the  assault, 
the  counsel  to  the  orticers,  and  the  sudden  retreat  9"/"sP^cjo"  of  a  discovery 
—all  look  very  much  like  earnest.  It  is  quite  possible  that  the  duke,  as  the 
Venetian  asserts,  may  have  intended  nothing  beyond  the  seizure  of  the  pope. 
But  that  the  matter  would  have  stopped  there,  no  one  will  believe.  Once 
fairly  within  the  walls,  even  the  authority  of  Alva  would  have  beenimpotent 
to  restrain  the  license  of  the  soldiery  ;  and  the  same  scenes  might  have  b^n 
acted  over  again  as  at  the  taking  of  Rome  under  the  Constable  de  13ourbon, 
or  on  the  capture  of  the  ancient  capital  by  the  Goths. 

When  the  Romans,  on  the  following  morning,  learned  the  peril  thev  hart 
been  in  during  the  night,  and  that  the  enemy  had  been  prowling  roimd,  like 
wolves  about  a  sheepfold,  ready  to  rush  in  upon  their  sleeping  victims,  the 
whole  city  was  seized  with  a  panic.  All  the  horrors  of  the  sack  by  the  ton- 
stable  de  Bourbon  rose  up  to  their  imaginations,-or  rather  memones,  for 
many  there  were  who  were  old  enough  to  remember  that  terrible  day.  iney 
loudly  clamoured  for  peace  before  it  was  too  late ;  and  they  pressed  the 
demand  in  a  manner  which  showed  that  the  mood  of  the  people  wa^  a 
dangerous  one.  Strozzi,  the  most  distinguished  of  the  Italian  captains, 
plainly  told  the  pope  that  he  had  no  choice  but  to  come  to  terms  with  the 

enemy  at  once.*'  „    ,  •    i .  i.    *.    ^  j 

Paul  was  made  more  sensible  of  this  by  finding  now,  in  his  greatest  need, 
the  very  arm  withdrawn  from  him  on  which  he  most  leaned  for  s^PPort. 
Tidin^^s  had  reached  the  French  camp  of  the  decisive  victory  gained  by  the 
Spaniards  at  St.  Quentin,  and  they  were  followed  by  a  summons  from  the 
kin<^  to  the  duke  of  Guise  to  return  with  his  army,  as  speedily  as  possible,  for 
the^protection  of  Paris.  Tlie  duke,  who  was  nrobably  not  unwilling  to  close 
a  cainpaign  which  had  been  so  barren  of  laurels  to  the  French,  declared  that 
*'no  chains  were  strong  enough  to  keep  him  in  Italy."  He  at  once  repaired 
to  the  Vatican,  and  there  laid  before  his  holiness  the  commands  of  his  master. 
The  case  was  so  pressing  that  Paul  could  not  in  reason  oppose  the  dukes 
departure.  But  he  seldom  took  counsel  of  reason,  and  m  a  burst  of  passion 
he  exclaimed  to  Guise,  "  Go,  then ;  and  take  with  you  the  consciousness  of 
having  done  little  for  your  king,  still  less  for  the  Church,  and  nothing  for  your 

own  honour.""  ,  ^.      ,    .  xv    v  ir  « 

Negotiations  were  now  opened  for  an  accommodation  between  the  bellige- 
rents; at  the  town  of  Cavi.  Cardinal  Caratfa  appeared  in  behalf  of  his  uncle 
the  pJ)i»e,  and  the  duke  of  Alva  for  the  Spaniards.  Through  the  mediation  of 
Venice,  the  terms  of  the  treaty  were  finally  settled,  on  the  fourteenth  of 
September,  although  the  infiexible  pontiff  still  insisted  on  concessions  nearly 
as  extravagant  as  those  he  had  demanded  before.  It  was  stipulated  in  a 
preliminary  article  that  the  duke  of  Alva  should  publicly  ask  pardon,  and 
receive  absolution,  for  having  borne  arms  against  the  holv  see.  Sooner  than 
surrender  this  point,"  said  Paul,  "  I  would  see  the  whole  world  perish ;  and 
this,  not  so  much  for  my  own  sake  as  for  the  honour  of  Jesus  Christ. 


■M  ••  II  Ciirdinal  Sanplacomo,  suo  zlo,  dopo 
la  tregn*  di  quaranta  giortji,  fu  a  vedprl«»e  gli 
diase :  Figliu'>l  uiio,  avete  fatto  tx^ne  a  non 
OJitrare  in  Roma,  come  fo  che  av»  tp  potuto;  e 
vi  esorto  che  non  lo  facclate  mal ;  perclie, 
tutti  quelli  deUa  nostra  nazione  che  si  tiova- 


mno  aU*  ultimo  Bacco,  Bono  capitati  male." 
Relazione  di  Bernardo  Navagero. 

"  Rel>»zione  di  nemardo  Navagero. 

"  Sismondi,  Histoire  des  Kran^als,  torn, 
xviii.  p.  41. 

- '  Giannone,  I>torid  di  NapoU,  torn.  x.  p.  43. 


If 


PAUL  CONSENTS  TO  PEACE. 


79 


It  was  provided  by  the  treaty  that  the  Spanish  troops  should  be  imme- 
diately withdrawn  from  the  territory  of  the  Church,  that  all  the  places  taken 
from  the  Church  should  be  at  once  restored,  and  that  the  French  anny  should 
be  allowed  a  free  passage  to  their  own  country.  Philip  did  not  take  so  good 
care  of  his  allies  as  Paul  did  of  his.  Colonna,  who  had  done  the  cause  such 
good  service,  was  not  even  reinstated  in  the  possessions  of  which  the  pone 
had  deprived  him.  But  a  secret  article  provided  that  his  claims  should  be 
determined  hereafter  by  the  joint  arbitration  of  the  pontitl  and  the  king  ot 

SDain  ^* 

The  treaty  was,  in  truth,  one  which,  as  Alva  bitterly  remarked,  «  seemed  to 
have  been  aictated  by  the  vaiKiuished  mther  than  by  the  victor.  It  came 
hard  to  the  duke  to  execute  it,  especially  the  clause  relating  to  himself. 
«  Were  I  the  king,"  said  he,  haughtily,  "  his  holiness  should  send  one  of  his 
nephews  to  Brussels,  to  sue  for  my  pardon,  instead  of  my  general  s  smng  for 
his  "  "  But  Alva  had  no  power  to  consult  his  own  will  m  the  matter,  i  he 
orders  from  Philip  were  peremptory,  to  come  to  some  terms,  if  possible,  with 
the  poije.  Philip  had  long  since  made  up  his  own  mind  that  neither  proht  nor 
honour  was  to  be  derived  from  a  war  with  the  Church,-a  war  not  only  lepug- 
nant  to  his  own  feelings,  but  which  placed  him  in  a  false  position  and  one  most 
prejudicial  to  his  political  interests.  .  x-      x    ..u  • 

the  news  of  peace  filled  the  Romans  with  a  joy  great  m  proportion  to  their 
former  consternation.  Nor  was  this  joy  much  diminished  by  a  calamity  which 
at  any  other  time  would  have  thrown  the  city  into  mourning.  Ihe  liber, 
swollen  by  the  autumnal  rains,  rose  above  its  banks,  sweeping  away  houses 
and  trees  in  its  fury,  drowning  men  and  cattle,  and  breaking  down  a  larg-e 
piece  of  the  wall  that  surrounded  the  city.  It  was  well  that  this  accident  had 
not  occurred  a  few  days  earlier,  when  the  enemy  was  at  the  gates. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  September,  1557,  the  duke  of  Alva  made  his 
public  entrance  into  Rome.  He  was  escorted  by  the  papal  giiard,  dressed  in 
its  gay  uniform.  It  was  joined  by  the  other  troops  m  the  city,  who  on  this 
holiday  service  did  as  well  as  better  soldiers.  On  entering  the  gates,  the  con- 
course was  swelled  by  thousands  of  citizens,  who  made  the  air  nng  with  their 
acclamations,  as  they  saluted  the  Spanish  general  with  the  titles  of  Defender 
and  Liberator  of  the  capital.  The  epithets  might  be  thought  an  mdiHerent 
compliment  to  their  own  government.  In  this  state  the  procession  moved 
along,  like  the  triumph  of  a  conqueror  returned  from  his  victonous  campaigns 
to  receive  the  wreath  of  laurel  in  the  capitol.         ,      ,  „        ...         ,   , 

On  reaching  the  Vatican,  the  Sjianish  commander  fell  on  his  knees  betore 
the  pope  and  asked  his  pardon  for  the  offence  of  bearing  arms  against  the 
Church.  Paul,  soothed  by  this  show  of  concession,  readily  granted  absolution. 
He  paid  the  duke  the  distinguished  honour  of  giving  him  a  seat  at  his  own 
table:  while  he  complimented  the  duchess  by  sending  her  the  consecrated 
golden  rose,  reserved  only  for  royal  persons  and  illustrious  champions  of  the 

Church  '^ 
Yet  the  haughty  spirit  of  Alva  saw  in  all  this  more  of  humiliation  than  of 


««  NoreB,  Guerra  fra  Taolo  Quarto  e  Filippo 
Secondo,  MS.— Andrea,  Guerra  de  Roma,  p. 
314.— De  Thou,  Histoire  universelle,  torn.  ill. 
p.  128.— Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  torn.  x. 
p.  45.— OsBorio,  Albas  Vita,  torn.  ii.  p.  131. 

*'•  "  Hoggi  il  mio  Re  ha  fatto  una  gran 
Bciocchezza.  e  se  io  fossi  stato  In  suo  luogo,  et 
egli  nel  mio,  11  Cardinal  Carafti  sarebbe  andato 
lu  Fiandra  a  far  queUe  siesse  sommissioni  k 


Bua  Maesta  che  io  vengo  hora  di  fare  a  sua 
Santita."  Lett,  Vita  di  Filippo  II.,  torn.  i. 
p.  293. 

="  Helazione  dl  Bernardo  Navagero. 

''  Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  U'Va.  x.  p. 
45.— NoreP,  Guerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo 
Secondo,  MS.— Lett,  Vita  di  Filippo  II.,  torn, 
i.  p.  293.— Andrea,  Gaerra  de  Roma,  p.  316. 


I 


PAUL'S  SUBSEQUENT  CAREER. 


81 


go  WAR  WITH  THE  POPE. 

triumph  His  conscience,  like  that  of  his  master,  was  ^eatly  reheved  by 
h?in2  discharged  from  the  responsibilities  of  such  a  war  But  he  had  a.so  a 
&ycoSce?  which  selmed  to  be  quite  ^s  "^"f^^X^fj^f  ,^^^^^^^^^^ 
Conditions  of  peace.    He  longed  to  be  once  ^^f  L  referd  Sere^  h^^^^^^^^^ 

the  parties  concerned  in  it,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  a  full  measure  oi  inose 
calamities  which  always  follow  in  the  tram  of  ^a^-  thpm  when  lured 

The  French  met  with  the  same  ^ ^^e  ^'^^^^^  ""^^i^^.'jiy  E^ 
bv  the  phantom  of  military  glory,  they  crossed  the  Alps  to  lay  waste  the 
^VaZ  ni  TtAlv— in  the  words  of  their  own  proverb,  "the  giave  ot  tne 
frpnrh  »    TSk^of  Gu^^^^^         a  vexatious  campaign,  in  which  it  was  his 

anH  fnnninff  doZthI  ^sL  the  Moslems  raaSe  a  landing  on  several  points, 
Lcked  so"S  the  princT^l  towns,  butchered  the  inhabitants,  or  swept  them 
^fl  il  hoi^less  slavery.-.  Such  ^e^esmne  of  the  blessed  ,r^^^^^ 
ance  between  the  grand  seignior  and  the  head  "ft^e  Catholic  Chi  r^^^^^^ 

rn^o&bi^trrhebffled^^^^^^^ 

consciousness  that  he  owed  this  peace,  not  to  his  own  arms,  but  to  the  tor 
Wance-or  tir  his  enemies.    One  lesson  he  might  have 

irned,-that  theXnders  of  the  Vatican  could  no  longer  strike  terror  into 
the  hearts  of  princes,  as  in  the  days  of  the  Crusades  .     .-■„  ^„^  fx,^ 

Tnfhk  war  Paul  had  called  in  the  French  to  aid  him  m  driving  out  the 
laniards     The  F^  easily  be  dislodged  hereafter;  "but 

thTs?;!^^^^^^  ^vhich  is  sure  to  strike  root  wherever  it 

is  cas^"    This  was  the  last  great  effort  that  was  made  to  overturn  the 
Span4  power  in  Naples  ;  and  the  sceptre  of  that  kingdom  contmued  to  be 


"  Charles  the  Fifth,  who  received  tidings 
of  the  ppace  at  Yufte,  was  as  much  disgusted 
with  tlie  terms  of  it  as  the  duke  himself.  He 
even  vented  his  indignation  against  the  duke, 
as  if  lie  had  been  the  author  of  the  peace. 
He  would  not  consent  to  read  the  despaiches 
vhich  Alva   sent  to   him.  saying   that  he 


already  knew  enough;  and  for  a  long  time 
after  "lie  was  heard  to  mutter  between  his 
teeth,"  in  a  tone  which  plainly  showed  the 
nature  of  his  thouphts.  Hetir.>  y  Estancia, 
ap.  Mignet,  Charles-Quint,  p.  307. 

-»  Giannune,  Istoria  dl  Napoli,  torn.  x.  p. 
46. 


I 


t^.insmitted  in  the  dynasty  of  Castile  with  as  little  opposition  as  that  of  any 
other  ix)rtion  of  its  broad  empire. 

Being  thus  relieved  of  his  military  labours,  Paul  set  about  those  great 
reforms,  the  expectation  of  which  had  been  the  chief  inducement  to  his  elec- 
tion. But  first  he  gave  a  singular  proof  of  self-command,  in  the  reforms  which 
he  introduced  into  his  own  family.  Previously  to  his  election,  no  one,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  declaimed  more  loudly  than  Paul  against  nepotism,— the 
besetting  sin  of  his  predecessors,  who,  most  of  them  old  men  and  without 
children,  naturally  sought  a  substitute  for  these  in  their  nephews  and  those 
nearest  of  kin.  Paul's  partialitv  for  his  nephews  Avas  made  the  more  con- 
spicuous by  the  profligacy  of  their  characters.  Yet  the  real  bond  which  held 
the  parties  together  was  hatred  of  the  Spaniards.  When  peace  came,  and 
this  bond  of  union  was  dissolved,  Paul  readily  opened  his  ears  to  the  accusa- 
tions against  his  kinsmen.  Convinced  at  length  of  their  unworthiness  and  of 
the  flagrant  manner  in  which  they  had  abused  his  confidence,  he  deprived 
the  Caratlas  of  all  their  offices,  and  banished  them  to  the  farthest  part  of  his 
dominions.  By  the  sterner  sentence  of  his  successor,  two  of  the  brothers,  the 
duke  and  the  cardinal,  perished  by  the  hand  of  the  public  executioner.'" 

After  giving  this  proof  of  mastery  over  his  own  feelings,  Paul  addressed 
himself  to  those  reforms  which  had  engaged  his  attention  in  early  life.  He 
tried  to  enforce  a  stricter  discipline  and  greater  regard  for  morals,  both  in  the 
religious  orders  and  the  secular  clergy.  Above  all,  he  directed  his  efforts 
against  the  Protestant  heresy,  which  had  begun  to  show  itself  in  the  head  of 
Christendom,  as  it  had  long  since  done  in  the  extremities.  The  course  he 
adopted  was  perfectly  characteristic.  Scorning  the  milder  methods  of  argu- 
ment and  persuasion,  he  resorted  wholly  to  persecution.  The  Inquisition, 
he  declared,  was  the  true  battery  with*  which  to  assail  the  defences  of  the 
heretic.  He  suited  the  action  so  well  to  the  word  that  in  a  short  time  the 
prisons  of  the  Holy  Office  were  filled  with  the  accused.  In  the  general  dis- 
trust no  one  felt  himself  safe,  and  a  panic  was  created  scarcely  less  than  that 
felt  by  the  inhabitants  when  the  Spaniards  were  at  their  gates. 

Happily,  their  fears  were  dispelled  by  the  death  of  Paul,  which  took  place 
suddenly,  from  a  fever,  on  the  eighteenth  of  August,  1559,  in  the  eighty-third 
year  of  his  age,  and  fifth  of  his  pontificate.  Before  the  breath  was  out  of  his 
body,  the  ponulace  rose  en  masse,  broke  open  the  prisons  of  the  Inquisition, 
and  liberated  all  who  were  confined  there.  They  next  attacked  the  house  of 
the  grand  inquisitor,  which  they  burned  to  the  ground  ;  and  tliat  functionary 
narrowly  escai^ed  with  his  life.  They  tore  down  the  scutcheons,  bearing  the 
arms  of  the  family  of  Caraffa,  which  were  affixed  to  the  public  edifices.  They 
wasted  their  rage  on  the  senseless  statue  of  the  pope,  which  they  overturned, 
and,  breaking  off  the  head,  rolled  it,  amidst  the  groans  and  execrations  of  the 
by  standers,  into  the  Tiber.  Such  was  the  fate  of  the  reformer,  w-ho,  in  hi-s 
reforms,  showed  no  touch  of  humanity,  no  sympathy  with  the  sutt^enngs  of 
his  snecies.'^ 

Yet  with  all  its  defects,  there  is  something  in  the  character  of  Paul  the 
Fourth  that  may  challenge  our  admiration.  His  project— renewing  that  of 
Julius  the  Second— of  driving  out  the  barbarians  from  Italy  was  nobly  con- 
ceived, though  impracticable.  "Whatever  others  may  feel,  I  at  least  will 
have  some  care  for  my  country,"  he  once  said  to  the  Venetian  ambassador. 
"  If  my  voice  is  unheeded,  it  will  at  least  be  a  consolation  to  me  to  reflect  that 


»"  Giannone,  Istoria  dl  Napoli,  torn.  x.  p. 
50— Nores,  Guerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo 
Sec^pdo,  MS. 


"  Nores,  Guerra  fra  Paolo  Quarto  e  Filippo 
Secondo,  MS.— Giannone,  Istoria  di  Napoli, 
torn.  X.  p.  50. 


82  WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 

it  has  been  raised  in  snch  a  cause,  and  that  it  will  one  day  be  said  that  an  old 
Italian,  on  the  verge  of  the  grave,  who  might  be  thought  to  have  nothing 
better  to  do  than  to  give  himself  up  to  repose  and  weep  over  his  sins,  had  his 
soul  filled  with  this  lofty  design."  " 


CHAPTER  VII. 

WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 

England  Joins  in  the  War-Philip's  Preparationa-Sipge  of  St  Qaentin-French  Anny  routed 
— Stonnlng  of  St.  Quentin— Successes  of  the  Jspaniards. 

1567. 

While  the  events  related  in  the  preceding  chapter  were  passing  in  Italy,  the 
war  was  waged  on  a  larger  scale,  and  with  more  important  results,  in  the 
Torthe^n  provinces  of  France.  As  soon  as  Henry  had  broken  the  treaty  and 
sent  his  army  across  the  Alps,  Philip  lost  no  time  m  assembhng  his  troops, 
although  in  so  quiet  a  manner  as  to  atti-act  as  litt  e  attention  as  possible 
His  preparations  were  such  as  enabled  him  not  merely  to  defend  the  frontier 
of  the  Netherlands,  but  to  carry  the  war  into  the  enemy  s  countiy. 

He  clespatche<l  his  confidentill  minister,  Ruy  Gomez,  to  ^£^1",  for  s"pph^ 
both  of  men  and  money  ;  instructing  him  to  visit  his  father,  Charlg  the  1^  ifth, 
a^d,  after  acciuainting  him  with  the  state  of  affairs,  to  solicit  his  aid  m  raising 

^WlbTaYit'im^^^^^  at  heart  to  bring  England  into  the  war.  During  his  stay 
in  the  Low  Countries  he  was  in  constant  communication  with  the  I^nglisn 
cabinet,  and  took  a  lively  interest  in  the  government  of  the  kingdom,  ilie 
Stes  of  the  privy  council  were  reculariy  sent  to  him,  and  as  regularly 
returned  with  his  remarks,  in  his  own  handwriting,  on  the  margin.  In  this 
way  he  discussed  and  freely  criticised  every  measure  of  importance;  and  on 
one  occasion  we  find  him  requiring  that  nothing  of  moment  should  be  brought 
before  parliament  until  it  had  first  been  submitted  to  him.    ,      ,         , 

In  March,  1557,  Philip  paid  a  second  visit  to  Eng  and  where  he  wa^ 
received  by  his  fond  queen  in  the  most  tender  and  aff-ectionate  manner.  In 
her  letter^  she  had  constantly  importmied  him  to  return  to  her.  On  that 
barren  eminence  which  placed  her  above  the  ^^ach  ^f  fnendship,  Mary^^^^^ 
dependent  on  her  husband  for  sympathy  and  support.  But  if  the  channel  of 
her  affections  was  narrow,  it  was  deep.  a  *    i>-«  ^i.\.^« 

Philip  found  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  the  queen  s  consent  to  his  wishes 
with  respect  to  the  war  with  France.  She  was  induced  to  this  not  merely 
by  her  habitual  deference  to  her  husband,  but  by  natural  feelings  of  resent- 
ment at  the  policy  of  Henry  the  Second.     She  had  put  up  with  affronts, 

Gomez  de  Silva  d  11  de  Mar^o,  1557,  MS.— 
Papiers  d'fitat  de  GranveUe,  torn.  v.  pp.  61, 
63. 


Delia  quale  se  altri  non  voleva  aver 
cura,  voleva  almeno  averla  es-o ;  e  sebbene  i 
nuoi  consigli  non  fossero  uditi,  avrebbe  almeno 
la  consolazioiie  di  avere  avuto  quest'  aiiimo, 
e  che  si  dicesse  un  piorno :  che  un  vecchio 
italiano  che,  essendo  vicino  alia  morte,  doveva 
attendere  ariposare  e  apiangere  i  suoi  p«»ccati, 
avesse  avuto  Unto  alti  disignl."  Relazione 
di  Bernardo  Navagero 

'  Cabrera,  Filipe  Sogundo,  lib.  iv.  cap.  2.— 
Carta  del  Rey  Don  Filipe  Segundo  a  Ruy 


"  Tytler,  in  his  England  under  Edward  VI. 
and  Mary  (vol.  ii.  p.  483),  has  printed  ex- 
tracts from  the  minutes  of  the  council,  with 
the  commentaries  of  Philip  by  the  side  of 
them.  The  commentaries,  which  are  all  in 
the  royal  autograph,  seem  to  1)6  as  copious 
as  the  minutes  themselves. 


ENGLAND  JOINS  IN  THE  WAR. 


83 


more  than  once,  from,  the  French  ambas-sador,  in  her  own  court ;  and  her 
throne  had  been  menaced  by  repeated  conspiracies,  which  if  not  organized 
had  been  secretly  encouraged  bv  France.  Still,  it  was  not  easy  to  brin§  the 
English  nation  to  this  way  of  thinking.  It  had  been  a  particular  proviso  of 
the  marriage-treaty  that  England  should  not  be  made  a  party  to  the  war 
against  France  ;  and  subsequent  events  had  tended  to  sharpen  the  feeling  of 
jealousy  rather  towards  the  Spaniards  than  towards  the  French. 

The  attempted  insurrection  of  Stafford,  who  crossed  over  from  the  shores 
of  France  at  this  time,  did  for  Philip  what  possibly  neither  his  own  arguments 
nor  the  authority  of  Mary  could  have  done.  It  was  the  last  of  the  long  series 
of  indignities  wHich  had  "been  heaped  on  the  country  from  the  same  quarter  ; 
and  parliament  now  admitted  that  it  was  no  longer  consistent  with  its  honour 
to  keep  terms  with  a  power  which  persisted  in  fomenting  conspiracies  to  over- 
turn the  government  and  plunge  the  nation  into  civil  war.*  On  the  seventh 
of  June  a  herald  was  despatched,  with  the  formality  of  ancient  and  somewhat 
obsolete  usages,  to  proclaim  war  against  the  French  king  in  the  presence  of 
his  court  and  in  his  capital.  This  was  done  in  such  a  bold  tone  of  defiance 
that  the  hot  old  Constable  Montmorency,  whose  mode  of  proceeding,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  apt  to  be  summary,  strongly  urged  his  master  to  hang  up  the 

envoy  on  the  spot.'  .     ,     ,t.  ..v 

The  state  of  affairs  imperatively  demanded  Philip's  presence  in  the  Nether- 
lands, and  after  a  residence  of  less  than  four  months  in  London  he  bade  a 
final  adieu  to  his  disconsolate  queen,  who.se  excessive  fondness  may  have  been 
as  little  to  his  taste  as  the  coldness  of  her  subjects. 

Nothing  could  be  more  forlorn  than  the  condition  of  Mary.  Her  health 
wasting  under  a  disease  that  cheated  her  with  illusory  hopes,  which  made  her 
ridiculous  in  the  eyes  of  the  world ;  her  throne,  her  very  life,  continually 
menaced  by  conspiracies,  to  some  of  which  even  her  own  sister  was  supposed 
to  be  privy ;  her  spirits  affected  by  the  consciousness  of  the  decline  of  her 
3opularity*imder  the  gloomy  system  of  persecution  into  which  she  had  been 
ed  by  her  ghostly  advisers ;  without  friends,  without  children,  almost  it  might 
be  said  without  a  husband,— she  was  alone  in  the  world,  more  to  be  commise- 
rated than  the  meanest  subject  in  her  dominions.  She  has  had  little  commi- 
seration, however,  from  Protestant  writers,  who  paint  her  in  the  odious  colours 
of  a  fanatic.  This  has  been  compensated,  it  may  be  thought,  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  historians,  who  have  invested  the  English  queen  with  all  the  glories 
of  the  saint  and  the  martyr.  Experience  may  convince  us  that  pubhc  acts  do 
not  always  furnish  a  safe  criterion  of  private  character,— especialy  when  these 
acts  are  connected  with  religion.  In  the  Catholic  Church  the  individual  might 
seem  to  be  relieved,  in  some  measure,  of  his  moral  responsibility,  bv  the  system 
of  discipline  which  intrusts  his  conscience  to  the  keeping  of  his  spiritual 
advisers.  If  the  lights  of  the  present  day  allow  no  man  to  plead  so  humi- 
liating an  apology,  this  was  not  the  case  in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury,—the  age  of  Mary,— when  the  Reformation  had  not  yet  diffu.sed  that 
spirit  of  independence  in  religious  speculation  which,  in  some  degree  at  least, 
has  now  found  its  way  to  the  darkest  corner  of  Christendom. 

•  Herrera,  Historia  general  del  Mnndo.  de  -Gaillard,  Histoire  de  la  Rivalite  de  la 
XV.  Alios  del  1  iempo  del  Seii-r  Rey  Don  France  et  de  I'Espagne  Claris,  1801),  torn.  v. 
Felipe  11.  (Valladolid,  1606),  lib.  iv.  cap.  13.        p.  243. 


[•  The  question  of  declaring  war  was 
debated,  and  finally  decided  in  the  aflfirmative. 
by  the  privy  council.  "  There  was  m>  parlia- 
ment," says  Mr.  Froude,  "  In  existence ;  the 


last  had  been  dissolved  eighteen  months  before, 
the  next  did  not  meet  till  the  ensuing  Janu- 
ary."-ED.] 


84 


WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 


PHILIP'S  PREPARATIONS. 


A  larger  examination  of  contemporary  documents,  especially  of  the  queen  s 
own  correspondence,  justifies  the  inference  that,  with  all  the  intirniities  of  a 
temper  soured  by  disease  and  by  the  difficulties  of  her  position,  she  possessed 
many  of  the  good  quaUties  of  her  illustrious  progenitors,  Katharine  of  Aragon 
and  Isabella  of  Castile ;  the  same  conjugal  tenderness  and  devotion,  the  {-anie 
courage  in  times  of  danger,  the  same  earnest  desire,  misguided  as  she  was,  to 
do  her  duty,— and,  unfortunately,  the  same  bigotry.  It  was  indeed  most 
unfortunate,  in  Mary's  case,  as  in  that  of  the  Catholic  queen,  that  this  bigotiy, 
from  their  position  as  independent  sovereigns,  should  have  been  attended  with 
such  fatal  consequences  as  have  left  an  indelible  blot  on  the  history  of  their 
reifins.* 

On  his  return  to  Brussels,  Philip  busied  himself  with  preparations  for  the 
campaign.  He  employed  the  remittances  from  Spain  to  subsidize  a  large  body 
of  German  mercenaries,  Germany  was  the  country  which  furnished,  at  this 
time,  more  soldiers  of  fortune  than  any  other  ;  men  who  served  indifferently 
under  the  banner  that  would  pay  them  best.  They  were  not  exclusively  made 
up  of  infantry,  like  the  Swiss,  but,  besides  itikemeUy—lanzknechtSy—they 
maintained  a  stout  array  of  cavalry,  reiterSy  as  they  were  called,—"  riders,"— 
who,  together  with  the  cuirass  and  other  defensive  armour,  carried  pistols, 
probably  of  rude  workmanship,  but  which  made  them  formidable  from  the 
weapon  being  little  known  in  that  day.  They  were,  indeed,  the  most  dreaded 
troops  of  their  time.  The  men-at-arms,  encumbered  with  their  unwieldy 
lances,  were  drawn  up  in  line,  and  required  an  open  plain  to  manoeuvre  to 
advantage,  being  easily  discomposed  dv  obstacles ;  and  once  broken,  they 
could  hardlv  rally.  But  the  reiters,  each  with  five  or  six  pistols  in  his  belt, 
were  forme'd  into  columns  of  considerable  depth,  the  size  of  their  weai)ons 
allowing  them  to  go  through  all  the  evolutions  of  light  cavalry,  in  which  they 
were  perfectly  drilled.  Philip's  cavalry  was  further  strengthened  by  a  fine 
corps  of  Burgundian  lances,  and  by  a  great  number  of  nobles  and  cavaliers 
from  Spain,  who  had  come  to  gather  laurels  in  the  fields  of  France,  under  the 
eye  of  their  young  sovereign.  The  flower  of  his  infantry,  too,  was  drawn  from 
Spain  ;  men  who,  independently  of  the  indifference  to  danger  and  wonderful 
endurance  which  made  the  Spanish  soldier  inferior  to  none  of  the  time,  were 
animated  by  that  loyalty  to  the  cause  which  foreign  mercenaries  could  not 
feel.  In  addition  to  these,  the  kinff  expected,  and  soon  after  received,  a  lein- 
forcement  of  eight  thousand  EnglisTi  under  the  earl  of  Pembroke.  They  might 
well  fight  bravely  on  the  soil  where  the  arms  of  England  had  won  two  of  the 
most  memorable  victories  in  her  history. 

The  whole  force,  exclusive  of  the  English,  amounted  to  thirty-five  thousand 
foot  and  twelve  thousand  horse,  besides  a  good  train  of  battering  artillery.' 
The  command  of  this  army  was  given  to  Emanuel  Philil)ert,  prince  of  Pied- 
mont, better  known  by  his  title  of  duke  of  Savoy.  No  man  had  a  larger  stake 
in  the  contest,  for  he  had  been  strinped  of  his  dominions  by  the  French,  and 
his  recovery  of  them  depended  on  tlie  issue  of  the  war.  He  was  at  this  time 
but  twenty-nine  years  of  age ;  but  he  had  had  large  experience  in  military 


85 


•  See  Tytler's  valuable  work.  Reigns  of 
Edward  VI.  and  Mary.  The  compilation  of 
this  work  led  its  candid  author  to  concluKions 
eminently  favourable  to  the  personal  character 
of  Queen  Mary. 

'  Conf.  De  Thou,  Histoire  universelle,  torn. 
lil.  p.  148.— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  iv, 
cap.  4.  —  Cauipan.i,  Vifa  del  Re  Kilippo 
SecoDdo,  parte  ii.  lib.  9. — Herrera,  Historia 


general,  lib.  Iv.  cap.  14. — The  historian  here, 
as  almost  everywhere  else  where  numeiical 
estimates  are  concerned,  must  content  him- 
st-lf  with  what  seems  to  be  the  closest  ap- 
proximation to  the  trutli.  Some  writers  carry 
the  Spanish  foot  to  fifty  thousand.  1  h<tve 
followed  the  more  temperate  statement  of  the 
contemporary  De  Thou,  who  would  not  be 
likely  to  underrate  the  strength  of  au  enemy. 


I 

i 


I 


i 


affairs,  and  had  been  intrusted  by  Charles  the  Fifth,  who  had  early  discerned 
his  capacity,  with  important  commands.  His  whole  life  may  be  said  to  have 
trained  him  for  the  profession  of  arms.  He  had  no  taste  for  effeminate 
pleasures,  but  amused  himself,  in  seasons  of  leisure,  with  the  hardy  exer- 
cise of  the  chase.  He  strengthened  his  constitution,  naturally  not  very 
robust,  by  living  as  much  as  possible  in  the  open  air.  Even  when  conversing, 
or  dictating  to  his  secretaries,  he  preferred  to  do  so  walking  in  his  garden.  lie 
was  indifferent  to  fatigue.  After  hunting  all  day  he  would  seem  to  require  no 
rest,  and  in  a  campaign  had  been  known,  like  the  knights-errant  of  ola,  to  eat, 
drink,  and  sleep  in  his  armour  for  thirty  days  together. 

He  was  temperate  in  his  habits,  eating  little,  and  drinking  water.  He  was 
punctual  in  attention  to  business,  was  sparing  of  his  words,  and,  as  one  may 
gather  from  the  piquant  style  of  his  letters,  had  a  keen  insight  into  character, 
looking  below  the  surface  of  men's  actions  into  their  motives.* 

His  education  had  not  been  neglected.  He  spoke  several  languages  fluently, 
and,  though  not  a  great  reader,  was  fond  of  histories.  He  was  much  devoted 
to  mathematical  science,  which  served  him  in  his  profession,  and  he  was 
reputed  an  excellent  engineer.'  In  person  the  duke  was  of  the  middle  size ; 
well-made,  except  that  he  was  somewhat  bow-legged.  His  complexion  was 
fair,  his  hair  light,  and  his  deportment  very  agreeable. 

Such  is  the  portrait  of  Emanuel  Philibert,  to  whom  Philip  now  entrusted 
the  command  of  his  forces,  and  whose  pretensions  he  warmly  supported  as  the 
suitor  of  Elizabeth  of  England.  There  was  none  more  worthy  of  the  royal 
maiden.  But  the  duke  was  a  Catholic ;  and  Elizabeth,  moreover,  had  seen 
the  odium  which  her  sister  had  incurred  by  her  marriage  with  a  foreign 
sovereign.  Philip,  who  would  have  used  some  constraint  in  the  matter,  pressed 
it  with  such  earnestness  on  the  queen  as  proved  how  much  importance  he 
attached  to  the  connection.  Mary's  conduct  on  the  occasion  was  greatly  to 
her  credit ;  and,  while  she  deprecated  the  dlspleasuie  of  her  lord,  she  honestly 
told  him  that  she  could  not  in  conscience  do  violence  to  the  inclinations  of  her 
sister.* 

The  plan  of  the  campaign,  as  determined  by  Philip's  cabinet,*  was  that  the 

duke  should  immediate'y  besiege  some  one  of  the  great  towns  on  the  northern 

borders  of  Picardy,  which  in  a  manner  commanded  the  entrance  into  the 

Netherlands.    Rocroy  was  the  first  selected.    But  the  garrison,  who  were  well 

irovided  with  ammunition,  kept  within  their  defences,  and  maintained  so 

ively  a  cannonade  on  the  Spaniards  that  the  duke,  finding  the  siege  was 

ikely  to  consume  more  time  than  it  was  worth,  broke  up  his  camp  and 

resolved  to  march  against  St.  Quentin.    This  was  an  old  frontier  town  of 

Picardy,  important  in  time  of  peace  as  an  entrepdt  for  the  trade  that  was 

carried  on  between  France  and  the  Low  Countries.    It  formed  a  convenient 

place  of  deposit,  at  the  present  period,  for  such  booty  as  marauding  parties 

from  time  to  time  brought  back  from  Flanders.     It  was  well  protected 

by  its  natural  situation,  and  the  fortifications  had  been  originally  strong; 

but,  as  in  many  of  the  frontier  towns,  they  had  been  of  late  years  much 

neglected. 

Before  beginning  operations  against  St.  Quentin,  the  duke  of  Savoy,  in  order 
to  throw  the  enemy  off  his  guard  and  prevent  his  introducing  supplies  into  the 


*  See  the  letters  of  the  duke  published  in 
the  Papiera  d'fitat  de  Granvelle  (tom.  v., 
passim), — business-like  documents,  seasoned 
with  lively  criticisms  ou  the  characters  of 
those  he  had  to  dral  with. 

'  Relazione  de.la  C^rte  di  Savoja  di  Gio. 


Francesco  Morosini,  1570,  ap.  Relazioni  degll 
Ambasciatori  Veneti,  vol.  iv. 

•  See  the  letter  of  the  queen  to  Philip,  in 
Strype,  Catalogue  of  Originals,  No.  56. 

*  I'apiers  d'etat  de  Uranvelle,  tom.  ▼.  p. 
115. 


86 


WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 


town,  presented  himself  before  Guise  and  made  a  show  of  laymff  siege  to  tliat 
place.  After  this  demonstration  he  resumed  his  march,  and  suddenly  sat  down 
before  St.  Quentin,  investing  it  with  his  whole  army. 

Meanwhile  the  French  had  been  anxiously  watchmg  the  movements  ot 
their  adversary.  Their  forces  were  assembled  on  several  pomts  m  Picardy 
and  Champagne.  The  principal  corps  was  under  the  command  of  the  duke  of 
Nevers,  governor  of  the  latter  province,  a  nobleman  of  distmguished  gallantry 
and  who  had  seen  some  active  service.  He  now  joined  his  forces  to  those 
under  Montmorency,  the  constable  of  France,  who  occupied  a  central  position 
in  Picardy,  and  who  now  took  the  command,  for  which  his  rash  and  impetuous 
temper  but  indifferently  qualified  him.  As  soon  as  the  object  of  the  Spaniards 
was  known,  it  was  resolved  to  reinforce  the  garrison  of  St.  Quentin,  which  other- 
wise, it  was  understood,  could  not  hold  out  a  week.  This  perilous  duty  was 
assumed  by  Gaspard  de  Coligni,  admiral  of  France.  >•  This  personage,  the  head 
of  an  ancient  and  honoured  house,  was  one  of  the  most  remarkable  men  of  his 
time.  His  name  has  gained  a  mournful  celebrity  in  the  page  of  history,  as  that 
of  the  chief  martyr  in  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew.  He  embraced  the 
doctrines  of  Calvin,  and  by  his  austere  manners  and  the  purity  of  his  life  well 
illustrated  the  doctrines  he  embraced.  The  decent  order  of  his  household,  and 
their  scrupulous  attention  to  the  services  of  religion,  forming  a  striking  con- 
trast to  the  licentious  conduct  of  too  many  of  the  Catholics,  who,  however, 
were  as  prompt  as  Coligni  to  do  battle  in  defence  of  their  faith.  In  early  life 
he  was  the  gay  companion  of  the  duke  of  Guise.'*  But  as  the  Calvinists,  or 
Huguenots,  were  driven  by  persecution  to  an  independent  and  even  hostile 
position,  the  two  friends,  widely  separated  by  opinion  and  by  interest,  were 
changed  into  mortal  foes.  That  hour  had  not  yet  come.  But  the  heresy  that 
was  soon  to  shake  France  to  its  centre  was  silently  working  under  ground. 

As  the  admiral  was  well  instructed  in  military  affairs,  and  was  possessed  of 
an  intrepid  spirit  and  great  fertility  of  resource,  he  was  precisely  the  person  to 
undertake  the  difficult  office  of  defending  St.  Quentin.  As  governor  of  Picardy 
he  felt  this  to  be  his  duty.  Without  loss  of  time,  he  put  himself  at  the  head 
of  some  ten  or  twelve  hundred  men,  horse  and  foot,  and  used  such  despatch 
that  he  succeeded  in  entering  the  place  before  it  had  been  entirely  invested. 
He  had  the  mortification,  however,  to  be  followed  only  by  seven  hundred 
of  his  men,  the  remainder  having'  failed  through  fatigue  or  mistaken  the 
path. 

The  admiral  found  the  place  in  even  worse  condition  than  he  had  expected. 
The  fortifications  were  much  dilapidated  ;  and  in  many  parts  of  the  wall  the 
masonry  was  of  so  flimsy  a  character  that  it  must  have  fallen  before  the  first 
discliarge  of  the  enemy's  cannon.  The  town  was  victualled  for  three  weeks, 
and  the  magazines  were  tolerably  well  supplied  with  ammunition.  But  there 
were  not  fifty  arquebuses  fit  for  use. 

St.  Quentin  stands  on  a  gentle  eminence,  protected  on  one  side  by  marshes, 
or  rather  a  morass  of  great  extent,  through  which  tlows  the  river ^Somme,  or  a 
branch  of  it.    On  the  same  side  of  the  river  with  St.  Quentin  lay  the  army  of 


'"  De  Thou,  HUtoire  universplle,  torn.  iii. 
p.  147. — Commentaires  de  Francois  de  Rabu- 
tin,  ap.  Nouvelle  Collection  des  Memoires 
pour  servir  k  I'Histoire  de  France,  par  MM. 
JVlichaud  et  Poujoulat  (Paris,  1838),  torn.  vii. 
p.  535. — Herrera,  Historia  general,  lib.  tv. 
cap.  14.— Cabrera,  Filii^  Segundo,  lib.  Iv. 
cap.  5. 

"  "  lis  furent  tons  deux,  danR  Icur  Jeunes 


an^ 


gy    grands   compagnons,  amis   et 


confederez  de  court,  que  j'ay  ouy  dire  a 
plusiers  qui  les  ont  vous  babillor  le  plus 
Bouvant  de  mosmes  paruroR,  m(  snies  livreeB, 
.  ,  .  toU9  deux  fort  enjoilez  et  faisant  des 
follies  plus  extravapantes  que  toua  les  aiitres; 
et  sur  tout  ne  faisoient  nulles  follies  qu'ila  ue 
fissjnt  mal.  tant  ils  etolent  rud  s  Ji)iieiirs  et 
malheureux  en  leurs  jeux,"  BrantCme,  Gii.- 
vrcs,  torn.  iii.  p.  265. 


SIEGE  OF  ST.  QUENTIN. 


87 


• 


I 


♦ 


I 


the  besiegers,  with  their  glittering  lines  extending  to  the  very  verge  of  the 
inoi-ass.  A  broad  ditch  defended  the  outer  wall  But  this  ditch  was  com- 
manded by  the  houses  of  the  suburbs,  which  had  already  been  taken  posses- 
sion  of  by  the  besiegers.  There  was,  moreover,  a  thick  plantation  of  trees 
close  to  the  town,  which  would  afford  an  effectual  screen  for  the  approach  of 
an  enemv  _. 

One  of  the  admiral's  first  acts  was  to  cause  a  sortie  to  be  made.  The  ditch 
was  crossed,  and  some  of  the  houses  were  burned  to  the  ground.  The  trees 
on  the  banks  were  then  levelled,  and  the  approach  to  the  town  was  laid  open. 
Every  preparation  was  made  for  a  protracted  defence.  The  exact  Quantity 
of  provision  was  ascertained,  and  the  rations  were  assigned  for  each  man  s 
daily  consumption.  As  the  supplies  were  inadequate  to  support  the  increased 
population  for  any  length  of  time,  Coligni  ordered  that  all  except  those  actively 
engaged  in  the  defence  of  the  place  should  leave  it  without  del^.  Many, 
under  one  pretext  or  another,  contrived  to  remain,  and  share  the  fortunes  of 
the  garrison.  But  by  this  regulation  he  got  rid  of  seven  hundred  useless 
persons,  who,  if  they  had  stayed,  must  have  been  the  victims  of  famine ;  and 
"  their  dead  bodies,''  the  admiral  coolly  remarked,  "  would  have  bred  a  pesti- 
lence among  the  soldiers."  '*  „    ,  ,   ,  „     i.       •  x  •  • 

He  assigned  to  his  men  their  several  posts,  talked  boldly  of  maintaining 
himself  against  all  the  troops  of  Spain,  and  by  his  cheerful  tone  endeavoured 
to  inspire  a  confidence  in  others  which  he  was  far  from  feeling  himself.  *rom 
one  of  the  highest  towers  he  surveyed  the  surrounding  country,  tried  to  as- 
certain the  most  practicable  fords  in  the  morass,  and  sent  intelligence  to 
Montmorency  that,  without  relief,  the  garrison  could  not  hold  out  more  than 
a  few  davs  ^' 

That  commander,  soon  after  the  admiral's  departure,  had  marched  his  army 
to  the  neighbourhood  of  St.  Quentin,  and  established  it  in  the  towns  of  La 
Fere  and  Ham,  together  with  the  adjoining  villages,  so  as  to  watch  the  move- 
ments of  the  Spaniards,  and  co-operate,  as  occasion  served,  with  the  besieged. 
He  at  once  determined  to  strengthen  the  garrison,  if  possible,  by  a  reinforce- 
ment of  two  thousand  men  under  Dandelot,  a  younger  brother  of  the  adinirai, 
and  not  inferior  to  him  in  audacity  and  enterprise.  But  the  expedition 
miserably  failed.  Through  the  treachery  or  the  ignorance  of  the  guide,  the 
party  mistook  the  path,  came  on  one  of  the  enemv's  outposts,  and,  disconcerted 
by  the  accident,  were  thrown  into  confusion  and  many  of  them  cut  to  pieces 
or  drowned  in  the  morass.  Their  leader,  with  the  remainder,  succeeded,  under 
cover  of  the  night,  in  making  his  way  back  to  La  Fere.       .  .    ^.  , 

The  constable  now  resolved  to  make  another  attempt,  and  m  the  open  day. 
He  proposed  to  send  a  body,  under  the  same  commander,  in  boats  across  the 
Somme,  and  to  cover  the  embarkation  in  person  with  his  whole  army.  His 
force  was  considerably  less  than  that  of  the  Spaniards,  amounting  m  all  to 
about  eighteen  thousand  foot  and  six  thousand  horse,  besides  a  tram  of 
artillery  consisting  of  sixteen  guns.'*    His  levies,  like  those  of  his  antagonist. 


••  "  II  falloitles  nourrir  ou  les  faire  mourir 
de  faim,  qui  eust  peu  apporter  une  peste  dans 
laville."  Memoires  de  Gaspard  de  Coligni, 
ap.  (Collection  universelle  des  Memoires  par- 
ticuliers  relatifs  a  I'Histoire  de  France  (Paris, 
J788),  toui.  xl.  p.  252. 

'="  Memoires  de  Coligni. —De  Thou,  His- 
toire  universelle,  torn.  iii.  p.  151.— Rabutin, 
ap.  Nouvelle  Collection  des  Memoires.  torn, 
vil.  p.  640.— Gamier.  Histoire  de  Frauco 
(Paris,  1787),  torn,  sxrli.  p.  368. 


•♦  There  is  not  so  much  discrepancy  in  the 
estimates  of  the  French  as  of  the  Spanish  force. 
I  have  accepted  the  ^tatements  of  the  French 
historians  Gamier  (Histoire  de  France,  torn, 
xxvii.  p.  354)  and  De  Thou  (torn.  iii.  p.  148), 
who,  however,  puts  the  cavalry  at  one  thou- 
sand less.  For  authorities  on  the  Spanish 
side,  see  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  iv.  cap. 
7,— Herrera,  Historia  general,  lib.  iv.  cap.  16, 
-Campana,  ViU  del  Jle  Filippo  Se(»n(Jo, 
parte  U.  lit>.  9. 


88 


WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 


were  largely  made  up  of  German  mercenanes  The  French  peasantry,  with 
the  exception  of  the  Gascons,  who  formed  a  fine  body  of  mfantry,  had  long 
since  cZed  to  serve  in  war.  But  the  chivalry  of  France  was  represented  by 
as  gallant  an  array  of  nobles  and  cavaUers  as  ever  fought  under  the  banner 

^^On^thf  ninth  of  August,  1557,  Montmorency  put  his  whole  army  in  motion  ; 
and  on  the  following  morning,  the  memorable  day  of  St.  Lawrence,  by  nine 
o'clock,  he  took  up  a  position  on  the  bank  of  the  Somme.  On  the  opposite 
side,  nearest  the  town,  lay  the  Spanish  force,  covering  the  ground,  as  far  as 
the  eye  could  reach,  with  their  white  pavilions  ;  while  the  banners  of  bpam, 
of  Flanders,  and  of  England,  unfurled  in  the  morning  breeze,  showed  the 
varioas  nations  from  which  the  motley  host  had  been  gathered.  . 

On  the  constable's  right  was  a  windmill,  commanding  a  ford  of  the  river 
which  led  to  the  Spanish  quarters.  The  building  was  held  by  a  small  detach- 
ment of  the  enemy.  Montmorency's  first  care  was  to  get  possession  of 
the  mill,  which  he  did  without  ditliculty ;  and  by  placing  a  garrison  there, 
under  tiie  prince  of  Conde,  he  secured  himself  for  surprise  m  that  quarter. 
He  then  profited  by  a  rising  ground  to  get  his  guns  m  position  so  as  to  s^^^eep 
the  opposite  bank,  and  at  once  opened  a  brisk  cannonade  on  the  enemy.  Ihe 
march  of  the  French  had  been  concealed  by  some  intervening  hills,  so  that 
when  they  suddenly  appeared  on  the  farther  side  of  the  Somme  it  was  as  if 
they  had  dropped  from  the  clouds  ;  and  the  shot  which  fell  among  the  Span- 
uirds  threw  them  into  great  disorder.  There  was  hurrying  to  and  fro,  and 
some  of  the  balls  striking  the  duke  of  Savoy's  tent,  he  had  barehr  time 
to  escape  with  his  armour  in  his  hand.  It  was  necessary  to  abandon  his 
position,  and  he  marched  some  three  miles  down  the  nver,  to  the  quarters 
occupied  by  the  commander  of  the  cavalry,  Count  Egmont." 

Montmorency,  as  much  elated  with  this  cheap  success  as  if  it  had  been  a 
victorv,  now  set  himself  about  passing  his  troops  across  the  water.  It  was 
attended  with  more  difficulty  than  he  had  expected.  There  were  no  boats 
in  readiness,  and  two  hours  were  wasted  in  procuring  them.  After  all,  only 
four  or  five  could  be  obtained,  and  these  so  small  that  it  would  be  necessary 
to  cross  and  recross  the  stream  many  times  to  effect  the  object.  The  boats, 
crowded  with  as  many  as  they  could  carry,  stuck  fast  in  the  marshy  banks,  or 
rather  quagmire,  on  the  opposite  side ;  and  when  some  of  the  soldiers  jumped 
out  to  lighten  the  load,  they  were  swallowed  up  and  suffocated  in  the  mud.'^ 
To  add  to  these  distresses,  they  were  galled  by  the  incessant  fire  of  a  body  of 
troops  which  the  Spanish  general  had  stationed  on  an  eminence  that  com- 
manded the  landing.  .        <•    i_    ^ 

While,  owing  to  these  causes,  the  transportation  of  the  troops  was  going 
slowly  on,  the  duke  of  Savoy  had  called  a  council  of  war,  and  determined  that 
the  enemy,  since  he  had  ventured  so  near,  should  not  be  allowed  to  escape 
without  a  battle.  There  was  a  practicable  ford  in  the  river,  close  to  Count 
Egmont's  quarters  ;  and  that  officer  received  orders  to  cross  it  at  the  head  of 


•*  Rabntin,  ap.  Nouvelle  Collection  des 
Memoires,  torn.  vii.  p.  548. 

'"  Rabutin,  ap.  Nouvelle  Collection  des 
Memoires,  torn.  vii.  p.  548.— Monpleinchamp, 
Histoire  d'Emmanuel  Philibert  Due  de  Savoie 
(Amsterdam,  1699),  p.  146.— De  Thou,  His- 
toire  universelle,  torn.  iii.  p.  157. — The  first 
of  these  writers,  Frangois  de  Rabutin,  is  one 
of  the  I)e8t  authorities  for  these  transactions, 
iu  which  he  took  part  as  a  follower  of  the 


due  de  Neverfl. 

"  "  Encore  a  sortir  des  bateaux,  a  cause  de 
la  presse,  les  soldats  ne  pouvoieut  euivre  les 
addresses  et  sentes  qui  leur  estoient  appared- 
16e8 ;  de  fa^on  qu'ils  s'escartoient  et  se  jettoi- 
ent  a,  co>te  dans  les  creux  des  marets,  d'oii  ils 
ne  pouvoient  sotir,  et  demeuroient  la  embour- 
bez  et  noyez."  Rabutin,  ap.  Nouvelle  Colleo- 
tion  des  Memoires,  tom.  vii.  p.  549. 


^ 


] 


BATTLE  OF  ST.  QUENTIN. 

his  cavalry  and  amuse  the  enemy  until  the  main  body  of  the  Spanish  army, 
under  the  duke,  should  have  time  to  come  up. 

Lamoral,  Count  Egmont,  and  prince  of  Gavre,  a  person  who  is  to  occupy  a 
large  space  in  our  subsequent  pages,  was  a  Flemish  noble  of  an  ancient  and 
illustrious  lineage.  He  had  early  attracted  the  notice  of  the  emperor,  who 
had  raised  him  to  various  important  offices,  both  civil  and  military,  in  which 
he  had  acquitted  himself  with  honour.  At  this  time,  when  thirty-five  years 
old,  he  held  the  post  of  lieutenant-general  of  the  horse,  and  that  of  governor 
of  Flanders. 

Egmont  was  of  a  lofty  and  aspiring  nature,  filled  with  dreams  of  glory,  and 
so  much  elated  by  success  that  the  duke  of  Savoy  was  once  obHeed  to  rebuke 
him,  by  reminding  him  that  he  was  not  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army." 
With  these  defects  he  united  some  excellent  qualities,  which  not  unfrequentlv 
go  along  with  them.  In  his  disposition  he  was  frank  and  manly,  and,  though 
hasty  in  temper,  had  a  warm  and  generous  heart.  He  was  distinguished  by 
a  cliivalrous  bearing,  and  a  showy,  imposing  address,  which  took  with  the 
people,  by  whom  his  name  was  held  dear  in  later  times  for  his  devotion  to  the 
cause  of  freedom.  He  was  a  dashing  officer,  prompt  and  intrepid,  well  fitted 
for  a  brilliant  coup-de-main,  or  for  an  affair  like  the  present,  which  required 
energy  and  despatch  ;  and  he  eagerly  undertook  the  duty  assigned  him. 

The  light  horse  first  passed  over  the  ford,  the  existence  of  which  was  known 
to  Montmorency  ;  and  he  had  detached  a  corps  of  German  pistoleers,  of  whom 
there  was  a  body  in  the  French  service,  to  defend  the  passage.  But  the 
number  was  too  small,  and  the  Burgundian  horse,  followed  by  the  infantry, 
advanced,  in  face  of  the  fire,  as  coolly  and  in  as  good  order  as  if  thev  had  been 
on  parade."  The  constable  soon  received  tidings  that  the  enemy  had  begun 
to  cross  ;  and,  aware  of  his  mistake,  he  reinforced  his  pistoleers  with  a  squadron 
of  horse  under  the  due  de  Nevers.  It  was  too  late :  when  the  French  com- 
mander reached  the  ground  the  enemy  had  already  crossed  in  such  strength 
that  it  would  have  been  madness  to  attack  him.  After  a  brief  consultation 
with  his  officers,  Nevers  determined,  by  as  speedy  a  countermarch  as  possible, 
to  join  the  main  body  of  the  army.  .,i    ,  •  i 

The  prince  of  Conde,  as  has  been  mentioned,  occupied  the  mill  which  com- 
manded the  other  ford,  on  the  right  of  Montmorency.  From  its  summit  he 
could  descry  the  movements  of  the  Spaniards,  and  their  battalions  debouching 
on  the  plain,  with  scarcely  any  opposition  from  the  French.  He  advised  the 
constable  of  this  at  once,  and  suggested  the  necessity  of  an  immediate  retreat. 
The  veteran  did  not  relish  advice  from  one  so  much  younger  than  himself,  and 
testily  replied,  *'  I  was  a  soldier  before  the  prince  of  Conde  was  bom ;  and, 
by  the  blessing  of  Heaven,  I  trust  to  teach  him  some  good  lessons  in  war  for 
many  a  year  to  come."  Nor  would  he  quit  the  ground  while  a  man  of  the 
reinforcement  under  Dandelot  remained  to  cross.^*  •    j   t.  i.  ^u 

The  cause  of  this  fatal  confidence  was  information  he  had  received  that  the 
ford  was  too  narrow  to  allow  more  than  four  or  five  persons  to  pass  abreast, 
which  would  give  him  time  enough  to  send  over  the  troops  and  then  secure 
his  own  retreat  to  La  Ffere.  As  it  turned  out,  unfortunately,  the  ford  was 
wide  enough  to  allow  fifteen  or  twenty  men  to  go  abreast. 

'*  Brantorae,  (Euvres,  tom.  i.  p.  361. 

'•  I  quote  the  wordsof  Monpleinchamp  (His- 
toire  du  Due  de  Savoie,  p.  147),  who,  however, 
speaks  of  the  fire  as  coming  from  the  artillerj', 
—hardly  probable,  as  the  French  batteries 
were  three  miles  distant,  up  the  river.  But 
accuracy  does  not  appear  to  be  the  chief  virtue 
of  this  writer. 


*°  "  Manda  au  prince,  pour  toute  reponse, 
qu'il  etoit  bien  jeune  pour  vouloir  lui  appren- 
dre  son  metier,  qu'il  commandoit  les  armies 
avant  que  celui-ci  fiit  au  monde,  et  qu'il  comp- 
toit  bien  en  vingt  ans  lui  donner  encore  des 
lemons."  (Jamier,  Histoire  de  France,  tom. 
xxvli.  p.  304. 


1(1 


l"l 


90 


WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 


rrKo  Vvf^noh  meanwhile  who  had  crossed  the  river,  after  landing  on  the 

a^WoS  uM^^^  rear  with  th^  horse,  of  which  he  took  command  n 
^rson  Heend^voured  to  make  up  for  the  precious  time  he  had  lost  hy 
Tukkening  hfs  m^'ch,  which,  however,  was  retarded  by  the  heavy  gims  m  the 

^*The  due  de  Nevers,  as  we  have  seen,  declining  to  give  battle  to  the 
Sr«tnfards  who  had  crossed  the  stream,  had  prepared  to  retreat  on  the  main 
hSdv  of  thrarmv  On  reaching  the  ground  lately  occupied  by  his  countrymen, 
ttund  it  abTndoned;  and  joining  Conde,  who  still  held  the  mill,  the  two 
officers  made  all  haste  to  overtake  the  constable.  .  ,    ,    .  ,  j 

Meanwhile,  Count  Egmont,  as  soon  as  he  was  satisfied  that  he  was  m 
suE^s  rength  to  attick  the  enemy,  gave  orders  to  advance  without  wait- 
er more  tr?i)ps  to  share  with  him  the  honours  of  victoiy.  Crc^rng  the 
tiSd  latel  V  occupied  by  the  constable,  he  took  the  creat  road  to  La  Fere.  But 
the  r  tin- ^^^^^^  lay  between  him  and  the  l>ench  prevented  hmi  from 

se^in Ahefnemy  until  he  Ld  accomplished  half  a  league  or  more  The  day 
wTnU  wdl  Seed,  and  the  Flemish  captain  had  some  fears  that  notwith- 
Ttendin^  his  Kpeed  the  quarry  had  escaped  him.  But,  as  he  turned  the  hill, 
Had  the  rt?sfac  ion  desc^ry  the  French  columns  in  full  retreat  On  their 
rLr  hung  a  body  of  sutlers  and  bther  followers  of  the  camp  who  bvthesudden 
J^paS  of  the  Spaniards  were  thrown  into  a  panic,  which  they  had  wellm^h 
Sunicated  to  tlie  rest  of  the  aimy.-  To  retreat  before  an  enemy  is  in 
itself  a  confession  of  weakness  sufficiently  dispiriting  to  the  soldier  Mont- 
morencv  roused  by  the  tumult,  saw  the  dark  cloud  gathering  along  the 
Sts  aiS  kn^  it  must  soon  burst  on  him.    In  this  emergency,  he 

^SconluLn  old  officer  near  him  as  t^  what  he  should  do.  ;'&ad  you 
asked  me  "  replied  the  other,  "  two  hours  since,  1  could  have  told  you :  it  is 
^ow  tcS^ite."  «  It  was  indeed  too  late,  and  there  was  nothing  to  be  done 
but  to  face  about  and  fight  the  Spaniards.  The  constable  accordingly,  gave 
the  word  to  halt,  and  made  dispositions  to  receive  his  assailants. 

E-mont,  seeing  him  thus  prepared,  formed  his  own  smiadron  into  three 
divisions.  One,  which  was  to  turn  the  left  flank  of  the  |rench  he  gave  to 
the  prince  of  Brunswick  and  to  Count  Hoorne,-a  name  afterwards  associated 
with  his  own  on  a  sadder  occasion  than  the  present.  Another  composed 
chiefiv  of  Germans,  he  placed  under  Count  Mansfeldt,  with  orders  to  assail  the 
centre  He  himself,  at  the  head  of  his  Burgundian  lances,  rode  on  the  left 
against  Montmorency's  right  flank.  Orders  were  then,  given  to  charge,  and 
spurring  forward  their  horses,  the  whole  column  came  thundering  on  against 
the  enemy  The  French  met  the  shock  like  well-trained  soldiers,  as  they 
were  ;  but  the  cavalry  fell  on  them  with  the  furv  of  a  torrent  sweeping  every- 
thing before  it,  and  for  a  few  moments  it  seemed  as  if  all  were  lost.    But  ttie 


•'  Rabutln,  who  gives  this  account,  Rays  it 
wouUi  be  impossible  to  teU  how  the  disorder 
began.  It  came  upon  them  so  like  a  thvmder- 
clap  that  no  man  had  a  distinct  recollection  of 
what  passed.  Rabutin,  ap.  Nouvelle  Collec- 
tion des  Memoires,  torn.  vli.  p.  550. 

»"  "  Appellant  k  lui  dans  c«  trouble  le  vieux 


d'Oignon,  oflBcier  exp^rimente,  illui  demanda: 
bon  horame,  que  faut-il  faire  ?  Monseigneur, 
r^pondit  d'Oignon,  il  y  a  deux  heures  qup  Je 
VOU9  I'aurois  bien  dit,  maint«nant  je  n'en  pais 
rien."  Gamier,  Hlstolrede  France,  torn,  xxvii. 
p.  368. 


i 


FRENCH  ARMY  ROUTED. 


01 


French  chivalry  was  true  to  its  honour,  and  at  the  call  of  Montmorency,  who 
gallantly  threw  himself  into  the  thick  of  the  fight,  it  rallied,  and,  returning 
the  charge,  compelled  the  assailants  to  give  way  in  their  turn.    The  struggle, 
now  continued  on  more  equal  terms,  giew  desperate  ;  man  against  man,  norse 
a<^ainst  horse,— it  seemed  to  be  a  contest  of  personal  prowess  rather  than  ot 
tactics  or  military  science.    So  well  were  the  two  parties  matched  that  for  a 
long  time  the  issue  was  doubtful ;  and  the  Spaniards  might  not  have  prevailed 
in  the  end,  but  for  the  arrival  of  reinforcements,  both  foot  and  heavy  cavalry, 
who  came  up  to  their  support.    Unable  to  withstand  this  accumulated  force, 
the  French  cavaliers,  overpowered  by  numbers,  not  by  superior  valour,  began 
to  give  gi-ound.    Hard  pressed  by  Egmont,  who  cheered  on  his  men  to 
renewed  efforts,  their  ranks  were  at  length  broken.    The  retreat  became  a 
flight ;  and,  scattered  over  the  field  in  all  directions,  they  were  hotly  pursued 
by  their  adversaries,  especially  the  German  schwarzreiters—tho^e   nders 
"black  as  devils,"  "—who  did  such  execution  with  their  fire-arms  as  completed 

the  discomfiture  of  the  French.  ,  .,     x^       ^  •  r  «♦„, 

Amidst  this  confusion,  the  Gascons,  the  flower  of  the  French  infantir, 
l^ehaved  with  admirable  coolness."  Throwing  themselves  into  squares,  with 
the  pikemen  armed  with  their  long  pikes  in  front,  and  the  arquebusiers  m  the 
centre,  they  presented  an  impenetrable  array,  against  which  the  tide  ot  battle 
raged  and  chafed  in  impotent  fury.  It  was  in  vam  that  the  Spanish  horse 
rode  round  the  solid  masses  bristUnff  with  steel,  if  possible,  to  force  an 
entrance,  while  an  occasional  shot,  striking  a  trooper  from  his  saddle,  warned 

them  not  to  approach  too  near.  ,      ,  .       ,  „  -xu  i.i-  •  j  - 

It  was  in  this  state  of  things  that  the  duke  of  Savoy,  with  the  remainder 
of  the  troops,  including  the  artillery,  came  on  the  field  of  action.    His  arnval 
could  not  have  been  more  seasonable.    The  heavy  guns  were  speedily  turned 
on  the  French  squares,  whose  dense  array  presented  an  obvious  mark  to  the 
Spanish  bullets.    Their  firm  ranks  were  rent  asunder ;  and  as  the  brave  men 
tned  in  vain  to  close  over  the  bodies  of  their  dying  comrades,  the  horse  took 
advantage  of  the  openings  to  plunge  into  the  midst  of  the  phalanx.    Here 
the  long  spears  of  the  pikemen  were  of  no  avail,  and,  stnking  right  and 
left,  the  cavaliers  dealt  death  on  every  side.    All  now  was  confusion  and 
irretrievable  ruin.     No  one  thought  of  fighting,  or  even  of  self-defence,     ihe 
only  thought  was  of  flight.    Men  overturned  one  another  m  their  eagerness 
to  escape.    They  were  soon  mingled  with  the  routed  cavalry,  who  rode  down 
their  own  countrymen.     Horses  ran  about  the  field  without  riders     Many  of 
the  soldiers  threw  away  their  arms,  to  fly  the  more  qmckly.    All  strove  to 
escape  from  the  terrible  pursuit  which  hung  on  their  rear     The  artillery  and 
ammunition-wagons  choked  up  the  road  and  obstructed  the  flight  of  the  fugi- 
tives The  slaughter  was  dreadful.  The  best  blood  of  France  flowed  like  water. 
Yet  mercy  was  shown  to  those  who  asked  it.    Hundreds  and  thousands 
threw  down  their  arms  and  obtained  Quarter.    Nevers,  according  to  some 
accounts,  covered  the  right  flank  of  the  French  army.    Others  state  that  he 
was  separated  from  it  by  a  ravine  or  valley.    At  all  events  he  fargJ  no  better 
than  his  leader.    He  was  speedily  enveloped  by  the  cavalry  of  Hoorne  and 
Brunswick,  and  his  fine  corps  of  light  horse  cut  to  pieces.    He  himself,  with 
the  prince  of  Conde,  was  so  fortunate  as  to  make  his  escape,  with  the  remnant 
of  his  force,  to  La  Fere. 


"  "  Nolrs  comme  de  beaux  diables,"  Bran- 
tfime,  CEuvres,  torn.  iii.  p.  185. 

-*  ••  Icellea  compagniesde  fantrie,  pn  ce  peu 
quelles  se  comportoient,  autant  belles,  bien 


completteB  et  bien  armees,  que  I'on  en  avoit 
veu  en  France  il  y  avoit  long-temps."  Ra- 
butin, ap.  Nouvelle  Collection  des  M^molrts, 
torn.  vli.  p.  651. 


92  WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 

Had  the  Spaniards  followed  up  the  Pursuit,  few  Frem^.^jf^"^^^^ 
been  left  that  day  to  tell  the  story  of  the  rout  of  bt.  Q^entin     1^"^  the  hgnt 
had  already  lasted  four  hours ;  evennig  was  setting  m  ;  and  the  victors,  spent 
wtth  tSd  ^ted  with  carnage,  were  content  to  take  up  their  quaiters  on 

**'The^  FrLXin  the  mean  time,  made  their  way,  one  after  another,  to  La 
Fere  and!  huddling  together  in  the  public  squares,  or  in  the  quarters  they 
Ld  before'  occupiecf,  reLined  like  a  herd  of  Panic^struck  deer-  -hose  e^^^^^ 
the  sounds  of  the  chase  are  still  ringing.  But  the  l^y^/ //X^f,%r^^ 
their  panic,  and  recovered  heart,  when  a  rumour  reached  thein  that  t he  r 
comUnder  Montmorency,  was  still  making  ^f .^'/^^^^My wer^^^ 
followers,  ai?ainst  the  enemy.  At  the  tidings,  faint  and  bleeding  as  they  were, 
thersprang      the  saddles  which  they  had  just  qmtted,  and  were  ready  again 

^""^lUhe^ruSr  was  without  foundation.    Montmorency  was  a  prisoner  in 
thf  hands  0  the  Spaniards.    The  veteran  had  exposed  his  own  life  throughout 
Ihe  action  as  f  wFlUng  to  show  that  he  would  not  shrink  in  any  degree  from 
Ihe  Sinto  whrch  he^ad  brought  his  followers.    When  he  saw  that  he  day 
wS^st  he  threw  himself  into  tJie  hottest  of  the  battle  holding  life  cheap  in 
commrison  w ith  honour.    A  shot  from  the  pistol  of  a  schicarzreiter  fracturing 
S  tCMi^abled  him  from  further  resistance  ;  and  he  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  sSards,  who  treated  him  with  the  respect  due  to  his  rank.    The  number 
of  pSners  was  very  large,-accordinL^  to  some  accounts  six  thousand  of 
whom  six  hundred  were  said  to  be  gentlemen  and  persons  of  condition.    The 
number  of  the  slain  is  stated,  as  usual,  with  great  discrepancy,  varying  from 
Three  to  s  X  thousand.    A  much  larger  proportion  of  them  tlian  usual  were 
nien  of  fondly     Many  a  noble  house  in  Fiance  went  into  mounung  for  that 
day     Among  those  who  fell  Avas  Jean  de  Bourbon,  count  f  l^ni,^l"en,  a  prince 
0    the  blood     Mortally  wounded,  he  was  earned  to  the  tent  of  the  duke  of 
Savoy,  where  he  soon  after  expired,  and  his  body  was  sent  to  his  countrymen 
kt  La  Fere  for  honourable  birial.    To  balance  this  bloody  roll,  no  account 
states  the  loss  of  the  Spaniards  at  over  a  thousand  men.'      ,„.,,.,      , 
Morfthan  eig^     standards,  including  those  of  the  cavalry,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  victors,  together  with  all  the  artiOery,  ammunition-wagons,  and  baggige 
of  the  enemy.    France  had  not  experienced  such  a  defeat  smce  the  battle  of 

Timr^Philip  had  left  Brussels,  and  removed  his  nuarters  to  Cambray,  that 
he  might  be  near  the  duke  of  Savoy,  with  whom  he  kept  up  daily  communica- 
tion throughout  the  siege.  Immediately  after  the  battle,  on  the  eleventh  of 
August,  he  visited  the  camp  in  person.  At  the  same  time,  he  wrote  to  his 
father,  expressing  his  regret  that  he  had  not  been  there  to  share  the  glory  of 

«»  "Aces  nouvelles  s'esleverent  tellement        ware  with  the  Moslems  in  the  Peninsula^ 
Ace»  uuu>  .        where,  if  we  are  to  tike  the  account  of  the 

Spaniards,  their  loss  was  usually  as  one  to  a 
hundred  of  the  enemy. 

"  For  the  preceding  pages,  see  Rahutln,  ap. 
Nouvelle  Collection  des  Memoires  tora.  vii. 
pp.  548-552,— Cabrera,  Filijw  Segundo,  lib.  iv. 
cap.  7,— Campana,  Vita  del  Re  Filippo  Se- 
cond©, parte  li.  lib.  9,— Monpleinchamp,  Vie 
du  Due  de  Savoie,  pp.  146-150,— Herrera,  His- 
toriii  general,  lib.  iv.  cap.  16,— De  Thou,  HiF- 
toire  universelle,  torn.  Hi.  pp.  154-160,— Gar- 
nier,  Hlstolre  de  France,  torn,  xxvii.  pp.  361- 
372, — Carta  de  Felipe  2<io  k  su  padre  anuucian- 
dole  la  victoria  de  San  Quentln,  MS. 


leurs  esprits  et  courages  qu'ils  recoururent 
incontinent  aux  armes.  et  n'oyoit-on  plus  par- 
tout  que  demander  harnois  et  chevaux,  et 
trompt-ttes  sonner  a  cheval,  ayant  chacun  re- 
couvert  ses  forces  et  sentimens  pour  venger  la 
honte  precedente ;  toutefois  ce  murmure  se 
trouva  nul  et  demeura  assoupl  en  peu  d'heure.' 
Rabutlu,  ap.  Nouvelle  Collection  des  Me- 
nioins,  torn.  vii.  p.  552. 

"  Campana,  Vita  del  Re  Filippo  Secondo, 
parte  ii.  lib.  9.— According  to  some  accounts, 
the  loss  did  not  exceed  fifty.  This,  consider- 
!niz  the  spirit  and  length  of  the  contest,  will 
hardly  l>e  creditt<l.    It  reminds  one  of  the 


FRENCH  ARMY  ROUTED. 


93 


the  day.*»  The  emperor  seems  to  have  heartily  shared  this  regret.**  It  is 
(iiiite  certain,  if  Charles  had  had  the  direction  of  attiairs,  he  would  not  have 
been  absent  But  Phihp  had  not  the  bold,  adventurous  spirit  of  his  father. 
His  talent  lay  rather  in  meditation  than  in  action  ;  and  his  calm,  deliberate 
forecast  better  fitted  him  for  the  council  than  the  camp.  In  enforcmg  levies, 
in  raising  supplies,  in  superintending  the  organization  of  the  army,  he  was 
indefatigable.  The  plan  of  the  campaign  was  determined  under  his  own  eye  ; 
and  he  was  most  sagacious  in  the  selection  of  his  agents.  But  to  those  agents 
he  prudently  left  the  conduct  of  the  war,  for  which  he  had  no  taste,  perhaps 
no  capacity,  himself.  He  did  not,  like  his  rival,  Henry  the  Second,  fancy 
himse  f  a  great  captain  because  he  could  caiTy  away  the  prizes  of  a  tourney. 

Philip  was  escorted  to  the  camp  by  his  household  troops.  He  appeared  on 
this  occasion  armed  cap-d-pie—d.  thing  by  no  means  common  with  him  It 
seems  to  have  pleased  his  fancy  to  be  painted  in  military  costume.  At  least, 
there  are  several  portraits  of  him  in  complete  mail,— one  from  the  pencil  of 
Titian.  A  picture  taken  at  the  present  time  was  sent  by  him  to  Queen  Mary, 
who,  in  this  age  of  chivalry,  may  have  felt  some  pride  in  seeing  her  lord  in  the 

^*0n  the  king's  arrival  at  the  camp,  he  was  received  with  all  the  honours  of  a 
victor,— with  flourishes  of  trumpets,  salvos  of  artillery,  and  the  loud  shouts  of 
the  soldiery.  The  duke  of  Savoy  laid  at  his  feet  the  banners  and  other  trophhBS 
of  the  fight,  and,  kneeling  down,  would  have  kissed  Philip's  hand;  but  the 
king,  raising  him  from  the  ground,  and  embracing  him  as  he  did  so,  said  that 
the  acknowledgments  were  due  from  himself  to  the  general  who  had  won  him 
such  a  victory.  At  the  same  time,  he  paid  a  well-deserved  compliment 
to  the  brilliant  part  which  Egmont  and  his  brave  companions  had  borne  in 

the  battle  '** 

The  first  thing  to  be  done  was  to  dispose  of  the  prisoners,  whose  number 
embarrassed  the  conquerors.  Philip  dismissed  all  those  of  the  common  file, 
on  the  condition  that  they  should  not  bear  arms  for  six  months  against  the 
Spaniards.  The  condition  did  no  great  detriment  to  the  French  service,  as 
the  men,  on  their  return,  were  sent  to  garrison  some  distant  towns,  and  tfierr 
places  in  the  army  filled  by  the  troops  whom  they  had  relieved.  The  cavaliers 
and  persons  of  condition  were  lodged  in  fortresses,  where  they  could  ^ 
securely  detained  till  the  amount  of  their  respective  ransoms  was  determined. 
These  ransoms  formed  an  important  part  of  the  booty  of  the  conqueror  ;  how 
important,  may  be  inferred  from  the  sum  offered  by  the  constable  on  his  own 
account  and  that  of  his  son,— no  less,  it  is  said,  than  a  hundred  and  sixty-hve 
thousand  gold  crowns."  The  soldier  of  tliat  day,  when  the  penalty  was  loss 
of  fortune  as  well  as  of  freedom,  must  be  confessed  to  have  fought  on  harder 
conditions  than  at  present. 

A  council  of  war  was  next  called,  to  decide  on  further  operations.  W  hen 
Charies  the  Fifth  received  tidings  of  the  victory  of  St.  Quentin,  the  first  thing 
he  asked,  as  we  are  told,  was  "  whether  Philip  were  at  Pans."  "    Had  Charles 

»•  De  Thou,  Histoire  univeiselle,  torn.  iii. 
p.  246. 

"^  It  is  Brantome  who  tells  the  anecdote,  in 
his  usual  sarcastic  way :  "  Encor,  tout  reli- 
gieux,  demy  ^ainct  qu'il  estoit,  il  ne  se  pent 
en  Harder  que  quant  le  roy  son  fils  eut  gaigne 
la  bataille  de  Sainct-Quentin  de  demander 
auspi  tost  que  le  courrier  luy  apporta  des  nou- 
velles,  s'il  avoit  bien  poursuivi  la  victoire,  et 
jusques  aux  portes  de  Paris."  O^nvres,  torn. 
i.  p.  ll.— Luis  Quixada,  in  a  letter  written  at 


a*  «<pueg  yo  no  me  halle  alii,  de  que  me 
pesa  lo  que  V.  M.  no  puede  pensar,  no  puedo 
dar  rt-la^ion  de  lo  que  papo  sino  de  oydas." 
Carta  de  Felipe  2io  a  su  padre,  11  de  Agosto, 
1557,  MS. 

"  This  appears  by  a  letter  of  the  major- 
domo  of  Charles,  Luis  Quixada,  to  the  secre- 
Ijtry,  Juan  Vazquez  de  Molina,  .MS. :  "  Sieiito 
que  no  se  puede  conortar  de  que  su  hijo  no  se 
ballase  en  ello." 

»»  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  iv.  cap.  7. 


94  WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 

ollraSer  ownS^  the  way  to  more  brilliant  achievements,  but  exposed  hini 
loC  severer  reverses.^  His  enterprising  spirit  was  "ore  favourable  to 
bniWinff  UD  a  CTeate.npire  ;  the  cautious  temper  of  Philip  was  better  htted  to 
^r^irvf  t  So  rame  in  the  right  time ;  and  his  circumspect  policy  was 
Sbly  bettTrTital  to  his  posifion,  as  well  as  to  his  character,  than  the 

HMhJdIke  M  Sa^oTurged,  as  it  is  said,  the  expediency  of  profiting  by 
the  nrlsent  panic  to  march  at  once  on  the  i'rench  capital,  Philip  looke^  at 
Xl  SLnsers  of  such  a  stop.  Several  strong  fortresses  of  the  enemy  would  be 
left  i*l!s  rear  Risers  nmst  be  crossed,  presenting  ine.s  of  defence  which 
ln.,H  easily  te  maintained  against  a  force  even  superior  to  his  own.  Pans 
™vctS  hy  fwm  dable  works,  and  forty  thousand  citizens  could  be  enroUed 
rthr'h^te/t  notice,  for  its  yrotection.    IVrirlven'^h  to"rSt  «1." 

^n^^A'rfor^'rddWt^^'.^'^^^^^^ 

had  onceTni^Tded  France  with  a  powerful  army  and   «^d -|f^,  ?  ^I'^.^tt^ 
The  issue  of  that  invasion  was  known  to  everybody       „V^f,Xv,^'?^'   Vere 

^;:?tS'^f;iltSn^r?^^^^^^^^^^ 
I^^^p'ri&rs«  si^cr^^^^^^^^^^^ 

S"vf^r  any  one*  a  tf  is  distance  of  time,  to  pronounce  on  *«  wisdom  of  his 
Sion.Tt  subsequent  events  tend  considerably  to  strengthen  our  con- 

X'^plmLs  were  now  made  to  push  the  ^Jege  with  vigour.    B^^^^^^^ 
KSeTs     The  river  was  crossed ;  and  the  faubourg  d'lle  was  carried  by  the 

rnrtt  ca"o~  *dr  o^rJfons,  and  galleries  were  excavated  almost  to 
*Tr^"c™ditio'iro?'the  besie<'ed,  in  the  mean  time,  was  forlorn  in  the  extreme , 

?rZ  the  late "ter     He  endeavoured  to  infuse  his  own  sp.nt  into  the 
Su  o'hisloldiet  toiling  with  the  nieanesto  them,  and  shar^^^^^^^^  th 
nrivations     He  cheered  the  desponduig,  hy  assuruiff  them  oi  speeay  renei 
From  tS  countryn^n     Some  he  complimented  for  t\eir  bravery ;  others  he 
tiatW  b^S  advice.    He  "talkcKi  loudly  of  the  resources  at  his 


STORMING  OF  ST.  QUENTIN. 


95 


the  time  from  Yuste,  gives  a  version  of  the 
story  which,  if  it  ha««  less  point,  is  probably 
more  correct :  "S.  Mag-i.  estacon  mucho  cui- 
dado  por  saber  que  caniinoarra  tornado  el  Key 
despues  de  acabada  aquella  euipresa  de  San 


Qnintin."     Carta  de  27  de  Setiembre,  1557, 

MS. 

"  "  Para  no  entrar  en  Francia  como  sn  pa- 
dre comiendo  pabos,  i  salir  comiendo  raizes." 
Cabrera,  Fllipe  Seguudo,  lib.  Iv.  cap.  8. 


I 


command.  If  any  should  hear  him  so  much  as  hint  at  a  surrender,  he  eave 
them  leave  to  tie  him  hand  and  foot  and  throw  him  into  the  nioat.  If  he 
should  hear  one  of  them  talk  of  it,  the  admiral  promised  to  do  as  much 

bv  him  '* 

The  due  de  Nevers,  who  had  estabUshed  himself,  with  the  wreck  of  the 
French  army  and  such  additional  levies  as  he  could  muster,  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  St.  Quentin,  contrived  to  communicate  with  the  admiral.  On  one 
occasion  he  succeeded  in  throwing  a  reinforcement  of  a  hundred  and  twenty 
arquebusiers  into  the  town,  though  it  cost  him  thnce  that  number,  cut  to 
pieces  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  attempt.  Still  the  number  of  the  garnson  was 
altogether  inadequate  to  the  duties  imposed  on  it.  With  scanty  refreshment, 
almost  without  repose,  watching  and  fighting  by  turns,  the  day  passed  m 
defending  the  breaches  which  the  night  was  not  long  enough  to  repair,— no 
frame  could  be  strong  enough  to  endure  it.  .  j  o^  d  '    „ 

Coligni  had,  fortunately,  the  services  of  a  skilful  engineer,  named  fet.  Kemy, 
who  aided  him  in  repairing  the  injuries  inflicted  on  the  works  by  the  artillery 
and  by  the  scarcely  less  destructive  mines  of  the  Spaniards.  In  the  want  ot 
solid  masonry,  every  material  was  resorted  to  for  covering  up  the  breaches. 
Timbers  were  thrown  across  ;  and  boats  filled  with  earth,  laid  on  the  broken 
rampart,  attbrded  a  good  bulwark  for  the  French  musketeers.  But  the  time 
was  come  when  neither  the  skill  of  the  engineer  nor  the  courage  of  the  garnson 
could  further  avail.  Eleven  practicable  breaches  had  been  opened,  and 
St.  Remy  assured  the  admiral  that  he  could  not  engage  to  hold  out  four-and- 

twenty  hours  longer.**  ^      .      ,,  ^   ,  .      .,      .^.^ 

The  duke  of  Savoy  also  saw  that  the  time  had  come  to  bnng  the  siege  to  a 
close  by  a  general  assault.  The  twenty- seventh  of  August  was  the  day 
assigned  for  it.  On  that  preceding  he  fired  three  mines,  which  shook  down 
some  fragments  of  the  wall,  but  did  less  execution  than  was  expected.  On 
the  morning  of  the  twenty-seventh  his  whole  force  was  under  arms.  Ihe 
duke  divided  it  into  as  many  corps  as  there  were  breaches,  placing  these 
corps  under  his  best  and  bravest  otticei-s.    He  proposed  to  direct  the  assault 

*"  ColTgni*  made  his  preparations  also  with  consummate  coolness  He  posted 
a  body  of  troops  at  each^of  the  breaches,  while  he  and  his  brother  Dandelot 
took  charge  of  the  two  which,  still  more  exposed  than  the  others,  might  be 
considered  AS  the  post  of  danger.  He  had  the  satisfaction  to  find,  jn  thfs  hour 
of  trial,  that  the  men,  as  well  as  their  otticers,  seemed  to  be  animated  with  his 

own  heroic  spirit.  .      ,  ,       ,  r,  j      u  •  u 

Before  proceeding  to  storm  the  place,  the  duke  of  Savoy  opened  a  bnsk 
cannonade,  in  order  to  clear  away  the  barricades  of  timber,  and  other  tempo- 
rary defences,  which  had  been  thrown  across  the  breaches.  The  fire  continuetl 
for  several  hours,  and  it  was  not  till  afternoon  that  tlie  sigiial  was  given  for 
the  assault.  The  troops  rushed  forward, -Spaniards,  Flemings,  English,  and 
Germans,-spurred  on  by  feelings  of  national  rivalry  A  body  of  eight  thou- 
Fand  brave  Englishmen  had  joined  the  standard  of  Philip  m  the  early  part  ot 
the  campaign  ;»«  and  they  now  eagerly  coveted  the  opportunity  for  distinction 
which  had  1)een  denied  them  at  the  battle  of  St.  Quentin,  where  the  fortune 
of  the  day  was  chiefly  decided  by  cavalry.    But  no  troops  felt  so  keen  a 


»♦  ••  Ri  I'on  m'oyoit  tenir  quelque  langage, 
qui  approchast  de  faire  compoMtion,  je  lessup- 
plioi>'  touR  qu'lls  me  jf-ttassent,  comme  un  i)oI- 
troii,  dedans  le  fnsse  par  dessusles  murailles  : 
que  s'il  y  avoit  quelqu'un  qui  m'en  tint  pro- 


po8,  je  ne  lui  enferois  pas  moint."  Collcnt, 
]\I^moire8,  ap.  Collection  universelle  des  Me- 
nioires,  torn.  xl.  p.  272. 

*•  Gaillard,  Rivalit^,  torn.  v.  p.  253. 

""  Durnet,  Reformation,  vol.  iii.  p.  636. 


96 


WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 


spur  to  their  achievements  as  the  Spaniards,  fighting  as  they  were  under  the 
eye  of  their  sovereign,  who  from  a  neighbouring  ennnence  was  spectator  ot  the 

^^The  obstacles  were  not  formidable  in  the  path  of  the  assailants  who  soon 
clambered  over  the  fragments  of  masonry  and  other  rubbish  which  lay  scat- 
tered below  the  ramparts,  and,  in  the  face  of  a  steady  hre  of  musketrv,  pre- 
sented themselves  before  the  breaches.  The  brave  men  stationed  to  de.enc 
them  were  in  sufficient  strenc::th  to  occupy  the  open  spaces ;  their  e.evated 
position  tjave  them  some  advantage  over  the  as.-ailants,  and  they  stooa  to 
their  posts  with  the  resolution  of  men  prepared  to  die  rather  than  surrender. 
A  fierce  conflict  now  ensued  along  the  whole  extent  of  the  ramparts  ;  and  the 
French,  sustained  by  a  dauntless  spirit,  bore  themselves  as  stoutly  in  the  hght 
as  if  they  had  been  in  training  for  it  of  late,  instead  of  being  enfeebled  by 
scanty  subsistence  and  excessive  toil.  After  a  severe  struggle,  which  lasted 
nearly  an  hour,  the  Spaniards  were  driven  back  at  all  points.  Not  a  breach 
was  won  ;  and,  broken  and  dispirited,  the  assailants  were  compelled  to  retire 

on  their  former  position.  ,. ,  .      .,  i        *•_    4.^ 

After  this  mortifying  repulse,  the  duke  did  not  ^ve  them  a  [ong  time  to 
breathe  before  he  again  renewed  the  assault.  This  time  he  du-ected  the  mam 
attack  against  a  tower  where  the  resistance  had  been  weakest.  In  tact, 
Coligni  had  there  placed  the  troops  on  whom  he  had  least  reliance,  truscmg 
to  the  greater  strength  of  the  works.  But  a  strong  heart  is  worth  all  the 
defences  in  the  world.  After  a  sharp  but  short  struggle,  the  assailants  suc- 
ceeded in  carrying  the  tower.  The  faint-hearted  troops  gave  way ;  and  the 
Spaniards,  throwing  themselves  on  the  rampart,  remained  masters  of  one  of 
the  breaches.  A  footinir  once  gained,  the  assailants  poured  impetuously  into 
the  opening,  Spaniards,  Germans,  and  English  streaining  like  a  torrent  along 
the  ramparts,  and  attacking  the  defenders  on  their  flank.  Coligni,  mean- 
while, and  his  brother  Dandelot,  had  rushed,  with  a  few  followers,  to  the  spot, 
in  the  hope,  if  possible,  to  arrest  the  impending  rum.  But  they  were  badlv 
supported.  Overwhelmed  by  numbers,  thev  were  trodden  down,  disarmed, 
and  made  prisoners.  Still  the  garrison,  at  the  remaining  breaches,  continued 
to  make  a  desperate  stand.  But,  with  one  corps  pressing  them  on  flank  and 
another  in  front,  they  were  speedily  cut  to  pieces,  or  disabled  and  taken.  Jn 
half  an  hour  resistance  had  ceased  along  the  ramparts.  The  town  was  in 
possession  of  the  Spaniards.''  ,    .1    ,  i.         a-  ,. 

A  scene  of  riot  and  wild  uproar  followed,  such  as  made  the  late  conflict  seem 
tame  in  comparison.  The  victorious  troops  spread  over  the  town  in  quest  of 
plunder,  perpetrating  those  deeds  of  ruthless  violence  usual,  .even  in  this 
enliijhtened  age,  in  a  city  taken  by  storm.  The  wretched  inhabitants  fled 
before  them  ;  the  old  and  the  helpless,  the  women  and  children  taking  refuge 
in  garrets,  cellars,  and  any  other  corner  where  they  could  hide  themselves 
from  their  pursuers.  Nothing  was  to  be  heard  but  the  groans  of  the  wounded 
and  the  dying,  the  cries  of  women  and  children,— "  so  pitiful,    says  one 


•'  For  noticrs  of  the  takinp  of  St.  Quentin, 
in  greater  or  less  detail.  8ee(A>lipni.  Memoircs, 
an.  Collection  universelle  des  Memoires.  torn, 
xl. ;  Rabutiu,  M^moires,  ap.  Nouvelle  Collec- 
tion des  Memoires,  torn.  vil.  p.  556,  et  se<j. ; 
De  Thou,  Histoire  univereelle,  torn.  iii.  pp. 
164-170;  Campana,  Vita  del  Re  Filippo  Se- 
condo,  parte  ii.  lib.  9;  Cabrera,  Filipe  Se- 
gundo,  lib.  iv.  cap.  9;  Monpleinch  mip.  Vie 
du  Due  de  Savoie,  p.  162.— Juun  de  Piuedo,  in 


a  letter  to  the  Recretary  Vazquez  (dat'  d  .St. 
Quentin.  August  27th),  speaking  of  the  hard 
fighting  which  took  place  in  the  assault,  par- 
ticularly praises  the  gallantry  ot  the  Knglish  : 
•*  E«ta  tarde  entre  tres  y  quatro  horas  se  iia 
entrado  San  Quentin  a  pura  fuer^a  peleando 
muy  bien  los  de  dentro  y  los  de  fuera,  nmy 
et*cogidamenre  todus,  y  per  estremo  los  In- 
gleses."    MS. 


STORMING  OF  ST.  QUENTIN. 


97 


' 


present,  "  that  they  would  grieve  any  Christian  heart,"  "—mingled  with  the 
shouts  of  the  victors,  who,  intoxicatea  with  liquor,  and  loaded  with  booty,  now 
madly  set  fire  to  several  of  the  buildings,  which  soon  added  the  dangers  of 
conflagration  to  the  other  horrors  of  the  scene.  In  a  short  time  the  town 
would  have  been  reduced  to  ashes,  and  the  place  which  Philip  had  won 
at  so  much  cost  would  have  been  lost  to  him  by  the  excesses  of  his  own 
soldiers. 

The  king  had  now  entered  the  city  in  person.  He  had  never  been  present 
at  the  storming  of  a  place,  and  the  dreadful  spectacle  which  he  witnessed 
touched  his  heart.  Measures  were  instantly  taken  to  extinguish  the  flames, 
and  orders  were  issued  that  no  one,  under  pain  of  death,  should  oflfer  any  vio- 
lence to  the  old  and  infirm,  to  the  w^omen  and  children,  to  the  ministers  of 
religion,  to  religious  edifices,  or,  above  all,  to  the  relics  of  the  blessed  St 
Quentin.  Several  hundred  of  the  poor  people,  it  is  said,  presented  themselves 
before  Philip  and  claimed  his  protection.  By  his  command  they  were  con- 
ducted, under  a  strong  escort,  to  a  place  of  safety.'* 

It  was  not  possible,  however,  to  prevent  the  pillage  of  the  town.  It  would 
have  been  as  easy  to  snatch  the  carcass  from  the  tiger  that  was  rending  it. 
The  pillage  of  a  place  taken  by  storm  was  regarded  as  the  perquisite  of  the 
soldier,  on  which  he  counted  as  regularly  as  on  his  pay.  Those  who  distin- 
guished themselves  most  in  this  ruthless  work  were  the  German  mercenaries. 
Their  brutal  rapacity  filled  even  their  confederates  with  indignation.  The 
latter  seem  to  have  been  particularly  disgusted  with  the  unscrupulous  manner 
in  which  the  schwarzreiters  appropriated  not  only  their  own  share  of  the 
plunder,  but  that  of  both  English  and  Spaniards.*" 

Thus  fell  the  ancient  town  of  St.  Quentin,  after  a  defence  which  reflects 
equal  honour  on  the  courage  of  the  garrison  and  on  the  conduct  of  their 
commander.  With  its  fortifications  wretchedly  out  of  repair,  its  supply  of 
arms  altogether  inadequate,  the  number  of  its  garrison  at  no  time  exceeding 
a  thousand,  it  still  held  out  for  near  a.  month  against  a  powerful  army, 
fighting  imder  the  eyes  of  its  sovereign  and  led  by  one  of  the  best  captains  of 
Europe.^' 

Philip,  having  taken  measures  to  restore  the  fortifications  of  St.  Quentin, 
placed  it  under  the  protection  of  a  Spanish  garrison,  and  marched  against  the 
neighbouring  town  of  Catelet.  It  was  a  strong  place,  but  its  defenders,  un- 
hke  their  valiant  countrymen  at  St.  Quentin,  after  a  brief  show  of  re§istance, 
capitulated  on  the  sixth  of  September.  This  was  followed  by  the  surrender 
of  Ham,  once  renowned  through  Picardy  for  the  strength  of  its  defences. 


»•  Letter  of  the  earl  of  Bedford  to  Sir  Wil- 
liano  Cecil  (dated  "  from  our  camp  b(  side  St. 
Quentin,  the  3rd  of  Sept.,  1557  "),  ap.  Tytler, 
Edward  VI.  and  Mary,  vol.  ii.  p.  493. 

"  According  to  Sepulveda  (De  Rebus  gestis 
Philippi  II.,  lib.  i.  cap.  30),  no  less  than  four 
thousand  women.  It  is  not  very  probable 
that  Coligni  would  have  consented  to  cater  for 
80  many  useless  mouths. 

*"  "  The  Swartzrotters,  being  masters  of  the 
king's  whole  army,  used  such  force,  as  well 
to  the  Spaniards,  Italians,  and  all  other  na- 
tions, as  unto  us,  that  there  was  none  could 
«nJoy  nothing  but  themselves.  They  have 
now  showed  such  cruelty,  as  the  like  hath 
not  been  seen  for  greediness :  the  town  by 
them  was  set  a-lire,  and  a  great  piece  of  it 
burnt."    Letter  of  the  earl  of  Bedford  to  Cecil, 


ap.  Tytler,  Edward  VI.  and  Mary,  vol.  11.  p. 
493. 

«'  Rabutin,  Memoires,  ap.  Nouvelle  Collec- 
tion des  Memoires,  torn.  vii.  pp.  537-564. — 
I^e  Thou,  Histoire  universelle,  torn.  iii.  pp. 
149-170.— Campana,  Vita  di  Filippo  Secondo, 
parte  ii.  lib.  9. — The  best  account  of  the  siege 
of  St.  Quentin  is  to  be  found  in  Coligni's  Me- 
moires (ap.  Collection  universelle  des  Me- 
moires, torn.  xl.  pp.  217-290),  written  by  him 
in  his  subsequent  captivity,  when  the  events 
were  fresh  in  his  memory.  The  narrative  is 
given  in  a  simple,  unpretending  manner,  that 
engages  our  confidence,  though  the  author 
enters  into  a  minuteness  of  detail  which  the 
general  historian  may  be  excused  from  fol- 
lowing. 


98 


WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 


Philip  then  led  his  victorious  battalions  against  Noyon  and  Chaulny,  which 
last  town  was  sacked  by  the  soldiers.  The  French  were  filled  with  consterna- 
tion as  one  strong  place  after  another  on  the  frontier  fell  into  the  hands  of  an 
enemy  who  seemed  as  if  he  were  planting  his  foot  permanently  on  their  soil. 
That  PhiHp  did  not  profit  by  his  success  to  push  his  conquests  still  further,  is 
to  be  attributed  not  to  remissness  on  his  part,  but  to  the  conduct,  or  rather  the 
composition,  of  his  army,  made  up  as  it  was  of  troops  who,  selling  their  swords 
to  the  highest  bidder,  cared  little  for  the  banner  under  which  they  fought. 
Drawn  from  different  countries,  the  soldiers,  ^^athered  into  one  camp,  soon 
showed  all  their  national  rivalries  and  animasities.  The  English  quarrelled 
with  the  Germans,  and  neither  could  brook  the  insolent  bearing  of  the 
Spaniards.  The  Germans  complained  that  their  arrears  were  not  paid,— a 
complaint  probably  well  founded,  as.  notwithstanding  his  large  resources, 
Philip,  on  an  emergency,  found  the  difiiculty  in  raising  funds  which  every 
prince  in  that  dav  felt,  when  there  was  no  such  thing  known  as  a  well- 
arranged  system  of  taxation.  Tempted  by  the  superior  offers  of  Henry  the 
Second,  the  schwarzreiters  left  the  sUndard  of  Philip  in  great  numbers,  to 

join  that  of  his  rival.  ,  ,     ,        ,  ^, 

The  English  were  equally  discontented.  They  had  brought  from  home  the 
aversion  for  the  Spaniards  which  had  been  festering  there  since  the  queen's 
marriage.  The  sturdy  islanders  were  not  at  all  pleased  with  serving  under 
Philip.  They  were  fighting,  not  the  battles  of  England,  they  said,  but  of 
Spain.  Every  new  conquest  was  adding  to  the  power  of  a  monarch  far  too 
powerful  already.  They  had  done  enough,  and  insisted  on  being  allowed  to 
return  to  their  own  country.  The  kiiiff,  who  dreaded  nothing  so  much  as  a 
rupture  between  his  English  and  his  Spanish  subjects,  to  which  he  saw  the 
state  of  things  rapidly  tending,  was  fain  to  consent. 

By  this  departure  of  the  English  force,  and  the  secession  of  the  Germans, 
Philip's  strength  was  so  much  impaired  that  he  was  in  no  condition  to  make 
conquests,  hardly  to  keep  the  field.  The  season  was  now  far  advanced,  for  it 
was  the  end  of  October.  Having  therefore  garrisoned  the  conquered  places 
and  put  them  in  the  best  posture  of  defence,  he  removed  his  camp  to  Brussels, 
and  soon  after  put  his  army  into  winter-ouarters." 

Thus  ended  the  first  campaign  of  Philip  the  Second,— the  first  and,  with 
the  exception  of  the  following,  the  only  campaign  in  which  he  was  personally 
present  It  had  been  eminently  successful.  Besides  the  important  places 
which  he  had  gained  on  the  frontier  of  Picardy,  he  had  won  a  signal  victory 
in  the  field. 

But  the  campaign  was  not  so  memorable  for  military  results  as  in  a  moral 
view.  It  showed  the  nations  of  Europe  that  the  Spanish  sceptre  had  passed 
into  the  hands  of  a  prince  who  was  as  watchful  as  his  predecessor  had  been  over 
the  interests  of  the  state,  and  who,  if  he  were  not  so  actively  ambitious  as 
Charies  the  Fifth,  would  be  as  little  likely  to  brook  any  insult  from  his 
neighbours.  The  victory  of  St.  Quentin,  occurring  at  the  commencement  of  his 
reign,  reminded  men  of  the  victory  won  at  Pavia  by  his  father  at  a  similar 
penod  of  his  career,  and,  like  that,  furnished  a  brilliant  augury  for  the  future. 
Philip,  little  given  to  any  visible  expression  of  his  feelings,  testified  his  joy  at 
the  success  of  his  arms  by  afterwards  raising  the  magnificent  pile  of  the 
Escorial,  m  honour  of  the  blessed  martjpx  St.  Lawrence,  on  whose  day  the 
battle  was  fought,  and  to  whose  interposition  with  Heaven  he  attributed  the 
victory. 


*'  De  Thou,  Histoire  univfrseUo,  torn.  lit. 
pp.  173-177.— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib. 


W.  c«p.   13.  —  Sepulveda,  De  Rebus  geptis 
Philippi  II.,  lib.  I.  cap.  3i 


EXTRAORDINARY  EFFORTS  OF  FRANCK 


99 


CHAPTER    VIII. 


WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 


Extraordinary  Efforts  of  France — Cdais  surprised  by  Guise— The  French  invade  Flanders — 
Bloody  Battle  of  Gravelines— Negotiatiuus  for  t'eace — Mary's  Death — Accession  o I  Eliza- 
beth— Ireaty  of  Cateau-Cambresis. 

1557-1669. 

The  state  of  affairs  in  France  justified  Philip's  conclusions  in  respect  to  the 
loyalty  of  the  people.  No  sooner  did  Henry  the  Second  receive  tidings  of  the 
fatal  battle  of  St.  Quentin  than  he  despatched  couriers  in  all  directions, 
summoning  his  chivalry  to  gather  round  his  banner,  and  calling  on  the  towns 
for  aid  in  his  extremity.  Tne  nobles  and  cavaliers  promptly  responded  to  the 
call,  Hocking  in  Avith  their  retainers  ;  and  not  only  the  large  towns,  but  those 
of  inferior  size,  cheerfully  submitted  to  be  heavily  taxed  for  the  public  service. 
Paris  nobly  set  the  example.  She  did  not  exhaust  her  zeal  in  processions  of 
the  clergy,  headed  by  the  queen  and  the  royal  family,  carrying  with  them 
relics  from  the  different  churches.  All  the  citizens  capable  of  bearing  arms 
enrolled  themselves  for  the  defence  of  the  capital ;  and  large  appropriations 
were  made  for  strengthening  Montmartre  ana  for  defraying  the  expenses  of 
the  war.' 

With  these  and  other  resources  at  his  command,  Henry  was  speedily 
enabled  to  subsidize  a  large  body  of  Swiss  and  German  mercenaries.  The 
native  troops  serving  abroad  were  ordered  home.  The  veteran  Marshal 
Thermes  came,  with  a  large  corns,  from  Tuscany,  and  the  duke  of  Guise 
returned,  with  the  remnant  of  nis  battalions,  from  Rome.  This  popular 
commander  was  welcomed  with  enthusiasm.  The  nation  seemed  to  look  to 
him  as  to  the  deliverer  of  the  country.  His  late  cami»aign  in  the  kingdom  of 
Naples  was  celebrated  as  if  it  had  been  a  brilliant  career  of  victory.  lie  was 
made  lieutenant-general  of  the  army,  and  the  oldest  captains  were  proud  to 
take  service  under  so  renowned  a  chief. 

The  government  was  not  slow  to  profit  by  the  extraordinary  resources  thus 
placed  at  its  disposal.  Though  in  the  depth  of  winter,  it  was  resolved  to 
undertake  some  enterprise  tnat  should  retrieve  the  disasters  of  the  late 
campaign  and  raise  the  drooping  spirits  of  the  nation.  The  object  proposed 
was  the  recovery  of  Calais,  that  strong  place,  which  for  more  than  two  cen- 
turies had  remained  in  possession  of  the  English. 

The  French  had  ever  been  keenly  sensible  to  the  indignity  of  an  enemy 
thus  planting  his  foot  immovably,  as  it  were,  on  their  soil.  Tney  had  looked 
to  the  recovery  of  Calais  with  the  same  feelings  with  which  the  Spanish  Mos- 
lems, when  driven  into  Africa,  looked  to  the  recovery  of  their  ancient  posses- 
sions in  Granada.  They  showed  how  constantly  this  was  in  their  thoughts  by 
a  common  saying  respecting  any  commander  whom  they  held  lightly,  that  lie 
was  "not  a  man  to  drive  the  English  out  of  France.'^*  The  feelings  they 
entertained,  however,  were  rather  those  of  desire  than  of  expectation.  The 
place  was  so  strong,  so  well  garrisoned,  and  so  accessible  to  the  English,  that 

'  l>e  Thou,  Hi»to«re  unlverselle,  torn.  111.  designer  un  mauvals  general,  un   guerrier 

pp.   16?,  176.  — Gamier.  Histoire  de  France,  sans  naerite,  de  dire:  iT  ve  chassera  pas  Jen 

torn,  xxvii.  p.  377  et  s^'q.  Angfois  de  la  France."    Gaillard,  Rivallte  de 

»  "C'etoit  un  proverbs  re9u  en  France  pour  la  France  et  de  I'Espagne,  torn.  v.  p.  260. 


100  WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 

it  seemed  impretniable.  These  same  circumstances,  and  the  long  possession  of 
the^race  hS  iifpired  the  English,  on  the  other  hand  with  no  less  contidence, 
Is  wS  Tre^^^^^  ^^y  ^»  inscription  on  the  bronze  f  tes  of  the  town 

--"  When  the  French  besiege  Calais,  lead  and  iron  will  swim  like  cork.  Thi» 
confidence,  as  it  often  happens,  proved  their  ruin.  x      •      u     ^  « 

The  bis  lop  of  Acqs,  tlie  French  envoy  to  England  on  returning  home,  a 
shor  time  bkre  this,  liad  passed  through  Calais,  and  gave  a  strange  repor 
of  the  decay  of  the  works  and  the  small  number  of  the  garrison,  in  ^hort  of 
the  defenceless  condition  of  the  place.  Guise,  however,  as  cautious  as  he  was 
brave  wa' unwilling  to  undertake  so  hazardous  an  enterpnse  without  more 
preciseTnformation  When  satisfied  of  the  fact,  he  entered  on  the  project  wi  h 
LcharacSic  ardour.  The  plan  adopted  was  said  to  have  been  originally 
si^^S  by^S  in  ordeV  to  deceive  the  enemy,  the  duke  sent  the 
krfett  divbion  of  the  army,  under  Nevers,  in  the  direction  of  Luxemburg. 
He  Sen  marched  with  the  remainder  into  Picardy,  as  if  to  menace  one  of  the 
Saces  co^^^^^^  by  the  Spaniards.  Soon  afterwards  the  two  corps  united 
Snd  Gui^,  at  th^  hiad  of  his  whole  force,  by  a  rapid  march,  presented  himself 

"^Th:  SwiTwt  deEndtd  bvastrong  citadel,and  by  two  forts.  One  of  these 
commanding  the  approach  by  water,  the  duke  stormed  and  captured  on  the 
Sd  of  Janua^^^^  tL  other,  which  overlooked  the  land,  he  carried 

Tn  the  follSg  day.    Possessed  of  these  two  forts,  he  felt  sex^ure  from  an;r 
annovancX^^  either  by  land  or  by  water.    He  then  turned  his 

poreffLueing  train  against  tfie  citadel,  keeping  up  a  funous  cannonade 
Ey  day  and  by  night.  On  the  fifth,  as  soon  as  a  breach  was  opened,  the 
vfcto%us  trwps  poured  in,  and,  overpowering  the  garnson,  planted  the 
French  coloimr  on  the  walls.  The  earl  of  Wentvyorth,  who  commanded  m 
ffiunable,  with  his  s(.anty  garrison,  to  "^aiiitam  the  pto  now  that  ^he 
defences  were  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  P^pitulated  on  the  eighth  1  he 
fall  of  Calais  was  succeeded  by  that  of  Guisnes  and  of  \\fi^^»^^^^' J^^^^ 
a  few  days,  th>^  English  were  stripped  of  every  rood  of  the  terntory  \Nhich 
thev  had  held  in  France  since  the  time  of  Edward  the  Ihircl. 

?he  fall  of  Calais  caused  the  deepest  sensation  on  both  sides  of  the  Channel 
The  English  astounded  by  the  evVnt,  loudly  inveighed  against  the  treachery 
of  the  commander.  They  should  rather  have  blamed  the  treachery  of  their 
own  goveT^^^^  which  Ld  so  grossly  neglected  to  provide  for  the  defence 
of^  the  place  Philip,  suspecting  the  designs  of  the  French,  had  mtnnated 
his  suspKns  to  thellnglish  government,  and  had  offered  to  strengthen  the 
g^rTs^n  by  a  reinforceii^nt  o'f  his  own  troops.  But  his  allies,  perTiaps  dis- 
trusting his  motives,  despised  his  counsel,  or  at  least  failed  to  profit  by  it 
After  tie  place  was  taken,  he  made  another  offer  to  send  a  strong  force  t^ 
recover  it,  provided  the  English  would  support  him  with  a  sufhcaent  fleet^ 
This  also,  perhaps  from  the  same  feeling  of  distrust,  though  on  the  nlea  of 
inability  to  meet  the  expense,  was  declined,  and  the  opportunity  for  the 
recovery  of  Calais  was  lost  for  ever.*  xu       ^.  ^ 

Yet  in  truth,  it  was  no  great  loss  to  the  nation.  Like  more  than  one, 
Drobably,  of  the  colonial  possessions  of  England  at  the  present  day,  Calais 
cost  evenr  year  more  than  it  was  worth.  Its  chief  va  lie  was  the  facility  it 
afforded  foir  the  invasion  of  France.    Yet  such  a  facility  for  war  with  their 


=  "Aussi  les  Anglois  furent  si  ploviiux 
(car  ils  le  soot  assez  de  leur  naturel)  de 
mtttre  sur  les  portes  de  la  ville  que,  lore  que 
lef*  FrangoJs  assiegeront  Calais,  Ion  verra  le 
plumb  et  le  fer  nager  sur  I'eau  comme  le 


liege."    BrantCme,  CEuvrcs,  torn.  iii.  p.  203. 

♦  BuriiPt,  History  of  the  Reformation,  vol. 
lii.  p.  646. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  C50. 


THE  FRENCH  INVADE  FLANDERS. 


101 


> 


•^ 


.* 


neighbours,  always  too  popular  with  the  English  before  the  time  of  Philip  the 
Second,  was  of  questionable  value.  The  real  iniury  from  the  loss  of  Calais 
was  the  wound  which  it  infficted  on' the  national  honour. 

The  exultotion  of  the  French  was  boundless.  It  could  not  well  have  been 
greater  if  the  duke  of  Guise  had  crossed  the  Channel  and  taken  London  itself. 
The  brilliant  and  rapid  manner  in  which  the  exploit  had  been  performed,  the 
gallantry  with  which  the  young  general  had  exposed  his  own  person  in  the 
a>.sault,'the  generosity  with  which  he  had  divided  his  share  of  the  booty 
among  the  soldiers,  all  struck  the  lively  imagination  of  the  French ;  and  he 
became  more  than  ever  the  idol  of  the  people. 

Yet  during  the  remainder  of  the  campaign  his  arms  were  not  crowned  with 
such  distinguished  success.  In  May  he  marched  against  the  strong  town  of 
Thionville,  m  Luxemburg.  After  a  siege  of  twenty  days,  the  place  surren- 
dered. Having  taken  one  or  two  other  towns  of  less  importance,  the  t  rench 
army  wasted  nearly  three  weeks  in  a  state  of  inaction,  unless,  indeed,  we  take 
into  account  the  activity  caused  by  intestine  troubles  of  the  army  itself.  It 
is  difficult  to  criticise  fairly  the  conduct  of  a  commander  of  that  a^%  when  his 
levies  were  made  up  so  largely  of  foreign  mercenaries,  who  felt  so  little  attach- 
ment to  the  service  in  which  they  were  engaged  that  they  were  ready  to 
quarrel  with  it  on  the  slightest  occasion.  Among  these  the  German  schwarz- 
reiters  were  the  most  conspicuous,  manifesting  too  often  a  degree  ot  insolence 
and  insubordination  that  made  them  hardly  less  dangerous  as  friends  than  as 
enemies.  The  importance  they  attached  to  their  own  services  made  thein 
exorbitant  in  their  demands  of  pay.  When  this,  as  was  too  frequently  the 
case,  was  in  arrears,  they  took  the  matter  into  their  own  hands,  by  pillaging 
the  friendly  country  in  which  they  were  quartered,  or  by  breaking  out  into 
open  mutiny.  A  German  baron,  on  one  occasion,  went  so  far  as  to  level 
his  pistol  at  the  head  of  the  duke  of  Guise.  So  widely  did  this  mutinous  spmt 
extend  that  it  was  only  by  singular  coolness  and  address  that  this  popular 
chieftain  could  bring  these  adventurers  into  anything  like  subjection  to  his 
authority.  As  it  was,  the  loss  of  time  caused  by  these  troubles  was  attended 
with  most  disastrous  consequences.  nc     i   i  j 

The  duke  had  left  Calais  garrisoned  by  a  strong  force,  under  Marshal  de 
Thermes  He  had  since  ordered  that  veteran  to  take  command  of  a  bod^y  of 
fifteen  hundred  horse  and  five  thousand  foot,  drawn  partly  from  the  garrison 
itself,  and  to  march  into  West  Flanders.  Guise  proposed  to  join  him  there 
with  his  own  troops,  when  they  would  furnish  such  occupation  to  the 
Spaniards  as  would  effectually  prevent  them  from  a  second  mvasion  of 
Pi  card v 

The  plan  was  well  designed,  and  the  marshal  faithfully  executed  his  part  of 
it  Taking  the  road  by  St.  Omer,  he  entered  Flanders  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Dunkirk,  laid  siege *to  that  flourishing  town,  stormed  and  gave  it  up  to 
pillage.  He  then  penetrated  as  far  as  Nieuport,  when  the  fatigue  and  the 
great  heat  of  the  weather  brought  on  an  attack  of  gout,  which  entirely  dis- 
abled him.  The  officer  on  whom  the  command  devolved  allowed  the  men  to 
spread  themselves  over  the  country,  where  they  perpetrated  such  acts  of  rapa- 
city  and  violence  as  were  not  sanctioned  even  by  the  code  of  that  unscrupu- 
lous at^e.  Tlie  wretched  inhabitants,  driven  from  their  homes,  called  loudly 
on  Count  Egmont,  their  governor,  to  protect  them.  The  duke  of  Savoy  lay 
with  his  army,  at  this  time,  at  Manbeuge,  in  the  province  of  Namur ;  but  he 
sent  orders  to  Egmont  to  muster  such  forces  as  he  could  raise  in  the  neigh- 
bouring country,  and  to  intercept  the  retreat  of  the  French,  until  the  duke 
could  come  to  his  support  and  chastise  the  enemy. 


1    s 


102  WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 

E'Tiiont,  indignant  at  the  wroners  of  his  countrymen,  and  burning  with  the 
desire  of  revenge,  showed  thegreatestalacrity  in  o^ying  these  orders^  Volun- 
teers came  in  from  all  sides,  and  he  soon  found  hunself  at  the  head  of  an  army 
consisting  of  ten  or  twelve  thousand  foot  and  two  thousand  horse  W  ith  these 
he  crossS  the  borders  at  once,  and  sent  forward  a  detachment  to  occupy  the 
great  road  hv  which  Thermes  had  penetrated  nito  Inlanders.  ^u  *  •* 

The  French  commander,  advise<l  too  late  of  these  movements,  saw  that  it 
was  necessary  to  abandon  at  once  his  present  Quarters  and  secure,  if  possible, 
his  retreat  Guise  was  at  a  distance,  occupied  with  the  troubles  of  his  own 
eanii)  The  Flemings  had  possession  of  the  route  by  which  the  njarshal  had 
entered  the  country.  One  other  lay  open  to  him,  along  the  sea-shore,  m  the 
neighbourhood  of  Gravelines,  where  the  Aa  pours  its  waters  into  the  ocean 
By  taking  advantage  of  the  ebb,  the  river  might  be  forded,  and  a  direct  road 
to  Oalais'would  be  presented.  ,     ,    .     xx  j  u-       u  4-    i^  ,.« 

Thernjes  saw  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost.  He  caused  himself  to  be  re- 
moved from  his  sick-bed  to  a  litter,  and  began  his  retreat  at  once.  On  living 
Diuikirk,  he  tired  the  town,  where  the  houses  were  all  that  remained  to  the 
wretched  inhabitants  of  their  property.  His  march  was  impeded  by  his 
artillery,  by  his  ba-ga^e,  and  especially  by  the  booty  which  he  was  conveying 
back  from  the  plundered  provinces.  He  however  succeeded  in  crossmg  the 
Aa  at  low  water,  and  gained  the  sands  on  the  opposite  side.    But  the  enemy 

was  there  before  him.*  ,   „  ..    .    i  i  ♦u^ 

Egmont,  on  getting  tidings  of  the  marshal's  movements,  had  crossed  the 
river  higher  up,  where  the  stream  was  narrower.  Disencumbering  himselt  ot 
artillery,  and  even  of  baggage,  in  order  to  move  the  lighter,  he  made  a  rapid 
march  to  the  sea-side,  and  reached  it  in  time  to  intercept  the  enemy.  Ihere 
was  no  choice  left  for  Thermes  but  to  fight  his  way  through  the  fei>aniards  or 

III  as  he  was,  the  marshal  mounted  his  horse  and  addressed  a  few  words  to 
his  troops.  Pointing  in  the  direction  of  the  blazing  rums  of  Dunkirk,  he  told 
them  that  they  could  not  return  there.  Then  turning  towards  Calais,  1  here 
is  your  home,"  he  said,  "  and  you  must  beat  the  enemy  before  you  can  gain  it. 
He  determined,  however,  not  to  begin  the  action,  but  to  secure  his  position  as 
strongly  as  he  could,  and  await  the  assault  of  the  Spaniards.  . ,    ,     , . 

He  placed  his  infantry  in  the  centre,  and  flanked  it  on  either  side  by  his 
cavalry.  In  the  front  he  established  his  artillery,  consisting  of  six  or  seven 
falconets,-field-pieces  of  smaller  size.  He  threw  a  considerable  body  of 
Gascon  pikemen  in  the  rear,  to  act  as  a  reserve  wherever  their  presence  should 
be  required.  The  river  Aa,  which  flowed  behind  his  troons,  formed  also  a 
good  protection  in  that  quarter.  His  left  wing  he  covered  by  a  barricade 
ma<ie  of  the  baggage  and  artillery  wagons.  His  right,  which  rested  on  the 
ocean,  seemed  secure  from  any  annoyance  on  that  side.* 

Count  Egmont,  seeing  the  French  thus  preparing  to  give  battle,  quickly 

•  De  Thou,  Histoire  unlvereelle.  torn.  \\\.  lib.  lO.-Cabrera,  Filipe  Sepondo  lib.  iv.  cap. 

p.  238.-<Jamier.  Histoire  de  France,  torn.  21.- Herrera,  Historia  general,  hb.  v.cap  5. 

xxvii.  p.  512.— Rabutin,  ap.  Nouvelle  Col-  — Monpleincbamp,  Vie   du  Due  de  bavoie, 

lection  dos  Memoiren,  torn.  vii.  p.  598.— Cam-  p.  154. 
pana.  Vita  del  Re  Filippo  Secondo,  parte  ii. 


•  [At  the  present  day  a  general  would 
scarcely  consider  it  an  advantage  in  battie  to 
have  tiie  8  a  on  his  flank  and  a  river  in  his 
rear.  Such  is,  however,  the  view  taken  in 
tlUs  instance  by  contemporary  writers  and 
adopted  by  modern  historians.    The  despe- 


rateness  of  the  position  may  partly  account 
for  the  vigorous  efforts  of  the  French  at  the 
beginning  of  the  action;  but  it  exj>lains, 
much  better  than  the  fire  from  the  Enelish 
fleet,  their  subsequent  panic  and  the  com- 
pleteness of  tlieir  defeat.— Eu.] 


li 


BATTLE  OF  GRAVELINES. 


103 


made  his  own  dispositions.  He  formed  his  cavalry  into  three  divisions.  The 
centre  he  proposed  to  lead  in  person.  It  was  made  up  chiefly  of  the  heavy 
men-at-arms  and  some  Flemish  horse.  On  the  nght  he  placed  his  hght 
cavalry,  and  on  the  left  wing  rode  the  Spanish.  His  infantry  he  drew  up  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  support  the  several  divisions  of  horse.  Having  completed 
his  arrangements,  he  gave  orders  to  the  centre  and  the  nght  wmg  to  charge, 
and  rode  at  full  gallop  against  the  enemy.  ^u^  Uo+fo 

Though  somewhat  annoyed  by  the  heavy  guns  m  their  advance,  the  batta- 
lions came  on  in  good  order,  and  fell  with  such  fury  on  the  French  left  and 
centre  that  horse  and  foot  were  borne  down  by  the  violence  of  the  shock. 
But  the  French  gentlemen  who  formed  the  cavalry  were  of  the  same  high 
mettle  as  those  who  fought  at  St.  Quentin  Though  borne  down  for  a 
moment,  they  were  not  overpowered ;  and,  after  a  desperate  struggle,  they 
succeeded  in  rallying  and  in  driving  back  the  assailants  Egniont  returned 
to  the  charge,  but  was  forced  back  with  greater  loss  than  before.  Ihe 
French,  following  up  their  advantage,  compelled  the  assailants  to  retreat  on 
their  6wn  lines.  The  guns,  at  the  same  time,  oi)ening  on  the  exposed  flank 
of  the  retreating  troopers,  did  them  considerable  mischief .  Egmont  s  horse 
was  killed  under  him,  and  he  had  nearly  been  run  over  by  his  own  followers^ 
In  the  mean  while,  the  Gascon  reserve,  armed  with  their  long  spears,  pushed 
on  to  the  support  of  the  cavalry,  and  filled  the  air  with  their  shouts  of 

"  ThSd  seemed  to  be  already  lost ;  when  the  left  wing  of  Spanish  horse, 
which  had  not  yet  come  into  action,  seeing  the  disorderly  state  of  the  l-rench 
as  they  were  pressing  on,  charged  them  briskly  on  the  flank.  This  had  the 
ertect  to  check  the  tide  of  pursuit  and  give  the  fugitives  tune  to  rally  Egmon^ 
meanwhile,  was  mounted  on  a  fresh  horse,  and,  throwing  himself  into  the 
midst  of  his  followers,  endeavoured  to  reanimate  their  courage  and  reform 
their  disordered  ranks.  Then,  cheering  them  on  by  his  voice  and  example,  he 
cried  out,  "  We  are  conquerors  !  Those  who  love  glory  and  their  fatherland, 
follow  me  ! "  *  and  spurred  furiously  against  the  enemy. 

The  French,  hard  pressed  both  on  front  and  on  flank,  fell  back  m  their 
turn,  and  continued  to  retreat  till  they  had  gained  their  former  position  At 
the  same  time,  the  lamhiechU  in  Egmont's  service  marched  up,  m  dehance 
of  the  fire  of  the  artillery,  and  got  possession  of  the  guns,  running  the  men  who 
had  charge  of  them  through  with  their  lances.'  The  fight  now  becanie 
general :  and,  as  the  combatants  were  brought  into  close  quarters,  they  fought 
as  men  fight  where  numbers  are  nearly  balanced  and  each  one  seems  to  feel 
that  his  own  arm  may  turn  the  scale  of  victory.  The  result  was  brought 
about  by  an  event  which  neither  party  could  control,  and  neither  have  fore- 

An  English  squadron  of  ten  or  twelve  vessels  lay  at  some  distance,  but 
out  of  sight  of  the  combatants.  Attracted  by  the  noise  of  the  hring,  its 
commander  drew  near  the  scene  of  action,  and,  ranging  along  shore,  opened 
his  fire  on  the  right  wing  of  the  French,  nearest  the  sea.»»  The  shot, 
probably,  from  the  distance  of  the  ships,  did  no  great  execution,  and  is  even 
said  to  have  killed  some  of  the  Spaniards.  But  it  spread  a  panic  among 
the  French,  as  they  found  themselves  assailed  by  a  new  enemy,  who  seemed 


'  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  iv.  cap.  21. 

•  "  Nous  sommes  vainqueurs ;  que  ceux 
qui  aimentlagloire  et  leurpatrieme  suivent." 
De  Tliou,  Histoire  unlverselle,  torn.  iii.  p. 
240. 


•  Cabrera,  Filipe  Sepundo,  lib.  iv.  cap.  21. 

•"  De  Thou,  Histoire  universelle,  torn.  iii. 
p.  240.— Gamier,  Histoire  de  France,  tom. 
xxvil.  p.  616. 


104  WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 

^^The^rJut^'wa^  now  general,  and  the  victorious  cavalry  rode  over  the  field. 

^vlw  ^IverX  inde^^^  if   according  to  some  accounts,  not  very  credible, 

tfetors  "aH»  not  so  -portantV  the  a,„o«nto  forces  engaged,  the 
virtnrv  of  Gravelines  was  as  complete  as  that  of  fet.  Viueniin. 

Yet^h^^  had  a  powerful  arniy  on  foot,  w;ere  ni  better  condit  on 

to  mi  thei^reveV^^^^^  on  that  day.  Ae  duke  of  Guise,  on  receiving  the 
tWhiS  iiSi'irnm^^^  ^^ith  his  wliole  force  and  posted  himself  strongly 
heS  Te  Sommrin  order  to  cover  Picardy  from  mvasion  The  duke  of 
&  uniting  hU  orces  with  those  of  Count  Egmont,  took  up  a  position 
^onc  the  hne^  of  the  Authie  and  made  demonstrations  o  laying  siege  to 
Sens  The  French  and  Spanish  monarchs  both  took  the  held.  So  well 
SntS  and  large  a  force  as  that  led  by  Henry  had  »ot  been  seen  m  J  mnce 
fo^amTa  year  yet  that  monarch  might  justly  be  mortified  by  the  reflection 
tL  the  Ser  part  of  this  force  was  made  up  of  foreign  mercenaries^ 
Immmthiff^t  is  said  to  forty  thousand.  Philipwas  in  equal  strength,  and 
r  S'of  the  wir  h^^^^  to  assemble  his  l^st  captains  around 

him  Tmong  them  was  Alva,  whose  cautious  counsels  might  serve  to  temper 
the  bolder  enterprise  of  the  duke  of  Savoy. 


\ 


»'  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segnndo,  lib.  iv.  cap.  21. 
-De  Thou,  Histoire  universelle,  torn.  iii.  p. 

241.  .        ,  ,    . , 

'"  "  Ma  della  cauallena  nluno  fu  quasi,  ch 

5  non  moiisae  combattendo,  6  non  resta^se 

prigione,  non  potfndosi  Baluar  fuggendo  in 

qui  i  luoghi  paludosi,  malageuoli."   Campana, 

Vita  del  Re  Filippo  Secondo,  parte  ii.  lib  10. 
"  For  the  accounts  of  this  lattle,  see  Cani- 

pana.  Vita  del  Re  Filippo  Secondo,  parte  11. 

lib.    10.— Crtbrora,  Filipe  Segundo,   lib.  iv. 

cap  21.— De  Thou,  Histoiie  universelle,  torn. 

iii  pp  239-241.— Gamier,  Hihtoirede  France, 

torn,   xxvii.    p.   513,  et    wq.— Rabutin,    ap. 

Nouvelle  Collection  des  Memoires,  torn.  vii. 

p.   698.  —  Herrera,  Histona  general,  lib.   v. 

cap.    5.— Ferreras,    lllstoire  generalc  d'Ls- 


pacne,  torn.  ix.  p.  396.— Monpleinchamp,  Vie 
du  Hue  de  Savoie,  p.  155.- 1  know  of  no 
action  of  which  the  accounts  are  so  perfectly 
irreconcilable  in  their  details  as  those  of  the 
battle  of  (jravelines.  Authorities  are  not 
even  agree<l  «8  to  whether  It  was  an  English 
fleet  that  tired  on  the  French  troops.  One 
writer  speaks  of  it  as  a  Spanish  ^quad^.u 
from  Gulpuscoa.  Another  says  the  marines 
landed,  and  engaged  the  enemy  on  shore.  It 
is  no  easy  matter  to  extract  a  probability 
from  many  improbrtbilities.  There  is  one 
fact  however,  and. that  the  most  important 
one!  in  which  all  agree.— that  Count  Egmont 
won  a  decisive  victory  over  the  French  at 
Gravelines. 


NEGOTIATIONS  FOR  PEACE. 


105 


t 

f 


> 


A  level  ground,  four  leagues  in  breadth,  lay  between  the  armies.  Skirmishes 
took  place  occasionally  between  the  light  troops  on  either  side,  and  a  general 
eii-agement  might  be  brought  on  at  any  moment.  All  eyes  were  turned  to 
the  battle-field,  where  the  two  greatest  princes  of  Europe  might  so  soon  con- 
tend for  mastery  with  each  other.  Had  the  fathers  of  these  princes  Charles 
the  Fifth  and  Francis  the  First,  been  in  the  field,  such  very  probably  would 
have  been  the  issue.  But  Philip  was  not  disposed  to  risk  the  certain  advan- 
tages he  had  already  gained  by  a  final  appeal  to  arms.  And  Henry  was  stUl 
le.?s  inclined  to  peril  all— his  capital,  perhaps  his  crown— on  the  hazard  of  a 

There  vvere  many  circumstances  which  tended  to  make  both  monarchs 
prefer  a  more  peaceful  arbitrament  of  their  quarrel  and  to  disgust  them  with 
the  war.    Among  these  was  the  ruinous  state  of  their  finances.'*    When  Kuy 
Gomez  de  Silva,  as  has  been  already  stated,  was  sent  to  bpam  by  Pmiip,  ne 
was  ordered  to  avail  himself  of  every  expedient  that  could  be  devised  to  raise 
money.    Ortices  were  put  up  for  sale  to  the  highest  bidder.     The  public 
revenues  were  mortgaged.     Large  sums  were  obtained  from  merchants  at 
e.Korbitant  rates  of  interest.    Forced  loans  were  exacted  from  individuals, 
especially  from  such  as  were  known  to  have  received  large  returns  by  the  late 
arrivals  from  the  New  World.    Three  hundred  thousand  ducats  were  raised 
on  the  security  of  the  coming  fair  at  Villalon.    The  Regent  Joanna  was 
persuaded  to  sell  her  yearly  pension,  assigned  her  on  the  alcavala,  for  a  down- 
ntcht  sum,  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  the  state.    Goods  were  obtained  from  the 
king  of  Portugal,  in  order  to  be  sent  to  Flanders  for  the  profit  to  be  raised  on 
the'sale  '*    Such  were  the  wretched  devices  by  which  Philip,  who  mhented 
this  policy  of  temporizing  expedients  from  his  father,  endeavoured  to  re- 
plenish his  exhausted  treasury.    Besides  the  sums  drawn  from  Castile,  the 
kine  obtained  also  no  less  than  a  million  and  a  half  of  ducats  as  an  extraor- 
dinary gi-ant  from  the  states  of  the  Netherlands."    Yet  these  sums,  large  as 
thev  were,  were  soon  absorbed  by  the  expense  of  keeping  armies  on  foot  in 
Fiance  and  in  Italy.    Philip's  correspondence  with  his  ministers  teems  with 
representations  of  the  low  state  of  his  finances,  of  the  arrears  due  to  his 
troops,  and  the  necessity  of  immediate  supplies  to  save  him  from  bankruptcy. 
The  prospects  the  ministers  hold  out  to  him  in  return  are  anything  but 

^"AnoSier  ^circumstance  which  made  both  princes  desire  the  termination  of 
the  war  was  the  disturbed  state  of  their  own  kingdoms.    The  Protestant 

•♦  There  is  an  interesting  letter  of  Philip's 
sister,  the  Regent  .Joanna,  to  her  father,  the 
emperor,  then  in  the  monastery  of  Yuste.    It 
was  written  nearly  a  year  before  this  period 
of  our  history.    Joanna  gives  many  good  rea- 
sons, especially  the  disorders  of  his  finances, 
which  made  it  expedient  for  Philip  to  profit 
by  his  successful  campaign   to  conclude  a 
peace  with    France.     These  views,  though 
thf-y  did  not  meet  the  approval  of  Charles, 
were  the  same  which  now  presented  tliem- 
selvHS  with  such  force  to  both  Philip  and  his 
ministers.    The  capture  of  Calais,  soon  after 
the  date  of  Joanna's  letter,  and  the  great  pre- 
parations ma<le  by  Henry,  threw  a  weight 
into  tlie  t-nemy's  scale  which  gave  new  heait 
to  the  French  to  prolong  the  contest,  until  it 
ended  with  the  defeat  at  Gravelines.— Carta 
de  la  Princesa  J  nana  al  Emperador,  14  de 
Diclembre,  1557,  MS.— Carta  del  Emperador 


&  la  Princesa,  26  de  Diciembre.  1557,  MS. 

'^  Relatione  di  Giovanni  Micheli,  MS. — 
Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  iv.  cap.  2,  4.— 
Campana,  Vita  de  Filippo  Secondo,  parte  ii. 

lib.  II. 

"  Relatione  di  Giovanni  Micheli,  MS. 

"  ♦•  Yo  OS  digo  que  yo  estoy  de  todo  punto 
Imposibilitado  &  sostener  la  guerra.  .  .  . 
Estos  terminos  me  parecen  tan  aprestadoa 
que  so  pena  de  perderme  no  puedo  dejar  do 
concertarme. "  Letter  of  Philip  to  the  Bishop 
of  Arras  (February  12th,  1559),  ap.  Papiera 
d'fitat  de  Granvelle,  tom.  v.  p.  454,  et  alibi. 
—Philip  told  the  Venetian  minister  he  was 
in  such  straits  that,  if  the  French  king  had 
not  made  advances  towards  an  accommoda- 
tion, he  should  have  Ijeen  obliged  to  do  so 
himself.  Campana,  Vita  di  Filippo  Secondo, 
parte  ii.  lib.  11. 


106 


WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 


I 


heresy  had  already  begun  to  rear  its  formidahle  crest  in  tlie  Netherlands ;  and 
tlie  lliignenots  were  beginning  to  claim  tiie  notice  of  the  French  government. 
Henry  the  Second,  who  was  penetrated,  as  nuich  as  Philip  himself,  with  the 
spirit  of  the  Ini|uisition,  longed  for  leisure  to  crush  the  heretical  doctrines  in 
the  bud.  In  this  pious  purj)Ose  he  was  encouraged  by  Paul  the  Fourth,  who, 
now  that  he  was  hnnself  restrained  from  levying  war  against  his  neiirhbours, 
seemed  resolved  that  no  one  else  should  claim  that  mdulgence.  He  sent 
legates  to  both  Henry  and  Philip,  conjuring  them,  instead  of  warring  with 
each  other,  to  turn  their  arms  against  the  heretics  in  their  dominions,  who 
were  sapping  the  foundations  of  tne  Church.'* 

The  pacific  disposition  of  the  two  monarchs  was,  moreover,  fostered  by  the 
French  prisoners,  and  especially  by  Montmorency,  whose  authority  had  been 
such  at  court  that  Charles  the  Fifth  declared  "  his  capture  was  more  important 
than  would  have  been  that  of  the  king  himself."  '•  The  old  constable  was 
most  anxious  to  return  to  his  own  country,  where  he  saw  with  uneasiness  the 
ascendency  which  his  absence  and  the  prolongation  of  the  war  were  giving 
to  his  rival,  Guise,  in  the  royal  counsels.  Through  him  negotiations  were 
opened  with  the  French  couit,  until,  Henry  the  Second  thinking,  with  good 
reason,  that  these  negotiations  would  be  better  conducted  by  a  regular  congress 
than  by  prisoners  in  the  custody  of  his  enemies,  commissioners  were  aytpointed 
on  both  sides,  to  arrange  the  terms  of  acconmiodation.*'*  Montmorency  and  his 
fellow-captive.  Marshal  St.vAndre',  were  included  in  the  commission.  But  the 
person  of  most  importance  in  it,  on  the  part  of  France,  was  the  cardinal  of 
Lo'-raine,  brother  of  the  duke  of  Guise,  a  man  of  a  subtle,  intrigning  temper, 
and  one  who,  like  the  rest  of  his  family,  notwithstanding  his  pacific  demon- 
strations, may  be  said  to  have  represented  the  war  party  in  France.** 

On  the  part  of  Spain  the  agents  selected  were  the  men  most  conspicuous  for 
talent  and  authority  in  the  kingdom  ;  the  names  of  some  of  whom,  whether 
for  good  or  for  evil  report,  remam  immortal  on  the  page  of  history.  Among 
these  were  the  duke  of  Alva  and  his  great  antagonist.— as  he  became  after- 
wards in  the  Netherlands,— William  of  Orange,  ^ut  tne  principal  person  in 
the  commission,  the  man  who  in  fact  directed  it,  was  Anthony  Perrenot,  bishop 
of  Arras,  better  known  bv  his  later  title  of  Cardinal  Granvelle.  He  was  son 
of  the  celebrated  chancellor  of  that  name  under  Charles  the  Fifth,  by  whom 
he  was  early  trained,  not  so  much  to  the  duties  of  the  ecclesiastical  profession 
as  of  public  life.  He  profited  so  well  by  the  instruction  that,  in  the  emperor's 
time,  ne  succeeded  his  father  in  the  royal  confidence,  and  surpassed  him  in  his 
talent  for  affairs.  His  accommodating  temper  combined  witn  his  zeal  for  the 
interests  of  Philip  to  recommend  Gmnvelle  to  the  favour  of  that  monarch ; 
and  his  insinuating  address  and  knowledge  of  character  well  qualified  him  for 


'"  Cabrera.  Fllipe  Segundo,  lib.  iv.  cap.  16. 
— Ferreras,  Histutre  generale  d'Espagne.tom. 
vii.  p.  397. 

"  "Hablo  que  era  de  tener  en  mas  la 
pressa  del  Condestable,  que  si  fuera  la  miema 
persona  del  Rey,  porque  faltando  el,  falta  el 
govierno  jeneral  t'do."  Carta  del  Mayor- 
domo  Don  Luis  Mendez  Quixada  al  Secre- 
tario  Juan  Vazquez  de  Molina,  MS. 

™  The  French  govemm«nt  had  good  rea- 
sons for  its  distrust.  It  appears  from  the 
correspondence  of  GranveUe  that  that  minister 
employed  a  respectable  agent  to  take  charge 
of  the  letters  of  St.-Andre,  and  probably  of 
the  other  prisoners,  and  that  these  letters 
were   inspected   by  Granvelle    before   they 


passed  to  the  French  camp.     See    Papiers 
d'£tat  de  Granvelle.  tom.  v.  p.  178. 

='  Some  historians,  among  them  Sismondi, 
seem  to  have  given  more  credit  to  tlie  pro- 
fessions of  the  politic  Frenchman  than  they 
deserve  (Histoire  des  Francais,  tom.  xviii. 
p.  73).  Granvelle.  who  understood  the  cha- 
racter of  his  antagonist  better,  was  not  so 
easily  duped.  A  memorandum  among  his 
papers  thus  notice.s  the  French  cardinal  : 
"Toute  la  demonstration  que  faisoit  ledict 
cardinal  de  Lorraine  de  dpsirer  paix,  estoit 
chose  faincte  a  la  fran^^  ise  et  pour  nous 
abuser."  Papiers  d'£tat  de  Granvelle,  torn, 
v  p.  168. 


^1 

Pi     11 


iJ       ' 


NEGOTIATIONS  FOR  PEACE. 


107 


conducting  a  negotiation  where  there  were  so  many  jarring  feelings  to  be 
brought  into  concord,  so  many  hostile  and  perplexing  interests  to  be  recon- 
ciled. 

As  a  suspension  of  hostilities  was  agreed  on  during  the  continuance  of  the 
negotiations,  it  was  decided  to  remove  the  armies  from  the  neighl3ourhood  of 
each  other,  where  a  single  spark  might  at  any  time  lead  to  a  general  explo.sion. 
A  still  stronger  earnest  was  given  of  their  pacific  intentions  by  both  the 
monarchs  disbanding  part  of  their  foreign  mercenaries,  whose  services  were 
purchased  at  a  ruinous  cost,  that  made  one  of  the  great  evils  of  the  war. 

The  congress  met  on  the  fifteenth  of  October,  1558,  at  the  abbey  of  Cer- 

cainps,  near  Cambray.    Between  parties  so  well  disposed  it  might  be  thought 

that  some  genei-al  terms  of  accommodation  would  soon  be  settled.    But  the  war, 

which  ran  back  pretty  far  into  Charles  the  Fifth's  time,  had  continued  so 

long  that  many  territories  had  changed  masters  during  the  contest,  and  it 

was  not  easy  to  adjust  the  respective  claims  to  them.    The  duke  of  Savoy's 

dominions,  for  example,  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  Henry  the  Second,  who 

moreover  asserted  an  hereditary  right  to  them  through  his  grandmother. 

Yet  it  was  not  possible  for  Philip  to  abandon  his  ally,  the  man  whom  he  had 

placed  at  the  head  of  his  armies.    But  the  greatest  obstacle  was  Calais.    "If 

we  return  without  the  recovery  of  Calais,"  said  the  English  envoys,  who  also 

took  part  in  this  congress,  "we  shall  be  stoned  to  death  by  the  people."" 

Philip  supported  the  claim  of  England ;  and  yet  it  was  evident  that  France 

would  never  relinquish  a  post  so  important  to  herself,  which  after  so  many  years 

of  hope  deferred  had  at  last  come  again  into  her  possession.    While  engaged 

in  the  almost  hoi)eless  task  of  adjusting  these  dilierences,  an  event  occurred 

which  suspended  the  negotiations  for  a  time  and  exercised  an  important 

inrtuence  on  the  attairs  of  Europe.    This  was  the  death  of  one  of  the  parties 

to  the  war.  Queen  Mary  of  England.  ,  v  ..u 

Mary's  health  had  been  fast  declining  of  late,  under  the  pressure  of  both 

mental  and  bodily  disease.    The  loss  of  Calais  bore  heavily  on  her  spirits,  as 

she  thought  of  the  reproach  it  would  bring  on  her  reign  and  the  increased 

unpopularity  it  would  draw  upon  herself.    "  When  I  die,"  she  said,  m  the 

strong  language  since  made  familiar  to  Englishmen  by  the  similar  expression 

of  their  great  admiral,  "  Calais  will  be  found  written  on  my  heart."  " 

PhiUp,  who  was  not  fully  apprised  of  the  queen's  low  condition,  early  in 
November  sent  the  count,  afterwards  duke,  of  Feria  as  his  envoy  to  London, 
with  letters  for  Mary.  This  nobleman,  who  had  married  one  of  the  queen  s 
maids  of  honour,  stood  high  in  the  favour  of  his  master.  With  courtly 
manners,  and  a  magnificent  way  of  living,  he  combined  a  shrewdness  and 
solidity  of  judgment  that  eminently  fitted  him  for  his  present  mission.  Ihe 
queen  received  with  great  joy  the  letters  which  he  brought  her,  though  too 
m  to  read  them.  Feria,  seeing  the  low  state  of  Maiy's  health,  was  earnest 
with  the  council  to  secure  the  succession  for  Elizabeth.  .    „  ^^s  ij 

He  had  the  honour  of  supping  with  the  princess  at  her  residence  in  liattield, 
akiut  eighteen  miles  from  London.  The  Spaniard  enlarged,  in  the  course  of 
conversation,  on  the  good  will  of  his  master  to  Elizabeth,  as  shown  m  the 
friendly  offices  he  had  rendered  her  during  her  imprisonment,  and  his  desire  to 
have  her  succeed  to  the  crown.    The  envoy  did  not  add  that  this  desire  was 


••  "  Adjoustant  que,  si  Calaix  demeurolt 
aux  Francois,  ny  luy  ny  ses  collegues  n'ose- 
royent  retourner  en  Angleterre,  et  que  cer- 
talnemeut  le  |>euple  les  lapideroit."  Papiers 
d'£tat  de  Granvelle,  tom.  v.  p.  319. 


"•  "  Were  I  to  die  this  moment,  want  of 
frigates  would  be  found  written  oti  my  heart." 
The  original  of  this  letter  of  Nelson  is  in  the 
curious  collection  of  autopraph  letters  which 
belonged  to  the  late  Sir  Robert  Peel. 


• 


108  WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 

r^rnmntP(l  not  SO  much  bv  the  king's  concern  for  the  interests  of  Elizabeth  ^<? 
F.V  hif  kalouV^^^^^        Kch,  Avho  seemed  willing  to  coimtenance  the  pre- 

tprmWps  "  But  for  her  iireseiit  prosiiccts,  she  ^aiil,  sue  ^»^, '""'^V'Ti 
nrithir  to  the  king  nor  to  the  English  lords,  however  much  these  latter  nn^ht 
vfunt  their  Meufy  It  «as  totSe  people  that  she  owed  them,  and  on  the 
p^ple  she  reliei^»     This  answer'bf'^Elizabeth  furnishes  the  key  to  her 

""S'neneti-atine  eye  of  the  envoy  soon  perceived  that  the  English  princess 
«as  unSere^^3u/nces.  The  persons  most  in  her  confidence,  he  wrote,  were 
under^tKhat  aXided  learning  to  the  Luthemn  heresy,  and  he  augured 

"tnThlTrnK^^rCemh^rS-i^^^^^^^  -st  disastrous 

sl^  E^  ye?    ft  a  name  held  iu  more  general  efcratfon  than  any  other  o^^^^^^^^^^^ 
nf  Fiurfch  sovereiens     One  ohv bus  way  of  accountnig  for  this,  doubtless,  is 
l.y  Kirit  of  pSution  which  hung  lile  adark  cloiu!  over  her  reign      And 
t?^is  not  rerelv  on  account  of  the  persecution,-for  tliat  wa.s  common  with  the 
he  of  Tudo^-t^^t  SSe  it  was  (iirected  against  the  professors  »»  religion 
Ivhth  came  to  be  the  estahlished  religion  of  the  counti-y.    Thus  the  hlootl  of 
The  inaXb^^ie  the  seed  of  a  great  and  powerful  church,  ready  through 
Si  afteSnX  bear  testiuiony  to  the  ruthless  violence  of  its  oppressor 
"Vtoewa  sttH  Mother  cause^f  Mary's  unpopularity.  The  d-uigh  er  »f  Kath^ 
rinp  of  Aratr on  could  not  fail  to  be  nurtured  in  a  reverence  for  the  ill iistnous  nue 
SSm^thicKe'^^s  descended.    The  education  begun  m  the  cmcllewas^^c^^^^^^ 
tw.^^t^i^  in  Ktpr  vears     When  the  young  pnncess  was  betrothed  to  her  cousin, 
Oharll  the  Fift^it  waTs^  that  'she  should  be  made  acquainted  with 

thetngua^^^^^^^  Castile,  and  should  even  wear  the  costume 

S  the  fountrv  ^vho,"  exclaimed  Henry  the  Eighth,  "is  so  well  ht  ed 

t  instruct  her  in  all  this  as  the  mieen,  her  mother  I"  Even  after  the  match 
witrher  imS  s  itor  w^s  broten  off  by  his  marriage  with  the  Portuguese 
Tnlntrcffiesstm  continued  to  take  a  lively  interest  n  the  fortmies  of  his 
voum^^inswon^^^^^^^  she,  in  her  turn,  naturally  looked  to  the  emperor,  as 

C^Lresfre^^^^^^  for  counsel  and  support  Thus  drawn  towards  Spain  by 
Z   i?/of  WndrS  bv  s^^^^^  and  by  interest,  Mary  became  in  truth  more 

Sa'^^lhtan^^^^^^^^  /and  ^^]^-^ /^^'^^^^^^^^^ 

the  odious  Spanish  match,  and  she  gave  her  hand  to  Philip  the  becono,  tne 
alt  «e  seemS  to  be  severed  whiSh  had  bound  her  to  "her  native  lancL 
Thenceforth  she  remaine<l  an  alien  in  the  midst  of  her  own  subjects  Very 
dittlS  "as  the  fate  of  her  sister  and  successor,  Elizabeth,  who  ruled  over 
her  people  hke  a  true-hearted  English  queen,  under  no  "'""en^f  ^'^^^'i't '  "^ 
interests  distinct  from  theirs.     She  was  requited  for  it  by  the  most  loyal 


«* 


-  PhlUp'8  feelings  in  this  matter  may  be 
Katheml  from  a  passage  in  a  letter  to  Gran- 
velle.  in  which  he  saya  that  the  death  of  the 
voung  queen  of  Scots,  then  very  ill.  would 
silence  the  pretensions  which  the  French 
made  to  England,  and  relieve  Spain  from  a 
great  embarrassment:  "  Si  la  reyna  mo^a  se 
muriess^,  que  diz  que  anda  muy  mala,  nos 
nuitaria  de  hartos  emharacjos  y  del  derecho 
que  pretendon  a  Inglaterra."  Papiers  d  Etat 
de  Granvelle,  torn.  v.  p.  643. 


ss 


"Tras  esto  veola  muy  indignada  de  las 
cosas  que  se  ban  hecho  contra  eUa  en  vida  de 
la  Reina:  muy  asi  la  al  pueblo,  y  muy  cn- 
fiada  que  lo  tiene  todo  de  su  parte  (como  eg 
verdad),  y  dando  &  entender  que  el  Pueblo 
la  ha  puesto  en  el  estado  que  estii;  y  de  e  to 
no  reconoce  nada  a  V.  M.  ni  u  la  nobhzii  del 
Relno  aunqui'  dice  que  la  ban  envlado  &  pro- 
meter  t<«do8  que  le  seran  fieles."  Meniorias 
de  la  Real  Aca<lemia  de  la  Hlstoria  (Madrid, 
1832),  torn.  vil.  p.  254. 


ACCESSION  OF  ELIZABETH. 


100 


devotion  on  their  part ;  while  round  her  throne  ha;ve  gathered  tbose  patriotic 
?ecoSons  which,  iu  spite  of  her  many  errors,  stdl  render  her  name  dear  to 

^"(fnthrdeath  of  her  sister,  Elizabeth,  without  opposition,  ascended  the 
throne  of  hefancestors.  It  n  ay  not  be  displeasing  to  the  reader  to  see  the 
porS^^^^  by  the  Venetian  minfster  at  this  Pf^od,  or  ra  her  tw^ 

vears  earlier,  when  she  was  twenty-three  years  of  age.  "The  pn»cess  he 
Svr^^saAeainiful  in  mind  as  she  is  in  body;  though  her  countenance  is 
Ser  plS  from  its  expression,  than  beautiful.-  She  is  large  and  >j^l 
made  •  W  complexion  clear,  and  of  an  olive  tint ;  her  eyes  are  fine,  and  her 
hands'  on  wmJ  she  prides  Lerself,  small  and  delicate  She  has  an  excellent 
geniu^  wit^^^^^^^  adiress  and  self-command,  as  was  abundantly  shown  m  the 
Severe  trials  to  which  she  was  exposed  in  the  earlier  part  o  her  life  In  hei 
t^mner  she  is  haughty  and  imperious,  qualities  mhented  from  her  fatliei, 
K^r  Henrv  the  Eig^^^  who,  rom  her  resemblance  to  himself,  is  said  to 
LfreSd  her  with  peculiar  fondness."  "    He  had,  it  must  be  owned,  an 

"TeirthTLl tTof  Elizabeth  was  to  write  an  elegant  Latin  epistle  to 
Ph%,  in  which  she  acquainted  him  with  her  acces^^«^^.  t^e  crown^^^^^^ 
expressed  the  hope  that  tliey  should  continue  to  maintain  "the  same  fnendiy 
XtS  as  their'^ncestors  U  done,  and  if  PO/i^^'^R^S^^^^  her 
Philin  received  the  tidings  of  his  wife's  death  at  Brussels,  wnere  ner 
obfeSs  Tre  celebrated  with  great  solemnity,  on  the  same  day  with  her 
Obsequies  were  ceieui  g  ^      ^  respect  was  paid  to  her  memory. 

tt'fis^h^Tn^^^^^^ 

deep  V  touched  by  the  loss  of  a  wife  so  many  years  older  than  himself,  whose 

ffir  had  been  soured^  and  whose  personal  attractionj,  ^^^h  *«^^^^^^^^ 
hading  since  faded  under  the  pressure  of  disease.  ^^VhV.rPnTreof  Sand 
felines  of  deep  regret  that  the  ambitious  monarch  saw  the  f  J^JI^^Vf  "^^^^^ 
-^bLrfen  though  it  had  proved  to  him-thus  suddenly  snatched  from  hsgra^p 
KveSdy  seen  that  Philip,  during  his  resiface  in  the  coim^^^^^^ 

into  any  unqualifieil  declaration  of  his  passion :  on  the  contrary,  nis  pro 
poiais  Were  limited  by  some  very  prudent  conditions. 


••  "  Non  manco  bella  d*  animo  che  sia  di 
corpo;  ancor'chedl  faccia  si  pu6  dir' che  sia 
pill  i^Ui  gratiosa  che  Klla."  Relatione  di 
Giovanni  Micheli,  MS.  ^ .       r  ..„„♦« 

"  "  Delia  persona  e  grande,  et  ben  formaia, 
di  bella  came,  ancor  che  olivastra.  begl'  occln, 
et  sopra  tutto  beUa  mano,  dl  che  fa  profes- 
Bionerd'  un  spirito.  et  ingegno  imrabile: Jl 
che  ha  sapiito  molto  ben  dimostrare  con 
V  essersi  skputa  ne  i  sospetti,  et  pericoli  ne 
1  quali  s'  e  ritrovata  cosl  ben  governare.  .  .  . 


Si  tlen  superba,  et  gloriosa  per  il.pad'^;  del 
quale  dicono  tutti  che  e  anco  pm  simile,  et 
per  ci«>  gli  fu  sempre  cara.'  _lb»d. 

"  The  Spanish  minister,  Fena,  desired  hia 
master  to  allow  him  to  mention  Marys 
jealousy,  aa  an  argument  to  recommend  his 
iult  to'the  favour  of  Elizabeth.  But  Pl)ilip 
had  the  good  feeling-or  good  tast»-to  r  - 
fuse.  Memorias  de  la  Real  Academia.  toin. 
vii.  p.  260. 


110 


WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 


TREATY  OF  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS. 


Ill 


II 


It  was  to  be  understood  that  Elizabeth  must  be  a  Ro™an  Catholic^  and  li 
not  one  already,  must  repudiate  her  errors  and  become  <>"«•.,.  ^^e  was  to 
obtain  a  dispenktion  from  the  pope  for  the  "^^^"age.  Philip  wa^^^^^^^ 
allowed  to  visit  Spain  whenever  he  deemed  it  necessary  for  the  i»^terests  ot 
tEingdom%  p^^^^  which  seems  to  show  that  Mary's  over-fondness, 
orheHea lousy,  must  have  occasioned  him  some  inconvenience  on  that  score 
U  was  further  to  be  stipulated  that  the  issue  of  the  marnap  sljguld  not,  as 
wiJa'reed  in  the  contract  with  Mary,  inhe.it  the  Netherfands,  which  were 
to  paS  to  his  son  Don  Carlos,  the  prince  of  Astunas. 

Feria  was  directed  to  make  these  proposals  by  word  of  m?"*"'  "^t  in 
writing;  "although,"  adds  his  considerate  master,  "it  is  no  disgrace  for  a 
man  to  have  his  proposals  rejected,  when  thev  are  founded,  not. on  worldly 
considerations,  but  on  zeal  for  his  Maker  and  the  interests  of  religion 

fiSth  received  the  offer  of  Philip's  hand,  qualified  as  it  was,  ^  the  mo  t 
gradoTmanner.  She  told  the  ambassador,  i  Jeed  that  "in  a  matter  of  ths 
kind  she  could  take  no  step  without  consulting  her  parliament  But  his 
master  might  rest  assured  that,  should  she  be  incfuced  to  marry,  there  was  no 
man  she  sSould  prefer  to  him."  "  Phi  ip  seems  to  have  been  conte.ited  with 
the  encouragement  thus  given,  and  shortly  after  he  addressed  Elizabeth  a 
Kitten  with  his  own  hand,  in  which  he  endeavoured  to  impress  on  her 
how  much  he  had  at  heart  the  success  of  his  ambassador  s  mission. 

The  coui^  of  events  in  England,  however,  so<ui  showed  that  such  success 
wa.  not  to  be  relied  on,  and  that  Feria's  prognostics  m  regard  to  the  policy  of 
Elizabeth  were  well  founded.  Parliament  soon  entered  on  the  measures  which 
elided  in  the  subversion  of  the  Roman  Catholic  and  the  restoration  of  the 
Reformed  religion.  And  it  was  very  evident  that  these  measures  if  not 
ori'nnally  dictated  by  the  queen,  must  at  least  have  received  her  sanction. 

Philip,  in  consequence,  took  counsel  with  two  of  his  ministers,  on  whom  he 
most  relied,  as  to  the  expediency  of  addressing  Elizabeth  on  the  subject  and 
telling  her  plainly  that  unless  she  ooenly  disavowed  the  nroceedings  of  parlia- 
ment the  marriage  could  not  take  place.''  Her  vanity  slio"ld  be  sootlied  by 
the  expressions  of  his  regret  at  being  obliged  tj  relinquish  the  hopes  of  her 
hand.  But,  as  her  lover  modestly  remarked,  after  this  candid  statement  of 
all  the  consequences  before  her,  whatever  the  result  might  be,  she  would  have 
>  to  blame  but  herself."    His  sage  advisers,  probably  not  often  called 

1- -«  xl:,    j.K^..«.^  .->»4-ii<.<^    onflifkliT  ,'nn/»iirrpn  ill  ftninion 


to  deliberate  on  questions  of  this  delicate  nature,  entirely  •oncurred  in  opinion 
with  their  master.    In  any  event,  they  regarded  it  as  impossible  that  he  should 

wed  a  Protestant.  ,    ,        ,i  ^4.  4.^1  j 

What  effect  this  frank  remonstrance  had  on  the  queen  we  are  not  told. 
Certain  it  is,  Philip's  suit  no  longer  sped  so  favourably  fw  before.  hilizal>eth, 
throwing  off  all  disguise,  plainly  told  Feria,  when  pressed  on  the  matter,  that 
she  felt  great  scruples  as  to  seeking  a  dispensation  from  the  pope ; "  and  soon 


great  scrupl 

*'  "  Dijo  que  convendria  consuUarlo  con  el 
Parlanipnto ;  bien  que  el  Rey  Catolico  debia 
estar  seguro  que  en  ca»»  de  casarse,  seria  41 
preftTi.!..  d  todos."  Memorias  de  la  Real 
Academia.  torn.  vij.  p.  26 «. 

*°  "  Pareso'me  que  seria  blen  que  el  conde 
le  hablasse  claro  en  estas  cosas  de  la  religion, 
y  la  amonestaflse  y  rogasse  de  mi  parte  que 
no  hizie.-Jie  en  «*«te  parlamento  mudan^a  en 
ella,  y  que  si  la  biciesse  que  yo  no  podria 
venir  en  lo  d^l  casaini^nto,  como  en  effecto 
no  vendria."  CarU  del  Rey  Phelipe  al  Duque 
de  Alba,  7  de  Febrero,  1559,  MS. 


»•  "Convendria  que  hablasBC  claro  i  la 
Reyna,  y  le  dixesse  rasamento  que  aunqne 
yo'desseo  mucho  estp  negocio  (y  por  aqul 
evanes^ella quanto  pudies*),  pero  que  enten- 
dietwe  que  si  haria  mudan^a  en  la  religion, 
yo  lo  hacia  en  este  desseo  y  voluntad,  por  que 
de«pue8  no  pudiewe  dezlr  que  no  se  la  avia 
dicho  antes."  Carta  del  Rey  Phelipe  al 
Duque  de  Alba,  7  de  Febrero,  1559,  MS. 

"  •*  Dijo  qop  penBaba  estar  sin  ca-sarse, 
porque  tenia  mucho  escrnpulo  en  lo  de  la 
dispensa  del  Papa."  MemorliS  de  la  Real 
Academia,  torn,  vii  p.  265. 


I, 


after  she  openly  declared  in  parliament,  what  she  was  in  tl^e  habit  of  re^t- 
"g  so  often,  thit  she  had  no  other  purpose  but  to  j'^e  a»d  die  a  ma^i  " 
mil  hardlv  iie  supposed  that  E  izabeth  entertained  senous  thoughts,  at  any 
?h  e  of  mar^^Kmp.  If  she  encouraged  his  addresses,  it  was  only  until 
he  fe^he^S^^^^urefy  seated  on  the  throne  that  she  was  m^^^^^^^^^ 
ill.wiU  she  would  incur  by  their  rejection.  It  was  a  game  >«  ''^ich  the  h^r^ 
iirnhahlv  formed  no  part  of  the  stake  on  either  side.  In  this  saioV'.""  ' 
r  SsS™he  English  ciueen  showed  herself  the  better  PllJie-- ««  J^^"^;;, 
Pliilin  hoie  his  di^PDointment  with  great  equanimity,  tie  expre^ea  ms 
re<^e  t^  EliLbith  thKe  should  have^decideJ  in  a  way  bo  contraiy  to  what 

Kiblic  interests  seemed  to  demand  But  since  '  VH^Ti^lft't  atS^ 
ho  ^mM  amuiesce  and  only  hoped  that  the  .same  end  might  be  attamea  dt 
?h/SS^  of  the  r  friendship."  With  all  this  philosophy,  we  may  well 
Wier't^rwTth  acharac™r  like 'that  of  Philip,  son^  b^'^-*',^  J'^^i*^^ 
remained  in  the  heart,  and  that,  very  probably,  feelings  o<  »  {^"^f  "f' fwarS 
mingled  with  those  of  a  political  in  the  long  hostihties  which  he  afterwaras 

Tlrm'oi'tVof^Fe&'tKonferences  for  the  treaty  had  been  r^umed. 
and^h'^pto  of  mating  knged  from  the  ^^l^y  o, Oerfmps  to^^^^^^^^ 
TamVirpd^     The  nenotiatious  were  urged  forward  with  greater  earnehinebb 

thTntfore,a?i^tX^^^^ 

Philip,  in  particular,  was  so  largely  in  arrears  to  his  armv  t^*^.*^^^^.^^ 

his  imnisters  "  he  was  on  the  brink  of  ruin,  from  which  nothing  but  a  peace 

r^rSive  him""    It  might  be  supposed  that,  in  this  state  of  things,  he 

Tufd^  placlSl  in  a  disXntageouf  attitude  for  an^^^^^^^  -3.  h 

adversaiy."^  But  Philip  and  his  ministers  put  ^^^ ^f^^  ^*/i^.  P^^^^^^^ 

atlairs,  affecting  a  confidence  m  their  resources,  before  **^«>J^f '^Jf^f^^y^^f  "^ 

?heir  enemies,  which  they  were  far  from  feeling ;  like  ^^^^^^f  j*^^^^^^^^ 

risen,  which  makes  a  brave  show  of  its  scanty  stock  of  suppUes,  m  oraer  w 

win  better  terms  from  the  besiegers.''  ,  nnestion 

All  the  difficulties  were  at  length  cleared  away,  excent  the  vexed  ^^^^ 
of  Calais     The  English  queen,  t  was  currently  said  in  the  camp,  wouia  ciii  on 
?he  heaitof  any  m  n  ster  who  abandoned  it.    Mary,  the  young  queen  of  Scots, 
hadSteen  maS  to  the  French  dauphin,  afterwards  Francis  the  SeconcL 
It  wis  prto  ecf^^^^^^^  daughter  born  of  this  union  should  be  united 

to  The  eEt  si  of  Elizabeth  and  bl-iiig  with  l»«[,^;^^,*^^.«^,^^,t'^^^ 

way  the  place  would  be  restored  to  England  without  dishonour  to  1^  ranee. 

J  t"  ... ».  .^a^n  tamaa   ci  ffl  no  tie) 


"  Memorias  de  '    Real  Academia,  tom.  vii. 

p.  266. 

'♦  "  A  que  bao.a  recibldo  pena  de  no 
haberse  concluido  co»a  que  tanto  deseaba,  y 
parecia  convenir  al  bien  pn»)lico,  piies  a  ella 
no  le  habia  parecido  tan  necessario,  y  que  «>n 
buena  ami«tad  pe  conseguiria  el  misuio  fin, 
qu-.daba  satisfecho  y  contenro."  Ibid.,  p.  265. 

'^  The  duke  of  Savoy,  in  a  letter  to  (Tran- 
velle,  savB  that  tlie  king  is  in  arrears  more 
than  a  mUlion  of  crowns  to  the  German  troops 
alone ;  and,  unless  the  min^^ter8  have  some 
mysterious  receipt  for  raising  money,  beyond 
his  knowledge,  Philip  will  be  in  the  greatest 
embarrassment  that  any  sovereign  ever  was : 
"  No  ay  un  r<al  y  deveseles  a  la  gente  ale- 
mana.  demas  de  lo  que  selea  a  paeado  aora  de 
la  vi'  ja  d.  uda,  mas  dun  mylion  d  escudos. 
.  .  .  Por  esso  mirad  como  hazeys,  que  si  no  se 
haze  la  paz  yo  veo  el  rey  puesto  en  el  mayor 


trance  que  rey  s'a  visto  jamas,  si  el  no  tiene 
otros  dineros,  que  yo  no  se,  6  que  el  senor 
Eraso  alle  algun  secreUo  que  tiene  reservado 
para  esto."  Papiers  d'Etat  de  Granvelle, 
tom.  v.  p.  458. 

•«  The  minister  in  London  was  instructed 
to  keep  up  the  same  show  of  confidence  to 
the  English:  "TidavJa  mostramos  rostro  & 
los  Franceses,  como  tambien  es  menester  que 
alia  se  haga  am  los  Ingleses,  que  no  se  puede 
confiar  que  no  vt^ngan  Franceses  &  saber 
dellos  lo  que  alii  podrian  entender.       Ibid., 

^■='  Ibid.,  p.  468.— "That  the  said  Dolphin's 
and  Queen  of  Scott's  eldest  daughter  shall 
marry  with  your  highnes  eldest  sonne,  who 
with  her  shall  have  Callice."  Forbes,  State 
Papers  of  Elizabeth,  vol.  i.  p.  54  It  seemed 
to  be  taken  for  grantni  that  Elizabeth  was 
not  to  die  a  maiden  queen,  notwithstanding 


112 


WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 


Such  were  the  wild  expedients  to  which  the  parties  resorted  in  the  hope  of 
extricating  themselves  from  their  embarrassment !  . 

At  length,  seeing  the  absolute  necessity  of  bringing  the  matter  to  an  issue, 
Philip  ordered  the  Spanish  plenipotentiaries  to  write  his  final  instructions  to 
Feria,  his  minister  in  London.  Tlie  envoy  was  authonzetl  to  say  that,  although 
England  had  lost  Calais  through  her  own  negligence,  vet  Philip  would  stand 
faithfully  by  her  for  the  recovery  of  it.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  she  must  l)e 
prepared  to  support  him  with  her  whole  strength  by  land  and  by  sea,  and  that 
not  for  a  single  campaign,  but  for  the  war  so  long  as  it  lastetl  The  govern- 
ment should  ponder  well  whether  the  prize  would  be  worth  the  cost,  i^eria 
must  bring  the  matter  home  to  the  (Jueen,  and  lead  her,  if  possible,  to  the 
desired  conclusion,  but  so  that  she  might  appear  to  come  to  it  by  her  own 
suggestion  rather  than  by  his.  The  responsibility  must  be  left  with  her. ' 
The  letter  of  the  plenipotentiaries,  which  is  a  very  long  one,  is  a  model  in  its 
way.  and  shows  that,  in  some  particulars,  the  science  of  diplomacy  has  gained 
little  since  the  sixteenth  century.  i  •  ,  u        n 

Elizabeth  needed  no  argument  to  make  her  weary  of  a  war  which  hung  like 
a  dark  cloud  on  the  morning  of  her  reign.  Her  disquietude  had  been  in- 
creased  by  the  fact  of  Scotland  having  become  a  party  to  the  war  ;  and  hos- 
tilities, with  little  credit  to  that  country,  had  broken  out  along  the  borders. 
Her  own  kingdom  was  in  no  condition  to  allow  her  to  make  the  extraordinary 
eftbrts  demanded  by  Philip.  Yet  it  was  plain,  if  she  did  not  make  them,  or 
consent  to  come  into  the  treaty,  she  must  be  left  to  carry  on  the  war  by  herself. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  English  government  at  last  consented  to  an 
arrangement  which,  if  it  did  not  save  Calais,  so  far  saved  appearances  that  it 
might  satisfy  the  nation.  It  was  agreed  that  Calais  should  be  restored  at  the 
end  of  eight  years.  If  France  failed  to  do  this,  she  was  to  pay  five  hundred 
thousand  crowns  to  England,  whose  claims  to  Calais  would  not,  however,  be 
atiected  by  such  a  payment.  Should  either  of  the  parties,  or  their  subjects, 
during  that  period,  do  anything  in  contravention  of  this  treatv,  or  in  v-iolation 
of  the  peace  between  the  two  countries,  the  offending  partv  should  forfeit  all 
claim  to  the  disputed  territory."  It  was  not  very  probable  that  eight  years 
would  elapse  without  affording  some  plausible  pretext  to  trance,  under  such 
a  provision,  for  keeping  her  hold  on  Calais.  .,  ,srn     n    *u 

Tlie  treaty  with  England  was  signed  on  the  second  of  Apnl,  1559.  Un  the 
day  following  was  signed  that  between  France  and  Spain.  By  the  provisions 
of  this  treaty,  the  allies  of  Philip,  Savoy,  Mantua.  Genoa,  were  reinstated  m 
the  possession  of  the  territories  of  which  they  had  been  stnpped  in  the  first 
years  of  the  war.  Four  or  five  places  of  importance  in  Savoy  were  alone 
ireserved,  to  be  held  as  guarantees  by  the  French  king  until  his  claim  to  the 
inheritance  of  that  duchy  was  determined.  .  /     xi. 

The  conquests  made  by  Philip  in  Picardy  were  to  be  exchanged  for  thoJ?e 
gained  by  the  French  in  Italy  and  the  Netherlands.  ^^The  exchange  was 
greatly  for  the  benefit  of  PhiHp.  In  the  time  of  Charles  the  Fifth  the  Spanish 
arras  had  experienced  some  severe  reverses,  and  the  king  now  received  more 
than  two  hundred  towns  in  return  for  the  five  places  he  held  in  Ficardy. 


her  aflsertions,  so   often   reiterated,  to   the 
country. 

"  "  Hablando  con  la  rejma  pin  persnadirla, 
ny  i  la  paz,  ny  a  que  dexe  Calaix,  ny  tam- 
poco  i  que  venga  bi*'n  a  las  otras  condiciones 
propuestas  por  los  Franceses,  para  que  en 
iiingun  tiempo  pueda  dezir  que  de  parte  de 
S.  M.  la  hayan  persuadido  a  cosa  que  qni^i 
de^pue8  pensasse  que  no  le  estuviesse  bien. 


V.  S.  tenga  respecto  a  proponerle  las  razonos 
en  balanga,  de  manera  que  pes^n  siempre 
mucho  mas  las  que  la  ban  de  inclinar  al 
concierto."    Papiers  d'fitat  de  Granvelle,  torn. 

V.  p.  479. 

»^  See  the  treaty,  in  Dumont.  Corps  diplo- 
matique (Amsterdani,  172x),  torn.  v.  p.  31. 

*"  Gamier,  Histoire  de  France,  torn,  xxvii. 
p.  67U. 


I   ' 


I 


TREATY  OF  CATEAU-CAMBRESIS. 


113 


Terms  so  disadvantageous  to  France  roused  the  indignation  of  the  duke  of 

Guise,  who  told  Henry  plainly  that  a  stroke  of  his  pen  would  cost  the  country 

,'  more  than  thirty  years  of  war.    "  Give  me  the  poorest  of  the  places  you  are  to 

/    sun-ender,"  said  he,  "  and  I  will  undertake  to  hold  it  against  all  the  armies  of 

^^       Spain  !"*'    But  Henry  sighed  for  peace  and  for  the  return  of  his  friend  the 

constable.    He  attected  much  deference  to  the  opinions  of  the  duke.    But  he 

wrote  to  Montmorency  that  the  Guises  were  at  their  old  tricks," — and  he 

ratified  the  treaty. 

The  day  on  wHich  the  plenipotentiaries  of  the  three  great  powers  had  com- 
pleted their  work,  they  went  in  solemn  procession  to  the  church  and  returned 
thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  the  happy  consummation  of  their  labours.  The 
treaty  was  then  made  public  ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  unfavourable  import 
or  the  terms  to  France,  the  peace,  if  we  except  some  ambitious  spirits,  who 
would  have  found  their  account  in  the  continuance  of  hostilities,  was  welcomed 
with  joy  by  the  whole  nation.  In  this  sentiment  all  the  parties  to  the  war 
participated.  The  more  remote,  like  Spain,  rejoiced  to  be  delivered  from  a 
contest  which  made  such  large  drains  on  their  finances  ;  while  France  had  an 
additional  reason  for  desiring  peace,  now  that  her  own  territory  had  become 
the  theatre  of  war. 

The  reputation  which  Philip  had  acquired  by  his  campaigns  was  greatly 
heightened  by  the  result  of  his  negotiations.  The  whole  course  of  these  nego- 
tiations— long  and  intricate  as  it  was — is  laid  open  to  us  in  the  correspondence 
fortunately  preserved  among  the  papers  of  Granvelle ;  and  the  student  who 
explores  these  pages  may  probably  rise  from  them  with  the  conviction  that  the 
Spanish  plenipotentiaries  showed  an  address,  a  knowledge  of  the  men  they  had 
to  deal  with,  and  a  consummate  policy,  in  which  neither  their  French  nor 
English  rivals  were  a  match  for  them.  The  negotiation  all  passed  under  the 
eyes  of  Philip.  Every  move  in  the  game,  if  not  by  his  suggestion,  had  been 
made  at  least  with  his  sanction.  The  result  placed  him  in  honourable  contrast 
to  Henry  the  Second,  who,  while  Philip  had  stood  firmly  by  his  allies,  had,  in^ 
his  eagerness  for  peace,  abandoned  those  of  France  to  their  fate. 

The  early  campaigns  of  Philip  had  wiped  away  the  disgrace  caused  by  the 
closing  campaigns  of  Charles  the  Fifth  ;  and  by  the  treaty  he  had  negotiated, 
the  number  of  towns  which  he  lost  was  less  than  that  of  provinces  which  he 
gained.*'  Thus  he  had  shown  himself  as  skilful  in  counsel  as  he  had  been 
successful  hi  the  field.    Victorious  in  Picardy  and  in  Naples,  he  had  obtained 


*'  "Mettez-moi,  sire,  dans  la  plus  mau- 
vaise  des  places  qu'on  vous  propose  d'aban- 
donncr,  et  que  vos  ennemis  tachent  de  m'en 
delogor."  Gaillard,  RivaUte  de  la  France  et 
de  I'Espagne,  torn.  v.  p.  294. 

*"  Gamier,  Illstoire  de  France,  torn,  xxvii. 


p.  567. 

*^  "  Pour  tant  de  restitutions  on  de  conces- 
sions que  reveiioit-il  a  la  France  ?  moins  do 
places  qu'elle  ne  oedoit  de  provinces."  Gail- 
lard, Rivalite  de  la  France  et  de  TEspagiie, 
torn.  V.  p.  292.* 


•  [The  language  of  the  text  is  an  incorrect 
version  of  Galliard's  somewhat  rhetorical 
statement.  The  provinces  "  lost  "  by  France 
were  "gained,"  not  by  Philip,  but  by  his 
allies.    The  chief  cession  made  by  the  former 

!»ower  was  that  of  territory  belonging  to  Savoy, 
ncluding  that  duchy,  Bresse  and  Biigey,  and 
the  greater  part  of  Piedmont, — what,  in  short, 
was  considered  the  "  natural  frontier "  of 
France  on  the  side  of  Italy.  Hence  the  indig- 
nation which  the  treaty  excited  at  the  time, 
and  with  which  it  is  still  rpferrt-d  to  by  French 
historians.  Tlio  other  conquests  of  France  in 
the  same  quarter  and  in  Corsica  were  surren- 


dered to  Mantua  and  Genoa  respectively.  On 
the  side  of  the  Netherlands  the  "two  hundred  " 
places  restored  to  Philip  consisted  chiefly  of 
insignificant  castles  and  villages,  the  excep- 
tions being  Ihionville  and  one  or  two  other 
strong  places,  the  loss  of  which  was  more  than 
balanciAl  by  the  recovery  of  Saint-Quentin  and 
the  adjacent  fortresses.  There  was  also  a 
virtual  abandonment  by  the  Empire  of  its 
claim  to  the  "three  bishoprics,"— Metz,  Toul, 
and  Verdun.  Had  Ferdinandand  the  electors 
Insisted  on  their  restit'ition,  I'hiiip  was  appa- 
rently propared  to  make  this  a  sine  qua  non  of 
peace. — Eu.] 


114 


WAR  WITH  FRANCE. 


DEATH  OF  HENRY  THE  SECOND. 


115 


the  terms  of  a  victor  from  the  king  of  France,  and  humbled  the  arrofjance  of 
llome,  m  a  war  to  which  he  had  been  driven  in  self-defence."  Faithful  to  hisr 
al.ies  and  formidable  to  his  foes,  there  was  probably  no  period  of  Philip's  life 
in  which  he  possessed  so  much  real  consideration  in  the  eyes  of  Europe  as  at 
the  time  of  signing  the  treaty  of  Cateau-Cainbresis. 

In  order  to  cement  the  union  between  the  diHerent  powers,  and  to  conciliate 
the  good  will  of  the  French  nation  to  the  treaty  by  giving  it  somewhat  of  the 
air  of  a  marriage-contract,  it  was  proposed  that  an  alliance  should  take  place 
between  the  royal  houses  of  France  and  Spain.  It  was  first  arranged  that  the 
hand  of  Henry's  daughter,  the  Princess  Elizabeth,  should  be  given  to  Carlos, 
tiie  son  and  heir  of  Philip.  The  parties  were  of  nearly  the  same  age,  being 
each  about  fourteen  years  old.  Now  that  all  prospect  of  the  English  match 
had  vanished,  it  was  thought  to  be  a  greater  compliment  to  the  French  to 
substitute  the  father  for  the  son,  the  monarch  himself  for  the  heir  apparent, 
in  the  maiTiage-treaty.  The  disparity  of  years  between  Philip  and  Elizabeth 
was  not  such  as  to  present  any  serious  objection.  The  proposition  was  said  to 
have  come  from  the  French  negotiators.  The  Spanish  envoys  replied  that, 
notwithstanding  their  master's  repugnance  to  entering  again  into  wedlock, 
vet,  from  his  regard  to  the  French  monarch,  and  his  desire  for  the  public  weal, 
he  would  consent  to  waive  his  scruples,  and  accept  the  hand  of  the  French 
princess,  with  the  same  dowry  which  had  been  promised  to  his  son  Don 
Carlos." 

*u4"t?i?-,?^^^^^  ^^^^  *°  ^^®  ^^"  "0*  *  ^i**^e  piqued  by  the  intelligence 
that  Philip  had  so  soon  consoled  himself  for  the  failure  of  his  suit  to  her. 

•  Your  master,  said  she,  in  a  petulant 'tone,  to  Feria,  "  must  have  been  much 
M  love  with  me,  not  to  be  able  to  wait  four  months!"  The  ambassador 
answered  somewhat  bluntly,  by  throwing  the  blame  of  the  affair  on  the  queen 

lerself.       Not  so,   she  retorted  :  "  I  never  gave  your  king  a  decided  answer." 
Irue,    said  Feria,  "the  refusal  was  only  implied,  for  I  would  not  urjre 
your  highness  to  a  downright  '  No,'  lest  it  might  prove  a  cause  of  offence 
between  so  great  princes."  " 

In  June,  1559,  the  duke  of  Alva  entered  France  for  the  purpose  of  claiming 
the  royal  bride  and  espousing  her  in  the  name  of  his  master.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Ruy  Gomez,  count  of  Melito,— better  known  by  his  title  of  prince 
of  EboIi,-by  the  prince  of  Orange,  the  Count  Egmont,  and  other  noblemen, 
whose  hi^rh  rank  and  character  might  give  lustre  to  the  embassy.  He  was 
received  m  great  state  by  Henry,  who,  with  his  whole  court,  seemed  anxious 
to  show  to  the  envoy  everjr  mark  of  respect  that  could  testify  their  satisfaction 
with  the  object  of  his  mission  The  dul^e  displayed  all  the  stately  demeanour 
of  a  tme  Spanish  hidalgo.    Although  he  conformed  to  the  French  usage  by 

rondpment,  que  combfen  vostre  msneste  soit 
toasjonrs  esti  dure  et  difficile  a  recepvoir 
persuasions  pour  se  remarier,  que  toutesfois, 
aiant  represents  a  icelie  le  desir  du  roi  tres- 
chrePtien  et  le  bieu  que  de  se  mariage  pourra 
Bucceder,  et  pour  plus  pr«>mptonient  consul ider 
ceste  union  et  puix.  elle  sestolt  rewlue,  pour 
njonstrer  sa  bonne  et  syncere  aff.-ction,  d'y 
conlescenire  franchem*  nt."  Granvelle,  Pa- 
piers  d'fitat,  torn.  V.  p.  580. 

"  "  El  (Jonde  la  dijo.  que  aunque  las  nega- 
tivas  habian  sido  en  cierto  modo  indirecUs,  el 
no  habia  querido  apurarla  hasta  el  punto'de 
decir  redondamente  que  no,  por  no  dar  motivo 
a  indignaciones  entre  dos  tan  grandes  TrCnci- 
pes."    Mem.  de  la  Academia,  torn.  vii.  p.  26a 


**  Charles  the  Fifth,  who,  in  his  monastic 
seclusion  at  Yuste,  might  naturally  have  felt 
more  scruples  at  a  collision  with  Rome  than 
when,  in  earlier  days,  he  held  the  pope  a 
prisoner  in  his  capital,  decidedly  approved  of 
his  son's  course.  It  was  a  war  of  necessity,  he 
said,  in  a  letter  to  Juan  V^azquoz  de  Molina, 
and  Fhilip  would  stand  acquitted  of  the  con- 
Hequences  before  God  and  man  :  "  Pues  no  se 
I  uede  hazer  otra  cosa,  y  el  Rey  se  ha  justifi- 
cado  en  tantas  mant^ras  cumpliendo  con  Diosy 
el  mundo,  por  escusar  los  dafios  que  dello  se 
seguiran,  forzado  sera  usar  del  uUinio  reme- 
dio."  Carta  del  Emperador  a  Juan  Vazquez 
de  Molina,  8  de  Agosto,  1557,  MS. 

*•  "II  nous  a  serable  mieulx  de  leur  dire 


\ 


V 

V. 


\4 


saluting  the  ladies  of  the  court,  he  declined  taking  this  liberty  with  his  future 
queen,  or  covering  himself,  as  repeatedly  urged,  in  her  presence,— a  piece  of 
punctilio  greatly  admired  by  the  French,  as  altogether  worthy  of  the  noble 
Castilian  breeding." 

On  the  twenty-fourth  of  June,  the  marriage  of  the  young  pnncess  was  cele- 
brated in  the  church  of  St.  Mary.  King  Henry  gave  his  daughter  away.  The 
duke  of  Alva  acted  as  his  sovereign's  proxy.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  cere- 
mony, the  prince  of  Eboli  placed  on  the  finger  of  the  princess,  as  a  memento 
from  her  lord,  a  diamond  ring  of  inestimable  value ;  and  the  beautiful  Elizabeth, 
the  destined  bride  of  Don  Carlos,  became  the  bride  of  the  king  his  father.  It 
was  an  ominous  union,  destined,  in  its  mysterious  consequences,  to  supply 
a  richer  theme  for  the  pages  of  romance  than  for  those  of  history. 

The  wedding  was  followed  by  a  succession  of  brilliant  entertainments,  the 
chief  of  which  was  the  tournament,— the  most  splendid  pageant  of  that 
spectacle-loving  age.  Henry  was  at  that  time  busily  occupied  with  the  work 
of  exterminating  the  Protestant  heresy,  which,  as  already  noticed,  had  begun 
to  gather  formidable  head  in  the  capital  of  his  dominions."  On  the  evening 
of  the  fifteenth  of  June  he  attended  a  session  of  the  pariiament,  and  arrested 
some  of  its  principal  members  for  the  boldness  of  their  speech  in  his  presence. 
He  ordered  them  into  confinement,  deferring  their  sentence  till  the  termination 
of  the  engrossing  business  of  the  tourney. 

The  king  delighted  in  these  martial  exercises,  in  which  he  could  display  his 
showy  person  and  matchless,  horsemanship  in  the  presence  of  the  assembled 
beauty  and  fashion  of  his  court."  He  fully  maintained  his  reputation  on  this 
occasion,  carrying  off  one  prize  after' another,  and  bearing  down  all  who 
encountered  his  lance.  Towards  evening,  when  the  games  had  drawn  to  a 
close,  he  observed  the  young  count  of  Montgomery,  a  Scotch  noble,  the  captain 
of  his  guard,  leaning  on  his  lance  as  yet  unbroken.  The  king  challenged  the 
cavalier  to  run  a  course  with  him  for  his  lady's  sake.  In  vain  the  q^ueen,  with 
a  melancholy  boding  of  some  disaster,  besought  her  lord  to  remain  content 
with  the  laurels  he  had  already  won.  Henry  obstinately  urged  his  fate,  and 
comi>elled  the  count,  though  extremely  loath,  to  take  the  saddle.  The  cham- 
pions met  with  a  furious  shock  in  the  middle  of  the  lists.  Montgomery  was  a 
rude  jouster.  He  directed  his  lance  with  such  force  against  the  helmet  of  his 
antagonist  that  the  bars  of  the  visor  gave  way.  The  lance  spUntered ;  a  frag- 
ment struck  the  king  with  such  violence  on  the  temnle  as  to  lay  bare  the  eye. 
The  unhappy  monarch  reeled  in  his  saddle,  and  would  have  fallen  but  for  the 
assistance  of  the  constable,  the  duke  of  Guise,  and  other  nobles,  who  bore  him 


*'  •♦  Osservando  egli  l'  usanza  Francese  nel 
baciar  tutte  l'  altrc  Dame  di  Corte,  nell'  arriuar 
alia  futura  sua  Reina,  non  solo  intermise 
quella  famigliare  cerimonia,  ma  non  soUe  ne 
anche  giamai  coprirsi  la  testa,  per  i8tanza,che 
da  lei  ne  gll  fusse  fatta ;  II  che  fu  notato  per 
nobilissimo,  e  degno  atto  di  creaza  .Spagnuola." 
Campana,  Filippo  Secondo,  parte  ii.  lib.  11. 

♦*  The  work  ..f  extermiJiation  was  to  cover 
more  ground  than  Henry's  capital  or  country. 
If  we  may  take  the  word  of  the  English  com- 
missioners, who,  in  a  letter  dated  January, 
1559,  advise  the  queen,  their  mistress,  that 
"  there  was  an  appoinctement  made  betwene 
the  late  pope,  the  French  king,  and  the  kifig 
of  Spaine,  for  the  joigning  of  their  forces  to- 
gether for  the  suppression  of  religion,  .  .  .  th' 
end  whereof  was  to  constraine  the  rest  of 
christiendome,  being  Protestants,  to  receive 


the  pope's  authoTite  and  his  religion."  (Forbes, 
State  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  296.)  Without  direct 
evidence  of  such  a  secret  un<lerstanding,  inti- 
mations of  it,  derived  from  other  sources,  may 
be  found  in  more  than  on^  passage  of  this 
history. 

*"  Brantome  who  repays  the  favours  he  had 
received  from  Henry  the  Second  by  giving 
him  a  conspicuous  place  in  his  gallery  of 
portraits,  eulogizes  his  graceful  bearing  in  the 
tourney,  and  his  admirable  horsemanship : 
"  Mais  sur  tout  ils  I'admiioient  fort  en  sa  belle 
grace  qu'il  avoit  en  s<'8  amies  et  a  cheval ; 
com  me  de  vray,  c'estolt  le  prince  du  monde 
qui  avait  la  meilleure  grace  et  la  plus  belle 
tenue,  et  qui  s^avoit  aussi  bien  monstrer  la 
vertu  et  bonte  d'un  cheval,  et  en  cacher  le 
vice."    (Euvres,  torn.  U.  p.  353. 


116 


LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 


CHARLES  AT  YUSTE. 


117 


in  their  arms  senseless  from  the  lists.  Henry's  wound  was  mortal,  lie 
lingered  ten  days  in  great  agony,  and  expired  on  the  ninth  of  July,  in  the 
forty-second  year  of  his  a2:e,  and  the  thirteenth  of  his  reign.  It  was  an  iH 
augury  for  the  nuptials  of  Elizabeth.** 

The  tidings  of  the  king's  death  were  received  with  demonstrations  of  sorrow 
throughout  the  kingdom.  He  had  none  of  those  solid  qualities  which  make 
either  a  great  or  a  good  prince.  But  he  had  the  showv  qualities  which  are 
perhaps  more  effectual  to  secure  the  affections  of  a  people  as  fond  of  show  as 
the  nation  whom  Henry  governed.**  There  were  others  in  the  kingdom,  how- 
ever.—that  growing:  sect  of  the  Huguenots^— who  looked  on  the  monarch's 
death  with  very  different  eyes,— who  rejoiced  in  it  as  a  deliverance  from  perse- 
cution. They  had  little  cause  to  rejoice.  The  sceptre  passed  into  the  hands 
of  a  line  of  imbecile  princes,  or  rather  of  their  mother,  the  famous  Catherme 
de  Medicis,  who  reigned  in  their  stead,  and  who  ultimately  proved  herself  the 
most  merciless  foe  tne  Huguenots  ever  encountered. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

LATTER  DAYS  OF   CHARLES  THE   FIFTH. 

ChArles  at  Yuste— His  Mode  of  Life— Interest  in  Public  Affaire -Celebrates  bis  Obsequies- 
Last  lUness — DoAtb  and  Character. 

1556-1558. 

While  the  occurrences  related  in  the  preceding  chapter  were  passing,  an  event 
took  place  which,  had  it  happened  earlier,  would  have  had  an  important  inffu- 
ence  on  the  politics  of  Europe,  and  the  news  of  which,  when  it  did  happen,  was 
everywhere  received  with  the  greatest  interest.  This  event  was  the  death  of 
the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth,  in  his  monastic  retreat  at  Yuste.  In  the 
earlier  pages  of  our  narrative  we  have  seen  how  that  monarch,  after  his  abdi- 
cation of  the  throne,  withdrew  to  the  Jeronymite  convent  among  the  hills  of 
Estremadura.  The  reader  may  now  feel  some  interest  in  following  him 
thither,  and  in  observing  in  what  manner  he  acconmiodated  himself  to  the 
change  and  passed  the  closing  days  of  his  eventful  life.  The  picture  I  am 
enabled  to  give  of  it  will  differ  in  some  respects  from  those  of  fonner  historians, 
who  wrote  when  the  Archives  of  Simancas,  which  afforded  the  most  authentic 
records  for  the  narrative,  were  inaccessible  to  the  scholar,  native  as  well  as 
foreign.' 

Charles,  as  we  have  seen,  had  early  formed  the  determination  to  relinquish 
at  some  future  time  the  cares  of  royalty,  and  devote  himself,  in  some  lonely 
retreat,  to  the  good  work  of  his  salvation.    His  consort,  the  Empress  Isabella, 


»°  Brantome,  O^uvres,  torn.  ii.  p.  351.— De 
Tbou,  Histoire  univt  rselle,  ton>.  iii.  p.  367.— 
Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  iv.  cap.  29. — 
Campana,  Filippo  Secondo,  part^-  ii.  lib.  1  I.- 
Forbes, State  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  151. 

"  The  Eiiglish  commissioner.  Sir  Nicholas 
Throckmorton,  bears  testimony  to  the  popu- 
larity of  Henry  :  "  Their  was  marvailous  great 
lamentation  made  for  him,  and  weaping  of  all 
sorts,  both  men  and  women."  Forbes,  State 
Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  161. 


'  Thin  pleasing  anticipation  is  not  destined 
to  be  realized.  Since  the  above  was  writt«-n. 
In  the  summer  of  1851,  the  cloister-life  of 
Charles  the  Fifth,  then  a  virgin  topic,  has 
become  a  thrice-told  tale,— thanks  to  the 
labours  of  Mr.  Stirling.  M.  Amedee  Pichot, 
and  M.  Mignet;  while  the  publication  of  the 
original  documents  from  Simancas,  by  M. 
Gachard,  will  put  it  in  the  power  of  every 
scholar  to  verify  their  statements.  See  the 
postscript  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 


I 


as  appears  from  his  own  statement  at  Yuste,  had  avowed  the  same  pious 
purpose.'  She  died,  however,  too  early  to  execute  her  plan  ;  and  Charles  was 
too  much  occupied  with  his  ambitious  enterprises  to  accomplish  his  object  until 
the  autumn  of  1555,  when,  broken  in  health  and  spirits,  and  disgusted  with  the 
world,  he  resigned  the  sceptre  he  had  held  for  forty  years,  and  withdrew  to  a 
life  of  obscurity  and  repose. 

The  spot  he  had  selected  for  his  residence  was  situated  about  seven  leagues 
from  the  city  of  Plasencia,  on  the  slopes  of  the  mountain-chain  that  traverses 
the  province  of  Estremadura.  There,  nestling  among  the  nigged  hills,  clothed 
with  thick  woods  of  chestnut  and  oal^  the  Jeronymite  convent  was  sheltered 
from  the  rude  breezes  of  the  north.  Towards  the  south,  the  land  sloped  by  a 
gradual  declivity  till  it  terminated  in  a  broad  expanse,  the  Vera  of  Plasencia. 
as  it  was  called,  which,  fertilized  hj  the  streams  of  the  sierra,  contrasted 
strongly  in  its  glowing  vegetation  with  the  wild  character  of  the  mountain- 
scenery.  It  was  a  spot  well  fitted  for  such  as  would  withdraw  themselves  from 
commerce  with  the  world  and  consecrate  their  days  to  prayer  and  holy  medi- 
tation. The  Jeronymite  fraternity  had  prospered  in  this  peaceful  abode. 
Many  of  the  monks  had  aciiuired  reputation  for  sanctity,  and  some  of  them 
for  leivrning,  the  fruits  of  which  might  be  seen  in  a  large  collection  of  manu- 
scripts preserved  in  the  Ubrary  of  tne  monastery.  Benefactions  were  heaped 
on  the  brotherhood.  They  became  proprietors  of  con.siderable  tracts  of  land 
in  the  neighbourhood,  and  they  liberally  employed  their  means  in  dispensing 
alms  to  the  poor  who  sought  it  at  the  gate  of  the  convent.  Not  long  before 
Charles  took  up  his  residence  among  tfiem,  they  had  enlarged  their  building 
by  an  extensive  quadrangle,  which  displayed  some  architectural  elegance  in 
the  construction  of  its  cloisters. 

Three  years  before  the  emperor  repaired  thither,  he  sent  a  skilful  architect 
to  provide  such  accommodations  as  he  had  designed  for  himself.  These  were 
very  simple.  A  small  building,  containing  eight  rooms,  four  on  each  floor,  was 
raised  against  the  southern  wall  of  the  monastery.  The  rooms  were  low,  and 
of  a  moderate  size.  They  were  protected  by  porticos,  which  sheltered  them  on 
two  sides  from  the  rays  of  the  sun,  while  an  open  gallery,  which  passed  through 
the  centre  of  the  house,  afforded  means  for  its  perfect  ventilation.  But 
Charles,  with  his  gouty  constitution,  was  more  afraid  of  the  cold  damps  than  of 
heat ;  and  he  took  care  to  have  the  apartments  provided  with  fireplaces,  a 
luxury  little  known  in  this  temperate  redon. 

A  window  opened  from  his  chamber  directly  into  the  chapel  of  the  monas- 
tery ;  and  through  this,  when  confined  to  his  bed  and  too  ill  to  attend  mass, 
he  could  see  the  elevation  of  the  host.  The  furniture  of  the  dwelling— accord- 
ing to  an  authority  usually  followed— was  of  the  simplest  kind ;  and  Charles, 
we  are  told,  took  no  better  care  of  his  ^ontj  limbs  than  to  provide  himself 
with  an  arm-chair,  or  rather  half  a  chair,  which  would  not  have  brought  four 
reals  at  auction.'     The  inventory  of  the  furniture  of  Yuste  tells  a  very 


Sandoval,  Hist,  de  Carlos  V.,  torn.  ii.  p. 
611. 

»  "Una  sola  silla  de  caderas,  que  mas  era 
media  silla,  Un  vleja  y  ruyn  que  si  se  pus'era 
en  venta  no  dieran  por  ella  quatro  reales." 
Sandoval,  Hist,  de  Carlos  V..tom.  Ii.  p.  610.— 
See  also  El  perfecto  Desen<rafio  por  el  Marques 
de  Valparayso,  MS.  —  The  latter  writer,  in 
spealting  of  the  furniture,  uses  precisely  the 
same  language,  with  the  exception  of  a  single 
w  or  I,  as  Siindoval.  Both  claim  to  have  mainly 
derived  their  account  of  the  cloister-life  of 


Charles  the  Fifth  from  the  prior  of  Yuste,  Fray 
Martin  de  Angulo.  The  authority,  doubtless, 
is  of  the  highest  value,  as  the  prior,  who 
witnessed  the  closing  scenes  of  Charles's  life, 
drew  up  his  relation  for  the  information  of  the 
regent  Joanna,  and  at  her  request.  Why  the 
good  father  should  have  presented  his  hero  in 
such  a  poverty-stricken  aspect  it  is  not  easy  to 
Fay.  Perhaps  he  thought  it  would  redound  to 
the  credit  of  the  emperor  that  he  should  have 
been  willing  to  exchange  the  splendours  of  a 
throne  for  a  life  of  monkish  moi  titication. 


118 


LATTEll  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 


CHAPwLES  AT  YUSTE. 


119 


different  story.  Instead  of  **  half  an  arm-chair,"  we  find,  besides  other  chiiir>? 
lined  with  velvet,  two  arm-chairs  especially  destined  to  the  emperor's  service. 
One  of  these  was  of  a  peculiar  construction,  and  was  accommodated  with  no 
less  than  six  cushions  and  a  foot-stool,  for  the  repose  of  his  gouty  limbs.  His 
wardrobe  showed  a  similar  attention  to  his  personal  comfort.  For  one  item  we 
find  no  less  than  sixteen  robes  of  silk  and  velvet,  Hned  with  ermine  or  eider- 
down or  the  soft  hair  of  the  Barbary  goat.  The  decorations  of  his  apartment 
were  on  not  merely  a  comfortable,  but  a  luxurious  scale :  canopies  of  velvet ; 
carpets  from  Turkey  and  Alcaraz ;  suits  of  tapestry,  of  which  twenty-five 
pieces  are  specified,  richly  wrout^ht  with  figures  of  flowers  and  animals. 
Twelve  hangings,  of  the  finest  black  cloth,  were  for  the  emperor's  bedchamber, 
which,  since  his  mother's  death,  had  been  always  dressed  in  mourning. 
Among  the  ornaments  of  his  rooms  were  four  large  clocks  of  elaborate  work- 
manship. He  had  besides  a  number  of  pocket- watches,  then  a  greater  rarity 
than  at  present.  He  was  curious  in  regard  to  his  timepieces,  and  took  care  to 
provide  for  their  regularity  by  bringing  the  manufacturer  of  them  in  his  train 
to  Yuste.  Charles  was  served  on  silver.  Even  the  meanest  utensils  for  his 
kitchen  and  his  sleeping-apartment  were  of  the  same  costly  material,  amount- 
ing to  nearly  fourteen  tnousand  ounces  in  weight.* 

The  inventory  contains  rather  a  meagre  show  of  books,  which  were  for  the 
most  part  of  a  devotional  character.  But  Charles's  love  of  art  was  visible  in  a 
small  but  choice  col  ection  of  paintings  which  he  brought  with  him  to  adorn 
the  walls  of  his  retreat.  Nine  of  these  were  from  the  pencil  of  Titian.  Charles 
held  the  works  of  the  great  Venetian  in  the  highest  honour,  and  was  desirous 
that  by  his  hand  his  likeness  should  be  transmitted  to  posterity.  The  emperor 
had  brought  with  him  to  Yuste  four  portraits  of  himself  and  the  empress  by 
Titian  ;  and  among  the  other  pieces  by  the  same  master  were  some  of  his  best 
pictures.  One  of  these  was  the  famous  "  Gloria,"  in  which  Charles  and  the 
empress  appear,  in  the  midst  of  the  celestial  throng,  supported  by  angels,  and 
in  an  attitude  of  humble  adoration.*  He  had  the  painting  hung  at  the  foot 
of  his  bed,  or,  according  to  another  account,  over  the  great  altar  in  the  chapel. 
It  is  said,  he  would  gaze  long  and  fondly  on  this  picture,  which  filled  him  with 
the  most  tender  recollections ;  and,  as  he  dwelt  on  the  image  of  one  who  had 
l»een  so  dear  to  him  on  earth,  he  may  have  looked  forward  to  his  reunion  with 
her  in  the  heavenly  mansions,  as  the  artist  had  here  depicted  him.' 

A  stairway,  or  rather  an  inclined  plane,  suited  to  the  weakness  of  Charles's 
limbs,  led  from  the  gallery  of  his  house  to  the  gardens  below.  These  were 
surrounded  by  a  high  wall,  which  completely  secluded  him  from  observation 
from  without.  The  garden  was  filled  with  orange,  citron,  and  fig  trees,  and 
various  aromatic  plants  that   grew   luxuriantly  in  the  genial   soil.     The 


*  The  reader  will  find  an  extract  from  the 
Inventory  of  the  royal  jewels,  plate,  furniture, 
etc.,  in  Stirling's  Cloister  Life  of  Ciiarles  the 
Fifth  (London,  1852),  Appendix,  and  in  Pi- 
chot's  Chruuique  de  Charles  -  Quint  (Paris, 
1854),  p.  537,  et  seq. 

^  xMignet  has  devoted  a  couple  of  pages  to 
an  account  of  this  remarkable  picture,  of  which 
an  euKraving  is  still  extant,  executed  under 
the  eyes  of  Titian  himself.  Charles-Quint,  pp. 
214,215. 

®  Vera  y  Figueroa,  Vida  y  Hechos  de  Carlos 
v.,  p.  127.— A  writer  in  Fraser  s  Magazine  for 
April  and  May,  1851,  has  not  omitted  to  notice 
this  remarkai)le  picture,  in  two  elal)0'ate 
article^}  on  the  cloi  ter-life  of  Charli  s  the  Fifth. 


They  are  evidently  the  fruit  of  a  careful  study 
of  the  best  authorities,  some  of  them  not  easy 
of  access  to  the  English  student.  The  autnor 
has  collected  s-jme  curious  particulars  in 
respect  to  the  persons  who  acc4>mpanied  the 
emperor  in  his  retirement ;  and  on  the  whole, 
though  he  seems  not  to  have  been  aware  of 
the  active  Interest  which  Chailes  to<ik  in 
public  affairs,  he  has  presented  by  far  the 
most  complete  view  of  this  interesting  portion 
of  the  imperial  biography  that  has  yet  t)een 
given  to  the  world. 

[I  suffer  this  note  to  remain  as  originally 
written,  l)efoie  the  publication  of  Mr.  Stirling  s 
"  Cloister  I  .ife  "  had  revealed  hint  aa  the  author 
ol  tbvSe  rpiiit^d  essays. J 


emperor  had  a  taste  for  horticulture,  and  took  much  pleasure  m  tending  the 
young  plants  and  pruning  his  trees.  His  garden  afforded  him-also  the  best 
means  for  taking  exercise;  and  in  fine  weather  he  would  walk  along  an 
avenue  of  lofty  chestnut-trees,  that  led  to  a  pretty  chapel  m  the  neighbounng 
woods,  the  ruins  of  which  may  be  seen  at  this  day.  Among  the  tree.s  one  is 
pointed  out,— an  overgrown  walnut,  still  throwing  its  shade  far  and  wide  over 
the  ground,— under  whose  branches  the  pensive  monarch  would  sit  and 
meditate  on  the  dim  future,  or  perhaps  on  the  faded  glories  of  the  past. 

Charles  had  once  been  the  most  accomplished  horseman  of  his  time.  He 
had  brought  with  him  to  Yuste  a  pony  and  a  mule,  in  the  hope  of  being  able  to 
get  some  exercise  in  the  saddle.  But  the  limbs  that  had  bestrode  day  after 
day,  without  fatigue,  the  heavy  war-horse  of  Flanders  and  the  wildest  genet  of 
Andalusia,  were  unable  now  to  endure  the  motion  of  a  poor  palfrey ;  and, 
after  a  solitary  experiment  in  the  saddle  on  his  arrival  at  Yuste,  when  he 
nearly  fainted,  he  abandoned  it  for  ever.'  ^  ^u      ^u  4. 

There  are  few  spots  that  might  now  be  visited  with  more  interest  than  that 
which  the  great  emperor  had  selected  as  his  retreat  from  the  thorny  cares  of 
covernment.  And  until  within  a  few  years  the  traveller  would  have  received 
from  the  inmates  of  the  convent  the  same  hospitable  welcome  which  they  had 
always  been  ready  to  give  to  the  stranger.  But  in  1809  the  place  was  sacked 
by  the  French ;  and  the  fierce  soldiery  of  Soult  converted  the  pile,  with  its 
venerable  cloisters,  into  a  heap  of  blackened  ruins.  Even  the  collection  of 
manuscripts,  piled  up  with  so  much  industry  by  the  brethren,  did  not  escape 
the  general  doom.  The  palace  of  the  emperor,  as  the  simple  monks  lov^  to 
call  Ills  dwelling,  had  hardly  a  better  fate,  though  it  came  from  the  hands  of 
Charles's  own  countrymen,  the  liberals  of  Cuacos.  By  these  patriots  the 
lower  floor  of  the  mansion  was  turned  into  stables  for  their  horses.  The  rooms 
above  were  used  as  magazines  for  grain.  The  mulberry-leaves  were  gathered 
from  the  garden  to  furnish  material  for  the  silk-worm,  who  was  permitted  to 
wind  his  cocoon  in  the  deserted  chambers  of  royalty.  Still,  the  great  features 
of  nature  remain  the  same  as  in  Charles's  day.  The  bald  peaks  of  the  sierm 
still  rise  above  the  ruins  of  the  monastery.  The  shaggy  sides  of  the  hills  still 
wear  their  wild  forest  drapery.  Far  below,  the  eye  of  the  traveUer  ranges 
over  the  beautiful  Vera  of  Plasencia.  which  glows  in  the  same  exuberant 
vegetation  as  of  yore ;  and  the  traveller,  as  he  wanders  among  the  ruined 
porticos  and  desolate  arcades  of  the  palace,  drinks  in  the  odours  of  a  thousand 
aromatic  plants  and  wild  flowers  that  have  shot  up  into  a  tangled  wilderness, 
where  once  was  the  garden  of  the  imperial  recluse.*  ^   .     ^     .        xi 

Charles,  though  borne  across  the  mountains  in  a  litter,  had  suttered  ^eatiy 
in  his  long  and  laborious  journey  from  Valladolid.  He  passed  some  time  in 
the  neighbouring  village  of  Xarandilla,  and  thence,  after  taking  leave  of  the 


'  Sandoval.  Hist,  de  Carlos  V.,  torn.  ii.  p. 
810. — Siguen^a,  Historia  de  la  Ordcn  de  San 
•  Geronimo  (Madrid,  1595-1605),  i>arte  iii.  p. 
190._Ford,  Handbook  of  Spain  (London,  1845), 
p.  651.— Of  the  above  authorities.  Father 
Siguen^a  has  furnished  the  best  account  of  the 
emperor  8  little  domain  as  it  was  in  his  day, 
and  Ford  as  it  is  in  our  own. 

"  See  the  eloquent  conclusion  of  .Stirling's 
Cloister  Life  of  Charles  the  Fifth.— Ford,  in  i.is 
admirable  Handbook,  which  may  serve  as  a 
maiiuiil  for  the  student  of  Spanish  in  his  closet, 
quite  as  well  as  for  the  traveller  in  Spain,  has 
devoted  a  few  columns  to  a  visit  which  he  paid 
to  thi!<  sequestered  spot,  where,  as  he  says,  th3 


spirit  of  the  mighty  dead  seemed  to  rule  again 
in  his  last  home.  A  few  lines  from  the  page  8 
of  the  Knglish  tourist  will  bring  the  scene 
more  vividly  before  the  reader  than  the  cold'  r 
description  in  the  text:  "As  the  windows 
were  thrown  wide  open  to  admit  the  co<l 
thyme-scented  breeze,  the  eye  in  the  clear 
evening  swept  over  the  boundless  valley,  and 
the  nightingales  sang  sweetly,  in  the  neglected 
orange-garden,  to  the  bright  stars  reflected  like 
diamonds  in  the  black  tank  below  us.  How 
often  had  Charles  looked  out,  on  a  stilly  eve, 
on  this  self-same  and  unchange<1  scone,  wh«  re 
he  alone  was  now  wanting  !  "  Handbook  of 
Spain,  p.  553. 


I 


'f 


it 


120  LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 

greater  part  of  his  weeping  retinue,  he  proceeded  with  the  remainder  to  the 
monastery  of  Yuste.  It  was  on  the  third  of  February,  1557,  tiiat  he  entered 
the  abode  which  was  to  prove  his  final  resting-place.*  The  monks  of  Yuste 
had  been  much  flattered  by  tiie  circumstance  of  Charles  having  shown  such  a 
preference  for  their  convent.  As  he  entered  the  chapel,  Te  Deum  was 
chanted  by  the  whole  brotherhood ;  and  when  the  emperor  had  prostrated 
himself  before  the  altar,  the  monks  gathered  round  him,  anxious  to  pay  him 
their  respectful  obeisance.  Charles  received  them  graciously,  and,  after 
examining  his  quarters,  professal  himself  well  pleased  with  the  accommodations 
prepared  for  hmi.  His  was  not  a  fickle  temper.  Slow  in  forming  his  plans, 
he  was  slower  in  changing  them.  To  the  last  day  of  his  residence  at  Yuste,— 
whatever  may  have  been  said  to  the  contrary.— he  seems  to  have  been  well 
satisfied  with  the  step  he  had  taken  and  with  the  spot  he  had  selected. 

From  the  first,  he  prepared  to  conform,  as  far  as  his  health  would  permit, 
to  the  religious  observances  of  the  monastery.  Not  that  he  proposed  to  limit 
himself  to  the  narrow  circumstances  of  an  ordinary  friar.  The  number  of  his 
retinue  that  still  remained  with  him  was  at  least  fifty,  mostly  Flemings  ;  '•  a 
number  not  greater,  certainly,  than  that  maintained  bv  many  a  private  gentle- 
man of  the  country.  But  among  these  we  recognize  those  otticers  of  state  who 
belong  more  properly  to  a  princely  establishment  than  to  the  cell  of  the 
recluse.  There  was  the  major-domo,  the  almoner,  the  keeper  of  the  wardrobe, 
the  keeper  of  the  jewels,  the  chamberlains,  two  watchmakei-s,  several  secretaries, 
the  physician,  the  confessor,  besides  cooks,  confectioners,  bakers,  brewers, 
game-keepers,  and  numerous  valets.  Some  of  these  followers  seem  not  to  have 
Been  quite  so  content  as  their  master  with  their  secluded  way  of  life,  and  to 
have  cast  many  a  longing  look  to  the  pomps  and  vanities  of  the  world  they 
had  left  behind  them.  At  least  such  were  the  feeUngs  of  Quixada,  the 
emperor's  major-domo,  in  whom  he  pkvced  the  greatest  confidence,  and  who 
had  the  charge  of  his  household.  "  His  majesty's  bedroom,"  writes  the 
querulous  functionary,  "  is  good  enough ;  but  the  view  from  it  is  poor, — 
barren  mountains,  covered  with  rocks  and  stunted  oaks ;  a  garden  of  moderate 
size,  with  a  few  straggling  orange  trees  ;  the  roads  scarcely  passable,  so  steep 
and  stony ;  the  only  water,  a  torrent  rushing  from  the  mountains  ;  a  dreary 
soUtude  ! "  The  low,  cheerless  rooms,  he  predicts,  must  necessarily  be  damp, 
boding  no  good  to  the  emperoi-'s  infirmity."  "As  to  the  friars^"  observes  the 
secretary,  fiaztelu,  in  the  same  amiable  mood, "  please  God  that  his  majesty  may 
be  able  to  tolerate  them,— which  will  be  no  easy  matter ;  for  they  are  an 
importunate  race."  **    It  is  evident  that  Charles's  followers  would  have  been 


*  Carta  de  Martin  de  Gaztein  al  Secretario 
Vazquez.  5  de  Febrero,  1557,  MS. 

'"  Their  names  and  vocations  are  specified 
In  the  codicil  executed  by  Charlea  a  few  days 
before  his  death.  See  the  document  entire, 
ap.  Sandoval,  Hist,  de  Carlos  V.,  torn.  ii.  p. 
662. — A  more  satisfactory  list  has  been  made 
out  by  the  indefatigable  Gachard  frum  vari'  us 
documents  which  he  collected,  and  which  have 
fumiHhed  him  with  the  means  of  correcting 
the  orthography  of  Sandoval,  miserably  defi- 
cient in  respect  to  Flemish  names.  See  Re- 
traite  et  Mort  de  Charles-Quint,  torn.  I.  p.  1. 

"  '*  Las  vistas  de  las  pie^as  de  su  magestad 
no  son  muy  larga:<,  sino  cortas,  y  laa  que  se 
veen,  6  es  una  montafia  de  piedras  grandes,  6 
linos  niontes  de  robles  no  muy  alios.  Campo 
llauo  no  le  ay,  ni  cumo  pudesse  pascar,  que 


sea  por  un  camino  estrecbo  y  lleno  de  piedra. 
Rio  yo  no  vi  ninguno,  sino  un  golpe  de  agua 
que  haza  de  la  montana :  huerta  en  casa  ay 
una  pequefia  y  de  pocoe  naranjos.  ...  El 
aposento  baxo  no  es  nada  alegre,  sino  muy 
triste,  y  como  es  tan  baxo,  creo  serd  humido. 
.  .  .  Esto  es  lo  que  nie  parece  del  aposento  y 
sitio  de  la  ca>a  y  grandissima  suledad."  Carta 
de  Luis  Quixada  d  Juan  Vazquez,  3U  de  No- 
viembre,  1556,  MS— The  major-domo  con- 
cludes by  requesting  Vazqu*  z  not  to  show  it 
to  his  mistrt'ss,  Joanna,  tlie  regent,  as  he 
would  not  be  thougiit  to  run  counter  to  the 
wishes  of  the  emperor  in  anything. 

n  «i  piegue  &  Dios  que  los  pueda  snfrir,  que 
no  sera  poco,  segun  suelen  ser  todus  muy 
importunos,  y  mas  lo»  que  salxtn  menos." 
Carta  de  Martin  de  (iaztelu,  MS 


V     ,  , 


f 


HIS  MODE  OF  LIFE. 


121 


on(.  willing  to  exchange  the  mortifications  of  the  monastic  life  for  the  good 

'*er  and  gayety  of  Brussels. 

The  worthy  prior  of  the  convent,  in  addressing  Charles,  greeted  him  with 
le  title  of  pateniidad,  till  one  of  the  fraternity  suggested  to  him  the  pro- 
priety of  substituting  that  of  magestad}*  Indeed,  to  this  title  Charles  had 
good  right,  for  he  was  still  emperor.  His  resignation  of  the  imperial  crown, 
which,  after  a  short  delay,  had  followed  that  of  the  Spanish,  had  not  taken 
etlect,  in  consequence  of  the  diet  not  being  in  session  at  the  time  when  his 
envoy,  the  prince  of  Orange,  was  to  have  presented  himself  at  Ratisbon,  in 
the  spring  of  1557.  The  war  with  France  made  Philip  desirous  that  his 
father  should  remain  lord  of  Germany  for  some  time  longer.  It  was  not, 
therefore,  until  more  than  a  year  after  Charles's  arrival  at  Yuste  that  the 
resignation  was  accepted  by  the  diet,  at  Frankfort,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of 
February,  1558.  Charles  was  still  emperor,  and  continued  to  receive  the 
inmorial  title  in  all  his  correspondence.'* 

We  liave  pretty  full  accounts  of  the  manner  in  which  the  monarch  employed 
his  time.  He  attended  mass  every  morning  in  the  chapel,  when  his  health 
peruiitted.  Mass  was  followed  by  dhiner,  which  he  took  early  and  alone,  pre- 
ferring this  to  occupying  a  seat  in  the  refectory  of  the  convent.  He  was  fond 
of  carving  for  himself,  though  his  gouty  fingers  were  not  always  in  the  best 
condition  for  this  exercise.**  His  physician  was  usually  in  attendance  during 
the  repast,  and  might,  at  least,  observe  how  little  his  patient,  who  had  not 
tlie  virtue  of  abstinence,  regarded  his  prescriptions.  The  Fleming,  Van  Male, 
the  emperor's  favourite  gentleman  of  the  chamber,  was  also  not  unfrequently 
I»iesent.  He  was  a  good  scholar  ;  and  his  discussions  with  the  doctor  served 
to  beguile  the  tediousness  of  their  master's  solitary  meal.  The  conversation 
frequently  turned  on  some  subject  of  natural  history,  of  which  the  emperor 
was  fond;  and  when  tlie  parties  could  not  agree,  the  confessor,  a  man  of 
learning,  was  called  in  to  settle  the  dispute. 

After  dinner, — an  important  meal,  which  occupied  much  time  with  Charles, 
— he  listened  to  some  passages  from  a  favourite  theologian.  In  his  worldly 
days,  the  reading  he  most  attected  was  Comines's  account  of  King  Louis  the 
Eleventh," — a  prince  whose  maxim,  ^''Qui  nescit  dissimulare^  nescit  regnarei^ 
was  too  well  suited  to  the  genius  of  the  emperor.  He  now,  however,  sought  a 
safer  guide  for  his  spiritual  direction,  and  would  listen  to  a  homily  from  the 
pages  of  St.  Bernard,  or  more  frequently  St.  Augustine,  in  whom  he  most 
delighted."  Towards  evening,  he  heard  a  sermon  from  one  of  his  preachers. 
Three  or  four  of  the  most  eloquent  of  the  Jeronymite  order  had  been  brought 
to  Yuste  for  his  especial  benent.  When  he  was  not  in  condition  to  be  present 
at  the  discourse,  he  expected  to  hear  a  full  report  of  it  from  the  lips  of  his 
confessor.  Father  Juan  de  Regla.  Charles  was  punctual  in  his  attention  to 
all  the  great  fasts  and  festivals  of  the  Church.  His  infirmities,  indeed, 
excused  him  from  fasting,  but  he  made  up  for  it  by  the  severity  of  his  tlagel- 
lation.  In  Lent,  in  particular,  he  dealt  with  himself  so  sternly  that  the 
scourge  was  found  stained  with  his  blood ;  and  this  precious  memorial  of  his 


"  "Llamando  al  Emperador  patemidadt 
de  que  luego  fue  advertido  de  otro  frayle  que 
estava  i  fu  lado,  y  acudio  con  magestad." 
Carta  de  Martin  de  Gaztelu,  MS. 

^*  "  Emperador  semper  augusto  de  Alema- 
nia." 

"  His  teetb  seem  to  have  been  in  hardly 
better  condition  than  his  fingers :  "  Era  amigo 
de  corlarse  el  mismo  lo  que  comia,  aunque  ui 


tenia  buenas  ni  desembueltas  las  manoa,  ni 
los  dientes."  Siguen^a,  Orden  de  San  Gero- 
nimo.  parte  iii.  p.  192. 

""  De  Thou,  Hist,  universelle,  torn.  iii.  p. 
293. 

"  "Quando  comia,  leya  el  confesor  una 
leccion  de  San  Augustin."  £1  perfecto  Desea- 
gafio,  MS. 


HIS  MODE  OF  LIFE. 


123 


122 


LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 


piety  was  ever  cherished,  we  are  told,  by  Philip,  and  by  him  bequeathe^ 
an  heirloom  to  his  son." 

Increasing  vi^lance  in  his  own  spiritual  concerns  made  him  more  vigilai. 
as  to  those  of  others,— as  the  weaker  brethren  sometimes  found  to  their  cost. 
Observing  that  some  of  the  younger  friars  spent  more  time  than  was  seemly 
in  conversing  with  the  women  who  came  on  business  to  the  door  of  the  con- 
vent, Charles  procured  an  order  to  be  passed  that  any  woman  who  ventured 
to  approach  within  two  bowshots  of  the  gate  should  receive  a  hundred  stripes.'* 
On  another  occasion,  his  officious  endeavour  to  quicken  the  diligence  of  one 
of  the  younger  members  of  the  fraternity  is  said  to  have  provoked  the  latter 
testily  to  exclaim,  "  Cannot  you  be  contented  with  havmg  so  long  turned 
the  world  upside  down,  without  coming  here  to  disturb  the  quiet  of  a  poor 
convent  ? " 

He  derived  an  additional  pleasure,  in  his  spiritual  exercises,  from  his  fond- 
ness for  music,  which  enters  so  largely  into  those  of  the  Romish  Church.  He 
sang  well  himself,  and  his  clear,  sonorous  voice  might  often  be  heard  through 
the  open  casement  of  his  bedroom,  accompanying  the  chant  of  the  monks  in 
the  chapel.  The  choir  was  made  up  altogether  of  brethren  of  the  order,  and 
Charles  would  allow  no  intrusion  from  any  other  auarter.  His  ear  was  quick 
to  distinguish  any  strange  voice,  as  well  as  any  false  note  in  the  performance, 
— on  wiiich  last  occavsion  he  would  sometimes  pause  In  his  devotions,  and,  in 
half-suppressed  tones,  give  vent  to  his  wrath  by  one  of  those  scurrilous 
epithets  which,  however  they  may  have  fallen  in  with  the  habits  of  the  old 
campaigner,  were  but  inditterently  suited  to  his  present  way  of  life.'* 

Such  time  as  was  not  given  to  his  religious  exercises  was  divided  among 
various  occupations,  for  which  he  had  always  had  a  relish,  though  hitherto 
but  Httle  leisure  to  pursue  them.  Besides  his  employments  in  his  garden,  he 
had  a  decided  turn  for  mechanical  pursuits.  Some  years  before,  while  in 
Germany,  he  had  invented  an  ingenious  kind  of  carriage  for  his  own  accom- 
modation." He  brought  with  him  to  Yuste  an  engineer  named  Torriano, 
famous  for  the  great  nydraulic  works  he  constructed  in  Toledo.  With  the 
assistance  of  this  man,  a  most  skilful  mechanician,  Charles  amused  himself 
by  making  a  variety  of  puppets  representing  soldiers,  who  went  through  mili- 


'•  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  I.  p.  15.— 
Vera  y  Figueroa,  Vida  y  Hecho8  de  Carlos  V., 
p.   123.— Siguen^a,  Orden  de  San  Geronimo, 

Earte  iii.  p.  195. —  The  I.ist  writer  isruiiiute  in 
is  notice  ot  the  imperial  habits  and  occupa- 
tions at  Yuste.  slguen<;a  was  prior  of  the 
Escorial ;  and  in  that  palace-monastery  of  the 
Jeronymites  he  mu-*t  have  had  the  means  of 
continually  conversing  with  several  of  his 
brethren  who  had  been  with  Charles  in  hi-* 
retirement.  His  work,  which  appealed  at  the 
beginning  of  the  following  century,  has  be- 
come rare,— BO  rare  tb^t  M.  Gachard  was 
obliged  to  content  himself  with  a  few  manu- 
script extracts,  from  the  difflculty  of  procuring 
the  printed  original.  I  was  for lunate  enough 
to  obtain  a  copy,  and  a  very  fine  one,  thr-ugh 
my  booksellers,  Messrs".  Rich  Brothers, 
London, — worthy  sons  of  a  sire  who  for  thirty 
years  or  more  stood  pre-eminent  for  sagacity 
and  diligtnct*  among  the  collectors  of  rare  and 
valuable  books 

'•  "  Mand6  pregonar  en  los  lugares  comar- 
canos  que  so  penade  cien  agotesmugeralguna 
no  passasse  de  un  bumilladero  que  estasacomo 


do8  tiros  de  ballesta  del  Monasterio."  Sando- 
val, Hist,  de  Carlos  V.,  lorn  ii.  p.  612;  and 
Sandoval's  double,  Valparayso,  El  perfect© 
Desengiifio,  MS. 

""  ••  Si  alguno  se  errava  dezia  consigo  mis- 
mo  :  O  hideputa  berm^^  que  aquel  erro,  6 
otro  nombre  semejante."  Sandoval,  Hist,  de 
Carlos  v.,  tom.  ii.  p.  613.— I  will  not  offend 
ears  polite  by  rendering  it  in  Kngli.-<h  into 
corresponding  Billingsgate.  It  is  but  fair  to 
state  that  the  author  of  the  Ferfecto  rk'sengafio 
puts  no  such  irreverent  expression  into 
Charles's  mouth.  Both,  however,  profess  to 
follow  the  MS.  of  the  Prior  Angulo. 

"  ••  Non  aspernatur  exercitati< 'nes  campes- 
tres,  in  quem  usum  paratam  habft  tormenta- 
riam  rhedam,  ad  essedi  speciem,  pnecellenti 
arte,  et  miro  studio  proximi-*  hisce  men«ibus 
a  se  constructam."  Lettrcs  sur  la  Vie  inte- 
rieure  de  I'Empereur  Charles-Quint,  ecrites 
parCJuillaume  van  Male,  gentilhomme  de  sa 
chamf>re,  et  publiees,  pour  la  premier^'  fois, 
par  le  Baron  dc  KeifTenberg  (Bnixelles,  1(^43, 
4to),  ep.  8. 


y  exercises.  The  historian  draws  largely  on  our  faith,  by  telling  us  also  of 
de  wooden  birds  which  the  ingenious  pair  contrived,  so  as  to  fly  in  and  out 
of  the  window  before  the  admiring  monks ! "  But  nothing  excited  their 
astonishment  so  much  as  a  little  handmill,  used  for  grinding  wheat,  which 
turned  out  meal  enough  in  a  single  day  to  support  a  man  for  a  week  or  more. 
The  good  fathers  thought  this  savoured  of  downright  necromancy ;  and  it 
may  have  furnished  an  argument  against  the  unfortunate  engineer  in  the 
persecution  which  he  afterwards  underwent  from  the  Inquisition. 

Charles  took,  moreover,  great  interest  in  the  mechanism  of  timepieces.    He 
had  a  good  number  of  clocks  and  watches  ticking  together  in  his  apartments  ; 
and  a  story  has  obtained  credit  that  the  difficulty  he  found  in  making  any 
two  of  them  keep  the  same  time  drew  from  him  an  exclamation  on  the  folly 
of  attempting  to  bring  a  number  of  men  to  think  alike  in  matters  of  religion, 
when  he  could  not  regulate  any  two  of  his  timepieces  so  as  to  make  them 
agree  with  each  other,— a  philosophical  reflection  for  which  one  will  hardly 
give  credit  to  the  man  who  with  his  dying  words  could  press  on  his  son  the 
maintenance  of  the  Inquisition  as  the  great  bulwark  of  the  Catholic  faith. 
In  the  gardens  of  Yuste  there  is  still,  or  was  lately,  to  be  seen  a  sun-dial  con- 
structed by  Torriano  to  enable  his  master  to  measure  more  accurately  the 
lapse  of  time  as  it  glided  away  in  the  monotonous  routine  of  the  monastery.''' 
Though  averse  to  visits  of  curiosity  or  idle  ceremony ,''*  Charles  consented 
to  admit  some  of  the  nobles  whose  estates  lay  in  the  surrounding  country, 
and  who,  with  feelings  of  loyal  attachment  to  their  ancient  master,  weie 
anxious  to  pay  their  respects  to  him  in  his  retirement.    But  none  who  found 
their  way  into  his  retreat  appear  to  have  given  him  so  much  .satisfaction  as 
Francisco  Borja,  duke  of  Gandia,  in  later  times  placed  on  the  roll  of  her  saints 
by  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.    Like  diaries,  he  had  occupied  a  brilliant 
eminence  in  the  world,  and  like  him  had  found  the  glory  of  this  world  but 
vanity.     In  the  prime  of  life  he  withdrew  from  the  busy  scenes  in  which  he 
had  acted,  and  entered  a  college  of  Jesuits.    By  the  emperor's  invitation, 
Borja  made  more  than  one  visit  to  Yuste ;  and  Charles  found  much  consola- 
tion in  his  society  and  in  conversing  with  his  eariy  friend  on  topics  of  engrojts- 
ing  interest  to  both.     The  result  of  their  conferences  was  to  confirm  them 
both  in  the  conviction  that  they  had  done  wisely  in  abjuring  the  world  and  in 
dedicating  themselves  to  the  service  of  Heaven. 

The  emperor  was  also  visited  by  his  two  sisters,  the  dowager  queens  of 
France  and  Hungary,  who  had  accompanied  their  brother,  as  we  have  seen, 
on  his  return  to  Spain.  But  the  travelling  was  too  rough,  and  the  accommo- 
dations at  Yuste  too  indifferent,  to  encourage  the  royal  matrons  to  prolong 
their  stay,  or,  with  one  exception  on  the  part  of  the  queen  of  Hungary,  to 
repeat  their  visit.  .     . 

But  an  object  of  livelier  interest  to  the  emperor  than  either  of  his  sisters 
was  a  boy,  scarcely  twelve  vears  of  age,  who  resided  in  the  family  of  his  major- 
domo,  Quixada,  in  the  neighbouring  village  of  Cuacos,  This  was  Don  John 
of  Austria,  as  he  was  afterwards  called,  the  future  hero  of  Lepanto.  He  was 
the  natural  son  of  Charies,  a  fact  known  to  no  one  during  the  father's  life 
time,  except  Quixada,  who  introduced  the  boy  into  the  convent  as  his  own 
page.  The  lad,  at  this  eariy  age,  showed  many  gleams  of  that  generous  spirit 
bv  which  he  was  afterwards  distinguished,— thus  solacing  tlie  declining  years 


"  "  Tnterdum  ligneos  passerculos  emisit 
cubiculo  volantes  revoluntesquf."  Strada,  De 
Bello  Belgico.  tom.  i.  p.  15, 

"■'  Ford,  Handbook  of  Spain,  p.  552. 


'*  "  A  nemine,  ne  a  proceribus  quidem 
quacumqne  ex  causa  t:e  adiri,  uut  coiixeniri, 
nisi  a-pre  adii  odura  patitbalur."  Sepulvtdae 
Opera,  lorn.  ii.  p.  641. 


124 


LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 


\ 


of  his  parent,  and  affording  a  hold  for  those  affections  which  might  f^ 
withered  in  the  cold  atmosphere  of  the  cloister.  \ 

Strangers  were  sure  to  be  well  received  who,  coming  from  the  theatre  ou 
war,  could  furnish  the  information  he  so  much  desired  respecting  the  condition 
of  things  abroad.  Thus,  we  find  him  in  conference  with  an  ofhcer  arrivecl 
from  the  Low  Countries,  named  Spinosa,  and  putting  a  multitude  of  questions 
respecting  the  state  of  the  army,  the  organization  and  eciuipnient  of  the 
diflferent  corps,  and  other  particulars,  showing  the  lively  interest  taken  by 
Charles  in  the  conduct  of  the  campaign." 

It  lias  been  a  common  opinion  that  the  emperor,  after  his  retirement  to 
Yuste,  remained  as  one  buried  ahve,  totally  cut  off  from  intercourse  with  the 
world,—"  as  completely  withdmwn  from  the  business  of  the  kingdom  and  the 
concerns  of  govenmient,"  says  one  of  his  biographers,  "as  if  he  had  never 
taken  part  in  them  ; "  "  "  so  entirely  abstract^  in  his  solitude,"  says  another 
contemporary,  "  that  neither  revolutions  nor  wars,  nor  gold  arriving  in  heaps 
from  the  Indies,  had  any  power  to  affect  his  tranouillity."  *' 

So  far  was  this  from  bemg  the  case  that  not  only  did  the  emperor  continue 
to  show  an  interest  in  public  afiairs,  but  he  took  a  prominent  part,  even  from 
the  depths  of  his  retreat,  in  the  management  of  them.'»  Philip,  who  had  the 
good  sense  to  defer  to  the  long  experience  and  the  wisdom  of  nis  father,  con- 
sulted him  constantly  on  great  questions  of  public  policy.  And  so  far  was  he 
from  the  feeling  of  jealousy  often  imputed  to  him  that  we  find  him  on  one 
occasion,  when  the  horizon  looked  particularly  dark,  imploring  the  emperor  to 
leave  his  retreat,  and  to  aid  him  not  only  by  nis  counsels,  but  by  his  presence 
and  authority."  The  emperor's  daughter  Joanna,  regent  of  Castile,  from  her 
residence  at  Valladolid,  only  fifty  leagues  from  Yuste,  maintained  a  constant 
correspondence  with  her  father,  soliciting  his  advice  in  the  conduct  of  the 
government.  However  much  Charles  may  have  felt  himself  relieved  from 
responsibility  for  measures,  he  seems  to  have  been  as  anxious  for  the  success 
of  Philip's  aiiministration  as  if  it  had  been  his  own.  *'  Write  more  fully,"  savs 
one  of  his  secretaries  in  a  letter  to  the  secretary  of  the  regent's  council :  "  the 
emperor  is  always  eager  to  hear  more  particulars  of  events."  "*  He  showed 
the  deepest  concern  in  the  conduct  of  the  Italian  war.  He  betrayed  none  of 
the  scruples  manifested  by  Philip,  but  boldly  declared  that  the  war  with  the 
pope  was  a  just  war  in  the  sight  of  both  God  and  man.    When  letters  came 


•*  "  Le  hizo  mas  preguntas  que  se  pudieran 
hazer  &  la  donzella  Theodor,  de  ^ue  todo  di6 
buena  razon  y  de  lo  que  vio  y  oyo  en  Franria, 
provisiones  de  obispados,  cargos  de  Italia,  y 
de  la  infanteria  y  caballeria.  aitilU'ria,  gasta- 
dores,  armas  de  raano  y  de  otras  coeas."  Carta 
de  Martin  de  Gaztelu  tl  Juan  Vazquez,  18  de 
Mayo,  1558,  MS. 

"  "  Retirose  tanto  de  los  negocioR  del  Reyno 
y  cosas  de  goviemo,  como  si  jamas  \iviera 
tenido  parte  en  ellos."  Sandoval,  Hiet.  de 
Carlos  v.,  torn.  il.  p.  614.  —  See  also  Valparayso 
(El  perfecto  Desengafio,  MS.),  who  uses  the 
same  words,  probably  copying  Anpulo,  unless, 
indeed,  we  suppose  him  to  have  stolen  from 
Sandoval. 

^'  "  Ut  neque  aurum,  quod  ingenti  copia 
per  id  tempuH  Hispana  cla!«8is  illi  advexit  ab 
India,  neque  strepitus  bellorum,  .  .  .  quid- 
quam  potuerint  atiimum  ilium  flectere,  tot 
retro  aiinis  afwuetum  armoruni  pono."  Strada, 
litf  Beliu  Bc'lgicu,  torn.  i.  p.  14. 


"  It  Is  singular  that  Sepulveda,  who  visited 
Charles  in  his  retreat,  should  have  been  the 
only  historian,  as  far  as  I  am  aware,  who 
recognized  the  truth  of  this  fact,  so  perfectly 
established  by  (he  letters  from  Yuste  :  ••  Sum- 
mis  enlm  rebus,  ut  de  bello  et  pace  se  consul!, 
deque  fratris,  liberorum  et  sororum  salute,  et 
statu  rerum  ceitiorem  fieri  non  recusabat." 
Opera,  tom.  ii.  p.  541. 

"  ♦*  Supplicando  con  toda  bumildad  e  in- 
stancia  d  su  Magestad  tenga  por  bien  de 
esforzarse  en  esta  coyuntura,  socorriendome  y 
ayudandome,  no  solo  con  su  parecer  y  consejo 
que  es  el  mayor  caudal  que  pnedo  tener,  pero 
con  la  presencia  de  su  persona  y  autoridnd, 
saliendo  del  monasterio,  d  la  parte  y  lugar  que 
mas  comodo  sea  Sl  su  salud."  Hetiro,  Estancia, 
etc.,  ap.  Mignet,  Chai les-Quint,  p.  256,  note. 

'"  *♦  Siempre,  en  estas  cosas,  pregunta  si  no 
hay  mas."  Carta  de  Martin  de  Gaztelu  d  Juan 
Vazquez,  8  de  Noviembre,  1556,  MS, 


niS  INTEREST  IN  PUBLIC  AFFAIRS. 


125 


;n  abroad,  he  was  even  heard  to  express  hia  regret  that  they  brought  no 

iings  of  Paul's  death,  or  Caraffa's  1  '*  He  was  sorely  displeased  with  the 
truce  which  Alva  granted  to  the  pontiff,  intimating  a  regret  that  he  had  not 
the  reins  still  in  his  own  hand.  He  was  yet  more  discontented  with  the 
peace,  and  the  terms  of  it,  both  public  and  private ;  and  when  Alva  talked 
of  leaving  Naples,  his  anger,  as  his  secretary  quaintly  remarks,  was  "  more 
than  was  good  for  his  health."  ^^ 

The  same  interest  he  showed  in  the  French  war.  The  loss  of  Calais  filled 
him  with  the  deepest  anxiety.  But  in  his  letters  on  the  occasion,  instead  of 
wasting  his  time  in  idle  lament,  he  seems  intent  only  on  devising  in  what  way 
he  can  best  serve  Philip  in  his  distress."  In  the  same  proportion  he  was 
elated  by  the  tidings  of  the  victory  of  St.  Quentin.  His  thoughts  turned 
upon  Paris,  and  he  was  eager  to  learn  what  road  his  son  had  taken  after  the 
battle.  According  to  Brantome,  on  hearing  the  news,  he  abruptly  asked, 
"  Is  Philip  at  Paris  ?  "     He  judged  of  Philip's  temper  by  his  own.'* 

At  another  time,  we  find  him  conducting  negotiations  with  Navarre ;  **  and 
then,  again,  carrying  on  a  correspondence  with  his  sister,  the  regent  of  Por- 
tugal, for  the  purpose  of  having  his  grandson,  Carlos,  recognized  as  heir  to  the 
crown  in  case  of  the  death  of  tne  young  king,  his  cousin.  The  scheme  failed, 
for  it  would  be  as  much  as  her  life  was  worth,  the  regent  said,  to  engage  in  it. 
But  it  was  a  bold  one,  that  of  bringing  under  the  same  sceptre  these  two 
nations,  which,  by  community  of  race,  language,  and  institutions,  would  seem 
bv  nature  to  have  been  designed  for  one.  It  was  Charles's  comprehensive 
idea ;  and  it  proves  that  even  in  the  cloister  the  spirit  of  ambition  had  not 
become  extinct  in  his  bosom.  How  much  would  it  have  rejoiced  that  ambi- 
tious spirit  could  he  have  foreseen  that  the  consummation  so  much  desired  by 
him  would  be  attained  under  Philip  ! " 

But  the  department  which  especially  engaged  Charles's  attention  in  his 
retirement,  singularly  enough,  was  the  financial.    "  It  has  been  my  constant 


»i  44  Del  Papa  y  dg  CarafTi  se  siente  aqui 
que  no  haya  llegado  la  nueva  de  que  se  ban 
muerto."  Carta  de  Martin  de  Gaztelu  a  Juan 
Vazquez,  8  de  Noviembre,  1556,  MS. 

'"  "Sobre  que  su  magestad  dizo  algunas 
cosas  con  mas  colera  de  la  que  para  su  salud 
conviene."  Carta  de  Martin  de  Gaztelu  ti 
Juan  Vazquez,  10  de  Enero,  1558,  MS. 

"'  See,  in  particular,  Carta  del  Emperador  d 
Su  Alteza,  4  de  Febrero,  155H,  MS. 

'*  Brantome,  (louvres,  tom.  i.  p.  11. — 
Whether  Charles  actually  made  the  remark  or 
not,  it  is  clear  from  a  letter  in  the  Gonzalez 
collection  that  this  was  uppermost  in  bis 
thoughts:  "Su  Magestad  tenia  gran  deseo  de 
saber  que  partido  tomaba  el  rey  su  hijo  despues 
de  la  victoria,  y  que  estaba  impacientissimo 
formando  cuentas  de  que  ya  deberia  estar  sobre 
Paris."  Carta  de  Quixada,  19  de  Setiembre, 
1657,  ap.  Mignet,  Charles-Quint,  p.  27».— It  is 
Binpular  that  this  interesting  letter  is  neither 
in  M.  Gachard's  collection  nor  in  that  made 
for  me  from  the  same  sources. 

""■  Carta-s  del  Emperador  &  Juan  Vazquei, 
de  Setiembre  27  y  Octubre  31,  1557,  MS. 

■*"  The  emperor  intimates  his  wishes  in 
regard  to  bis  grandson's  succession  in  a  letter 
addressed,  at  a  later  period,  to  Phi  lip.  (Carta 
del  Emperador  al  Key,  31  de  Marzo,  1558, 
MS.)    But  a  full  account  of  the  Portuguese 


mission  is  given  by  Cienfuegos,  Vida  de  S. 
Francisco  de  Borja  (Barcelona,  1754),  p.  269. 
The  person  employed  by  Charles  in  this 
delicate  business  was  no  other  thun  his  friend 
Francisco  BorJa,  the  ex-duke  of  Gandia,  who, 
like  himself,  bad  sought  a  retreat  from  the 
world  in  the  shades  of  the  cloister.  The 
biographers  who  record  the  miracles  and 
miraculous  virtues  of  the  sainted  Jesuit  bestow 
several  chapters  on  his  visits  to  Yuste.  His 
conversations  with  the  emperor  are  reported 
with  a  minuteness  that  Boswell  might  have 
envied,  and  which  may  well  provoke  our 
skepticism,  unless  we  suppose  them  to  have 
been  reported  by  Borja  himself.  One  topic 
much  discussed  in  them  was  tlie  merits  of  the 
order  which  the  emperor's  friend  had  entered. 
It  bad  not  then  risen  to  that  eminence  which, 
under  its  singular  discipline,  it  8ub8equ»'ntly 
reached;  and  Charles  would  fain  have  per- 
suaded his  visitor  to  abandon  it  for  the  Jerony- 
mite  societj'  with  which  he  was  establishKl. 
But  Boija  >eevas  to  have  silenced,  if  not  satis- 
fied, his  royal  master,  by  arguments  which 
prove  that  his  acute  mind  already  discerned 
the  germ  of  future  greatness  in  the  institutions 
of  the  new  order.— Ibid.,  pp.  273-279. — Riba- 
dcneira.  Vita  Francisci  Borgiaj  (Lat.  trans., 
Antverpia',  1598),  p.  110,  et  seq. 


126 


LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 


care,"  he  writes  to  Philip,  "  in  all  my  letters  to  your  sister,  to  urge  the  n( 
sity  of  providing  you  with  funds,— since  1  can  be  of  little  service  to  you"' 
any  other  way."^^  His  interposition,  indeed,  seems  to  have  been  constanti 
invoked  to  raise  supplies  for  carrying  on  the  war.  This  fact  may  be  thought 
to  show  that  those  writers  are  mistaken  who  accuse  Philip  of  withholding  from 
his  father  the  means  of  maintaining  a  suitable  establishment  at  Yuste. 
Charles,  in  truth,  settled  the  amount  of  his  own  income ;  and  in  one  of  his 
letters  we  find  him  fixing  this  at  twenty  thousand  ducats,  instead  of  sixteen 
thousand,  as  before,  to  be  paid  quarterly  and  in  advance."  That  the  j)ayments 
were  not  always  punctually  made  may  well  be  believed,  in  a  country  where 
punctuality  would  have  been  a  miracle. 

Charles  had  more  cause  for  irritation  in  the  conduct  of  some  of  those  func- 
tionaries with  whom  he  had  to  deal  in  his  financial  capacity.  Nothing  appears 
to  have  stirred  his  bile  so  much  at  Yuste  as  the  proceedings  of  some  members 
of  the  board  of  trade  at  Seville.  "  I  have  defened  sending  to  you,"  he  writes 
to  his  daughter,  the  regent,  "  in  order  to  see  if,  with  time,  my  wrath  would 
not  subside.  But,  far  from  it,  it  increases,  and  will  go  on  increasing  till  I 
learn  that  those  whu  have  done  wrong  have  atoned  for  it.  Were  it  not  for  my 
infirmities,"  he  adds,  "  I  would  go  to  Seville  myself,  and  find  out  the  authors 
of  this  villainy  and  bring  them  to  a  summary  reckoning."  "  "  The  emperor 
orders  me,"  writes  his  secretary,  Gaztelu,  *'  to  command  that  the  offenders  be 

Eut  in  irons,  and,  in  order  to  mortify  them  the  more,  that  they  be  carried,  in 
road  daylight,  to  Simancas.  and  there  lodged,  not  in  towers  or  chanibers,  but 
in  a  dungeon.  Indeed,  sucn  is  his  indignation,  and  such  are  the  violent  and 
bloodthirsty  ex'pressions  he  conmiands  me  to  use,  that  you  will  pardon  me  if 
my  language  is  not  so  temperate  as  it  might  be."  *"  It  had  been  customary 
for  the  board  of  trade  to  receive  the  gold  miported  from  the  Indies,  whether 
on  public  or  private  account,  and  liola  it  for  the  use  of  the  government,  paying 
to  the  merchants  interested  an  equivalent  in  government  bonds.  The  mer- 
chants, naturally  enough,  not  relishing  this  kind  of  security  so  well  as  the 
gold,  by  a  collusion  with  some  of  the  members  of  the  board  o\  trade,  had  been 
secretly  allowed  to  remove  their  own  property.  In  this  way  the  govern nient 
was  defrauded — as  the  emperor  regarded  it— of  a  larce  sum  on  which  it  had 
calculated.  This,  it  would  seem,  was  the  offence  which  had  roui?ed  the  royal 
indignation  to  such  a  pitch.  Charles's  phlegmatic  temperament  had  ever  been 
liable  to  be  ruffled  by  these  sudden  gusts  of  passion ;  and  his  conventual 
life  does  not  seem  to  have  had  any  very  sedative  infiuence  on  him  in  this 
particular. 

For  the  first  ten  months  after  his  arrival  at  Yuste,  the  emperor's  health, 
under  the  influence  of  a  temperate  climate,  the  quiet  of  monastic  life,  and 
more  than  all,  probably,  his  exemption  from  the  cares  of  state,  had  generally 


*'  Carta  del  Emperador  nl  Rey.  25  de  Mayo, 
1S58,  MS.— On  the  margin  of  this  letter  we 
find  the  following  memoranda  of  Thilip  him- 
self, sliowing  bow  much  importance  he  at- 
tached to  bis  father's  interposition  in  this 
matter :  "  Volverselo  a  suplicar  con  gran 
instancia,  pues  quedamos  in  tales  terniinos 
que,  si  me  ayudan  con  dinero,  los  podriamos 
airaer  a  !•>  que  conviniesse."  "  Besalle  las 
mano<<  por  lo  que  en  csto  ha  mandado  y  supli- 
calle  lu  Ueve  adelante  y  que  de  acd  se  hari  lo 
mismo,  y  avi^arle  de  lo  que  se  ban  becho  basta 
agora." 

"•  Carta  del  Emperador  &  Juan  Vazquez,  31 


de  Marzo,  IS-S?,  MS. 

"  Carta  del  Emperador  &  la  Princesa,  31  de 
Marzo,  1557,  MS. — The  whole  letter  is  singu- 
larly characteristic  of  Charles.  Its  authori- 
tative tune  shows  that,  though  he  had  parted 
with  the  crown,  he  had  not  parted  witli  the 
temper  of  a  sovereign,  and  of  an  absolute 
sovereign  too. 

*"  **  Es  tal  su  indignacion  y  tan  sangrientas 
las  palabras  y  vebemencia  con  que  manda 
escribir  ;i  v.  m.  que  me  disculi»arii  sino  lo 
bago  con  mas  templan^a  y  mc>do."  Caita  de 
Martin  de  Gaztelu  d  Juan  Vazquez,  1*2  de 
Mayo,  1557,  MS. 


HIS  INTEREST  IN  PUBLIC  AFFAIRS. 


127 


jved."    His  attacks  of  gout  had  been  less  frequent  and  less  severe  than 
-re.    But  in  the  spring  of  1558  the  old  malady  returned  with  renewed 

jlence.  "  I  was  not  in  a  condition,"  he  writes  to  Philip,  "  to  listen  to  a 
.ingle  sermon  during  Lent.""  For  months  he  was  scarcely  able  to  write  a 
line  with  his  own  hand.  His  spirits  felt  the  pressure  of  bodily  suffering,  and 
were  still  further  depressed  by  the  death  of  his  sister  Eleanor,  the  queen- 
dowager  of  France  and  Portugal,  which  took  place  in  February,  1558. 

A  strong  attachment  seems  to  have  subsisted  between  the  emperor  and  his 
two  sisters.  Queen  Eleanor's  sweetness  of  disposition  had  particularly  endeared 
her  to  her  brother,  who  now  felt  her  loss  almost  as  keenly  as  that  of  one  of  his 
own  children.  "  She  was  a  good  Christian,"  he  said  to  his  secretary,  Gaztelu  ; 
and,  as  the  tears  rolled  down  his  cheeks,  he  added,  *'  We  have  always  loved 
each  other.  She  was  my  elder  bv  fifteen  months ;  and  before  that  period  has 
passed  I  shall  probably  be  with  her."*'  Before  half  that  period  the  sad 
augury  was  fulfilled. 

At  this  period— as  we  shall  see  hereafter— the  attention  of  the  government 
was  called  to  the  Lutheran  heresy,  which  had  already  begun  to  disclose  itself 
in  various  quaiters  of  the  country.  Charles  was  possessed  of  a  full  share  of 
the  spirit  of  bigotry  which  belonged  to  the  royal  line  of  Castile,  from  which  he 
was  descended.  While  on  the  throne,  this  feeUng  was  held  somewhat  in 
check  by  a  regard  for  his  political  interests.  But  in  the  seclusion  of  the 
monastery  he  had  no  interests  to  consult  but  those  of  religion  ;  and  he  gave 
free  scone  to  the  spirit  of  intolemnce  which  belonged  to  nis  nature.  In  a 
letter  aadressed,  the  third  of  May,  1558,  to  his  daughter  Joanna,  he  says, 
"  Tell  the  grand  inquisitor  from  me  to  be  at  his  post,  and  lay  the  axe  at  the 
root  of  the  evil  before  it  spreads  further.  I  rely  on  vour  zeal  for  bringing 
the  guilty  to  punishment,  and  for  having  them  punished,  without  favour  to 
any  one,  with  all  the  severity  which  their  crimes  demand."  **  In  another 
letter  to  his  daughter,  three  weeks  later,  he  writes,  "  If  I  had  not  entire 
confidence  that  you  would  do  your  duty,  and  arrest  the  evil  at  once  by  chas- 
tising the  guilty  in  good  earnest.  I  know  not  how  I  could  help  leaving  the 
monastery  and  taking  the  remedy  into  my  own  hands."  "  Thus  did  Charles 
make  his  voice  heard  from  his  retreat  among  the  mountains,  and  by  his 
eff'orts  and  influence  render  himself  largely  responsible  for  the  fiery  per- 
secution which  brought  woe  upon  the  land  aiter  he  himself  had  gone  to  his 
account. 

About  the  middle  of  August  the  emperor's  old  enemy,  the  gout,  returned  on 
him  with  uncommon  force.    It  was  attended  with  symptoms  of  an  alarming 


*'  *•  His  majesty  was  so  well,"  writes  Gaz- 
telu, early  in  tlie  summer  of  1557,  "that  be 
could  rise  from  his  seat,  and  support  his 
arquebuse,  without  aid."  He  could  even  do 
some  mischief  with  his  fowling-piece  to  the 
wood- pigeons.  Carta  de  Gaztelu  &  Vazquez, 
6de  Junio,  1557,  MS. 

*'  *'  Porque  de^de  tantos  de  novlembre  basta 
pocos  dias  ha  hame  dado  [la  gota]  tres  vezes 
y  muy  rezio,  y  me  ha  tenido  muchosdias  en  la 
f:ama,  y  hestado  hasta  de  poco  aci  tan  traba- 
jado  y  flaco  que  en  toda  esla  quaresma  no  be 
podido  oyr  un  sermon,  y  esto  es  la  causa  porque 
no  OS  e^cribo  esta  de  mi  mano."  Carta  del 
Emperador  al  Rey,  7  de  Abril,  1558,  MS. 

**  ♦' Sintiolo  cierto  mutho,  y  se  le  arrasilron 
los  ojos,  y  me  djjo  lo  mucho  que  el  y  la  de 
Francia  se  hablan  siempre  querido,  y  por  cuan 


buena  cristiana  la  tenia,  y  que  le  llevaba 
quince  meses  de  tiempo,  y  que,  segun  ^1  se 
iba  eiiitiendo  de  poco  acd,  podria  ser  que 
dentro  df  ellos  le  biciese  compafila."  Carta 
de  Gaztelu  a  Vazquez,  21  de  Febrero,  1658,  ap. 
Gachard,  Retraite  et  Mort,  tom.  i.  p.  270. — 
See  also  Mignet,  Charles-Quint,  p.  330. 

**  *•  Y  que  para  ello  les  deis  y  mandeis  dar 
todo  el  favor  y  calor  que  f uere  necesario  y  para 
que  los  que  fueren  culpados  sean  punidos  y 
castigddos  con  la  demostracion  y  rigor  que  la 
calidad  de  sus  culpas  mereceran,  y  esto  sin 
exception  de  persona  alguna."  Carta  del 
Emperador  &  la  Princesa,  3  de  Mayo,  1558, 
MS. 

**  "No  se  si  toviera  sufrimiento  para  no 
salir  de  aqui  arremediallo  "  Carta  del  Empe- 
rador a  la  Princesa,  25  de  Mayo,  1558,  MS. 


128 


LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 


kind,  intimating?,  indeed,  that  his  strong  constitution  was  givmp  way. 
were  attributed  to  a  cold  which  he  had  taken,  though  it  seems  there  was  ^ 
reason  for  imputing  them  to  his  intemperate  living  ;  for  he  still  continue 
indulge  his  appetite  for  the  most  dangerous  dishes  as  freely  as  m  the  <  , 
when  a  more  active  way  of  life  had  better  enabled  him  to  digest  them.  It  is 
true,  the  physician  stood  by  his  side,  as  prompt  as  8ancho  Panza's  doctor,  in 
his  island  domain,  to  remonstrate  against  his  master's  proceedings.  But, 
unhappily,  he  was  not  armed  with  the  authority  of  that  functionary  ;  and  an 
eel-pie,  a  well-spiced  capon,  or  any  other  savoury  abomination,  offered  too  great 
a  fascination  for  Charles  to  heed  the  warnings  of  his  physician. 

The  declining  state  of  the  emperor's  health  mav  have  inspired  him  with  a 
presentiment  of  his  approaching  end,  to  which,  we  have  seen,  he  gave  utterance 
some  time  before  this,  in  his  conversation  with  Gaztelu.  It  may  have  been 
the  sober  reflections  which  such  a  feeling  would  naturally  suggest  that  led 
him,  at  the  close  of  the  month  of  August,  to  conceive  the  extmordinary  idea 
of  preparing  for  the  final  scene  by  rehearsing  his  own  funeral.  He  consulted 
his  confessor  on  the  subject,  and  was  encouraged  by  the  accommodating  father 
to  consider  it  as  a  meritorious  act.  The  chapel  was  accordingly  hung  in  black, 
and  the  blaze  of  hundreds  of  wax -lights  was  not  sufficient  to  dispel  the  darkness. 
The  monks  in  their  conventual  dresses,  and  all  the  emperor's  household,  clad 
in  deep  mourning,  gathered  round  a  huge  catafalque,  shrouded  also  in  black, 
which  had  been  raised  in  the  centre  of  the  chapel.  The  service  for  the  burial 
of  the  dead  was  then  performed  ;  and,  amidst  the  dismal  wail  of  the  monks, 
the  prayers  ascended  for  the  departed  spirit,  that  it  might  be  received  into 
the  mansions  of  the  blessed.  The  sorrowful  attendants  were  melted  to  tears, 
as  the  image  of  their  master's  death  wa.s  presented  to  their  minds,  or  they 
were  touched,  it  may  be,  with  compassion  for  this  pitiable  display  of  his  weak- 
ness. Charles,  muffled  in  a  dark  mantle,  and  bearing  a  lighted  candle  in  his 
hand,  mingled  with  his  household,  the  spectator  of  his  own  obsequies ;  and 
the  doleful  ceremony  was  concluded  by  his  placing  the  taper  in  the  hands  of 
the  priest,  in  sign  of  his  surrendering  up  his  soul  to  the  Almighty. 

Such  is  the  account  of  this  melancholy  farce  given  us  by  the  Jeronymite 
chroniclers  of  the  cloister-life  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  and  which  has  since  been 
repeated— losing  nothing  in  the  repetition— by  every  succeeding  historian,  to 
the  present  time.*"  Nor  does  there  seem  to  have  been  any  distrust  of  its 
correctness  till  the  historical  skepticism  of  our  own  day  had  subjected  the 
narrative  to  a  more  critical  scrutiny.  It  was  then  discovered  that  no  mention 
of  the  affair  was  to  be  discerned  m  the  letters  of  any  one  of  the  emperor's 
household  residing  at  Yuste,  although  there  are  letters  extant  written  by 
Chaarles's  physician,  his  major-domo,  and  his  secretary,  both  on  the  thirty-first 
day  of  August,  the  day  of  the  funeral,  and  on  the  first  of  September.  With 
80  extraordinary  an  event  fresh  in  their  minds,  their  silence  is  inexplicable. 

One  fact  is  certain,  that,  if  the  funeral  did  take  place,  it  could  not  have 
been  on  the  date  assigned  to  it ;  for  on  the  thirty-first  the  emperor  was 
labouring  under  an  attack  of  fever,  of  which  his  physician  has  given  full  par- 


The  history  of  this  affair  furnishes  a  good 
example  of  the  crescit  eundo.  Tlie  author  of 
the  MS.  discovered  by  M.  Bakhuizen,  noticed 
more  fully  in  the  next  note,  though  present 
at  the  ceremony,  contents  himself  with  a 
general  outline  of  it.  Siguen^a,  who  follows 
next  in  time  and  in  authority,  tells  us  of  the 
lighted  candle  which  Charles  delivered  to  tlie 
priest.  Strada,  who  wrote  a  generation  Liter, 
concludes  the  scene  by  leaving  the  emperor  in 


a  swoon  upon  the  floor.  Lastly,  Robertso", 
after  making  the  emperor  perform  in  iiis 
shroud,  lays  him  in  his  coffin,  where,  after 
Joining  in  the  prayers  for  the  rest  of  his  own 
soul,  not  yet  departed,  he  is  left  by  the  monks 
to  his  meditations !— Where  Robertson  got  all 
these  partiiulars  it  would  not  l)e  cjisy  to  tell ; 
certainly  not  from  the  authorities  cittd  at  the 
bottom  of  bis  page. 


/ 


HE  CELEBRATES  HIS  OBSEQUIES. 


129 


/ 


^ 


Of^dars,  and  from  which  he  ^^^-^^^^^^^  e're^ny  ?hfcVmur^hlve 
Jerefore,  should  have  been  silent  m  >e4>ect  to  a  P^  ^j^     incredible. 

4d  so  bad  an  efff  ,^  ^"  ^^^.^f^^e^^^^^^^^^  of  ihe- Jeronymite  brethren 

Yet  the  story  of  the  obsequies  comes  iron^u  .^^  ^^^^^^ 

thenUving  at  Yuste,  who  speaks  of  the  ^^'^^^  ^  y^^  hj^^gelf  alive,  a. 
^vith  the  Test  of  the  f ."^jf '  ^^  f^Tbefor^^^  i^  repeated  by 

it  were,  and  perform  his  ^ uner^W^^^^^^  ^^^''esco rial,  who  had  ample  means  of 
another  of  the  fraternity,  the  pnoroi  ine  ,      ^^^^^^^^  ^    more  than 

conversing  with  eye-witnesses  ^M^  ^^^J*^' ^^je  to  assure  himself  of  the 
one  writer  near  enough  to  Jhe  period  lo  oe^^^^^^^  ^^  ^^^^^^^^^^^^  ^^^^ 

truth."  Indeed,  the  parties  from  whom  ^^^^^^-^^^^^  i,tpossible  to  explain 
so  situated  that  if  .the  «to^y  ^t.  ^  J^i  fheh-^^^^^^^^^^  must  be  wholly  charged 
its  existence  by  m^^PPr^^^,^^^"  ^"jf  fJ\S^  chronicler  is  not 

on  a  wilful  misstatement  c^f  facts.     It  IS  U^     tn  ^esirable,-especia  ly 

always  auite  so  scrupulous  »;,^^^^^Pf '^^^^^  But  what  interest  could  the 
where  tlie  honour  of  his  «[^«F^I_'"PS  a  fabrication  as  this?  The  sup- 
Jeronymite  fathers  ^avj  had  ^n  so  ^^^^^^  ^^  the  parties,  and  with 

position  is  at  variance  with  tj^f  Tf^P.^,^^  |^eio,,..s  to  their  narratives.*" 
the  air  of  simp^^city  and  good  f^tU  that  belongs  lo  ^^  ^^^^^.^^ 

We  may  well  be  s^agge^dj  ^t  ^^  ^J  ^^  ^^j^.j^  ^^^  ^^^e  assigned 

obsenuies  appears  in  any  of  t^®  jetteu,  irom  i         .  consider  that  the 

for  tkeni,  moreover,  is  P^^^^V^i^.fSt  thing  fro^  invention  of  a  story, 

luisstateuientof  adateisaverydmeienttbmgtrou  ^^^  ^^^^^^ 

and  that  chronological  accuracy  '^J^^^^/^^,"^,^^^^^^^^      any  other  historian  of 
remark,  was  not  the  virtue  of  lA^»^o^^^^  .^  ,^^  obsequies  should 

the  sixteenth  century     It  ^"'^  "C  "  iod  assigned  to  them.    It  so  hap - 
have  taken  place  some  ^^P  before  the  i^r^^^^^  eighteenth  and  the 

pens  that  we  have  no  letters  from  Yf^^^^^^^  have  seen  none 

twenty-seventh  of  Augiist     At  least  1^^^^^^^  ifght,  vmtten  during  that 

cited  by  others.    If  any  s^,«"^^.i^^[fto  'o^^^^^^    some  allusion  to  the  funeral. 

I'entemr  vivant,  et  faire  ses  obseques  avant 

discovered  by  M.  Bakhuizen  m  the  arc'")^» 
al  BruIsVls.    As  the  author  was  one  o     he 
brofherh^  ^^ho  occupied  the  convent  at  ^h« 
time  of  the  emperor's  re«ld«nce  there  the  MS 
isstamned  with  the  highest  authoiuy,  aim 

M  SXm  will  l-M'f' >•»  »  «<SfeSnd 
to  Ict.ere  by  incorporating  it  in  tUe  secona 

its  author,  who.  as  alre.idy  not»ce.l.  m  ust  have 
had  daily  communication  with  several  of  the 
monks  when,  after  Chavles's  death  they  had 
been  transferred  from  Yuste  to  the  gloomy 


shades  of  the  Escorial.  Fi^neroa. 

*■■■  Such,  for  example,  were  Vera  y  Figueroa, 
Conde  de  la  Roca,  whose  little  volume  ap- 
J^^red    in    1613;   Str«ula.  who  wrote   some 
Kenty  yrars  later  ;^and  the  niarqius  of  Val- 
naravso    whose  MS.   is  dated   lb^8.     1   pay 
Soiling  ol  Sandoval,  often  Quoted  as  authority 
for  the  funeral,  for,  as  he  tells  "«  that  tl  e 
money  which  the  emperor  proposed  to  devote 
Ta  mock  funeral  wi.  after  all  ai.propriated 
To  his  real  one,  it  would  «eem  to  impl.v  t^  at 
the  former  never  took  place.-It  were  gyfaiiy 
to  bo  Sed  that  the  'mS.  of  Kray  Martm  do 
Anculo  could  be  detected  and  brought   to 
UKht      As  prior  of  Yuste  while  Charles  was 
Se,   his  testimony  ^ould ,  be  un-alua^^^^^^^ 
Both  Sandoval  and  the  marquis  of  Valparaj  so 
profess  to  have  reliexi  mainly  S^;=,^''f"lue 
authority.    Yet  in  this  very  affair   of  the 

funeral  they  disiigree.  rh-irac- 

-"'  Sieuenca's  composition  may  he  ,charac 
terized  aS;>i«x  mLditiis.  The  Mb.  of  the 
monk  of  Yuste,  found  in  Brussels. '«  f  JP^: 
Sys  M.  Gachard,  with  the  character  of^m- 
plicity  and  truth.  Retraite  et  Mort,  torn.  I. 
p.  XX.  ^ 


130  LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 

parties  who  wrote  at  the  end  of  A«g>.st  and  th^  ^^^»  jf.Se^'pSa-n  , 
ixpkined  by  the  fact  that  too  '«»§  » '"' «J',^etSd  h^^^^  any  connectiot^v 

of  the  emperor's  obswues  for  *«'".t?J''J^!Xeir  correspondence.    DiHiculticsN 
with  his  illness,  which  formed  the  sulriect  of  thei^^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^ 

''"liP^^^^Sf^rfauite  a^^rrrS  Tex't^ain  thS^e  ditt.culties  by  the 
^st"iSKoLr^et;rasby  tha^^^^  ,,,  ,,,„,,,, 

/t  f  %  fS'  tK  m^  TtaU  0  insiJSrhl'the'royal  blood  of 
of  Charles  the  l^itth.  i-"ere  ^v*?  *5  ;* ,  .  .,  pmneror's  mother,  Joanna. 
Castile,  which  was  most  ^'^^nfJX  d^scei^^^^^^ 

Some  traces  of  it,  however  famt,  "f  ^.n^tP  A  d  thouTh  we  may  not  agree 
he  took  refuge  in  the  9i<^^^^^U^,/"^  ^-  tejls  s^^^^^^  evidence  of^iis 
with  Paul  the  Fourth  in  ^S^f^^^^S  ^^^J  '  ^L  ^ond^^^^^^^  more  than  one 
madness,"  we  niay  yet  fi«d, something  ni  his  con«^^«^     example,  was  the 

occasion,  wWle  the;«;7J^,f„;|  "^^^^^^  nk  merely  of 

morbid  relish  which  he  di'^covered  tor  i^eiiom^^^^       u        to  furnish  an  apology 

his  kindred,  but  of  ^^^^  ^P' Hp  ?oLTS  bThe  vaS  prepared  to  commemo- 
for  it.    Not  a  member  of  the^owon  died,  out  jie    ^  ^    i  ^^^  ^  ^e  the 

rate  the  event  with  solemn  ^""^/^V^li' lu^u^^^^^  hada  fascina- 

festivities  of  Charles's  cloister-hfe.    These  ugu^^^^^^  ^^^^^ 

tion  for  him  that  may  remind  one  of    ^  ^^^^^^^^  ,,,,^  her  wherever 

Joanna,  clung  to  the^^^^^^^^  ts  and  his  wife 

she  went.    It  was  alter  ceieDrauiij;  t  i  •     V  r^^  ^^g  ^re  told,  the 

which  occupied  several  success  ve  days  J^^^y^^^ '^^^^  which  becomes 

idea  of  rehearsing  his  own  ^^^^^^^f  ^'-?J\^'^^  to  which 

tSZl  ^^:^X^^^^^^  -  the  dreary  apparatus 

appears  that  on  the  thutiexn  oi  ^"fe";'\  "f     -.^         g*  alarming  symptoms. 

"he  were  jmntonng  her  to  I^  |P»^«,f  P^^  t„  trconten.plation  of  another 

to  which  she  had  gone.         ■  ^t,"  A  .^jpn  "  and  from  this  to  that  immortal 
picture-Titian s  "  Agony  m  the  Garden    and  nom  in^s  xo  ^^^^ 

Production  of  h>s.  pencU,  the  "Gloria,   as  ;t^^<»X'r  the  emperor's  death, 
tung  over  the  hig^  altar  »*  ]f".^,«fl,*'Vl  ™S  ^o  io„g  and  with  such  rapt 

^•ll'"7*  ''inrc'JJctu^e  a  to  ri  appr  heS'in  Ws  physician,  who,  in  tL 
attention  on  the  picture  as  lo  ^^^'7,  ^»'jjy^  .     r     „u  excitement  on  h  s  nerves. 

J|''revene,%ned  to  *e  d^^^^^^ 

&'":.^b'reA1mtwHhou^^  The  Regent  Joanna 

nispuyMcid.il  ,  .^:.».„i^„t«tvlP  forms  now  one  of  the  noblest 


»'  Mignet,  Charles-Quint,  p.  1. 

»»  "  F:gtuvo  un  poco  contemplandole,  aevia 
de  pedirle.  que  le  previniesse  Wg^I. /"  «] 
Alcazar  plcrioso  que  habitava.  Vera  y 
Figueroa.  C  rlos  Quinto.  p.  127. 

*»  Tbis   famo\is   picture,  painted   in   the 


artist's  best  style.  fonnB  now  one  of  the  noblest 
ornaments  of  the  Museo  of  Madrid.  See  Ford. 
Handbook  of  Spain,  p.  758.     ,   ,     .      .     . 

»«  For  the  al»ove  nccount  of  the  beplnning 
of  Charles's  illness,  see  Siguin(;a,  Orden  de 
San  Gcronimo,  parte   lii.    p.  -^01;    Vera  y 


f 


HIS  LAST  ILLNESS. 


131 


.  learning  her  father's  danger,  instantly  despatched  her  own  physician  from 
d  alladolid  to  his  assistance.  But  no  earthly  remedies  could  avail  It  soon 
became  evident  that  the  end  was  approaching." 

Charles  received  the  intelligence  not  merely  with  composure,  but  with  cheer- 
fulness. It  was  what  he  had  long  desired,  he  said.  His  first  care  was  to 
complete  some  few  arrangements  respecting  his  affairs.  On  the  ninth  of 
September  he  executed  a  codicil  to  his  will.  The  will,  made  a  few  years 
previous,  was  of  great  length,  and  the  codicil  had  not  the  merit  of  brevity. 
Its  principal  object  was  to  make  provision  for  those  who  had  followed  him  to 
Yiiste.  No  mention  is  made  in  the  codicil  of  his  son  Don  John  of  Austna. 
He  seems  to  have  communicated  his  views  in  regard  to  him  to  his  major-domo, 
Quixada,  who  had  a  private  interview  of  some  length  with  his  master  a  few 
days  before  his  death.  Charles's  directions  on  the  subject  appear  to  have  been 
scrupulously  reirarded  by  Philip."  . 

One  clause  in  the  codicil  deserves  to  be  noticed.  The  emperor  con.iures  his 
son  most  earnestly,  by  the  obedience  he  owes  him,  to  follow  up  and  bring  to 
justice  every  heretic  in  his  dominions,  and  this  without  exception  and  without 
favour  or  mercy  to  any  one.  He  conjures  Philip  to  cherish  the  Holy  In<^;J's»- 
tion,  as  the  best  instrument  for  accomplishing  this  good  work.  "  So,  he 
concludes,  "  shall  you  have  my  blessing,  and  the  Lord  shall  prosper  all  your 
undertakings."  "  Such  were  the  last  words  of  the  dying  monarch  to  his  son. 
They  did  not  fall  on  a  deaf  ear ;  and  the  parting  admonition  of  his  father 
served  to  give  a  keener  edge  to  the  sword  of  persecution  which  Philip  had 

already  begun  to  wield.  ,   ,    ,  ,    ,.     j  v 

On  the  nineteenth  of  September,  Charles's  strength  had  declined  so  much 
that  it  was  thought  proper  to  administer  extreme  unction  to  him.  He  pre- 
ferred to  have  it  in  the  form  adopted  bv  the  friars,  which,  comprehending  a 
litany,  the  seven  penitential  psalms,  and  sundry  other  passages  of  Scnpture, 
was  much  longer  and  more  exhausting  than  the  rite  used  bv  the  laity.  His 
strength  did  not  fail  under  it,  however  ;  and  the  following  day  he  desired  to 
take  the  communion,  as  he  had  frequently  done  dunng  his  illness.  On  his 
confessor's  representing  that,  after  the  sacrament  of  extreme  unction,  this  was 
unnecessary,  he  answered,  ''  Perhaps  so,  but  it  is  good  provision  for  the  long 
iourney  I  am  to  set  out  upon."  *«  Exhausted  as  he  was,  he  knelt  a  full  Quarter 
of  an  hour  in  his  bed  during  the  ceremony,  offering  thanks  to  God  for  his 
mercies,  and  expressing  the  deepest  contrition  for  his  sins,  with  an  earnestness 
of  manner  that  touched  the  hearts  of  all  present." 


FIgueroa,  Carlos  Quinto,  p.  127;  Valparayso, 
El  perfect©  IVsHngano,  MS. 

"  Vera  y  FiRueroa,  Carlos  Quinto,  p.  127. 
— Siguen^a,  Orden  de  San  Geronimo.  parte  iii. 
p.  201.— Carta  de  Luis  Quixada  al  Rey,  17  de 
Setiembre.  1558,  MS. 

"  The  Regent  Joanna,  it  seems,  suspected, 
for  some  reason  or  other,  that  the  boy  in 
Quixada's  care  was  in  fact  the  ein|>eror'8  son. 
A  few  weeks  after  hor  father's  death  she 
caused  a  letter  to  be  addressed  to  the  major- 
domo,  asking  him  directly  if  this  were  the 
case,  and  intimating  a  desire  to  make  a  suit- 
able provision  for  the  youth.  The  wary 
functionary,  who  tells  this  in  his  private 
correspondence  with  Philip,  endeavoured  to 
put  the  regent  off  the  scent  by  stating  that 
the  lad  was  the  son  of  a  friend,  and  that,  as 
no  allusion  had  been  made  to  him  in  the 


emperor's  will,  there  could  be  no  foundation 
for  the  rumour :  "  Ser  ansy  que  yo  tenya  un 
muchacho  de  hun  caballero  amygo  myo  que 
me  abia  encomendado  afios  a,  y  que  pues 
S.  M.  en  su  testament©  ni  codecilyo,  no  azia 
memorya  del,  que  hera  razon  tenello  por 
bui  la."  Carta  de  Luis  Quixada  al  Rey,  28  de 
Noviembre,  1558,  MS. 

"  Codicilo  del  Emperador,  ap.  Sandoval, 
Hist,  de  Carlos  V.,  tom.  ii.  p.  657. 

**  "Si  bien  no  sea  necessario  no  08  parece, 
que  es  buena  compaftia  para  Jornada  tan 
larga."  Sandoval,  Hist,  de  Carlos  V.,  tom. 
ii.  p.  617. 

'-"  Carta  sobre  los  (iUimos  momentos  del 
Emperador  Carlos  V.,  escriU  en  Yuste,  el  27 
de  Setiembre,  1558,  ap.  Documentoa  ineditos, 
tom.  vi.  p.  668. 


132  LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 

Thro>,«hout  h).  illness  he  1«^  ^^^.^^^Z^t^JTZt  ^ 
Scripture,  especially  the  P^:'' "'f' ■  f 'i^s  last  mome^.ts,  would  allow  very  fe_ 
master  should  not  be  d'sfl»;et^;J  >"  ""ASg  thTnumber  xva^  Bavto  ome  de 
pei-sons  to  be  present  in  his  chamber.  J^r'"^^hiepiscopal  see  of  Toledo.  He 
Snanza,  who  had  lately  ^^^  thf  irseS  iXgland  under  Mary  For 
had  taken  a  pronnnent  part  m  the  P'^^l'^'^^^^^  ot  persecution  himself,  from 
the  remainder  of  his  hfe  ^e  ™f  J"  ^  j  ™  S.  fi'ien  the  words  of  consola- 
a  stronger  arm  than  h's,-that  of  the  In^^^^^  ^^^^j,,„   ^  easured  up 

rctt«S^r^Mrt  of  the  charges  against  him  in  h. 

impeachment  for  heresy.  „j  Alatthew's  day,  about  two  hours  after 

611  the  twenty-first  of  Septeml^jSt^Ia^^^^^^^^  feeling  that 

midnight,  the  emperor,  who  had  reinainea  10.  fc  ^  ^_  ,^ 

his  hour  had  come^  f'''""'^/^  i^  ,m  l^n  "gon  the  shoufder  of  the  faithful 
lighted  in  his  right  hand,  as  »>e^tP  leaning  on  ^.^     j    ,,^ 

Quixada.    With  his  left  he  endeavoured  to  ci^P  a  ^^^  ^^^^^^ 

comforted  the  empress,  his  wife,  in  her  dying  X  Mcasion  "    It  had  lain  for 
Q^xada  to  hold  it  in  'f  ^m^s  for  him  on  l^be J^e  occ^sum.  ^.^ 

some  time  on  his  breast ;  and  as  it  «»«  ""^  "^^  X,,™  and  earnestly  on  the 
the  archbishop  of  Toledo,  C1,arksfixed^|azeto^^ 

sacred  symbol,-to  him  the  memento  of  |?«'^y^^.  „  o„t  „{  the  depths  have 
archbishop  was  repeating  the  P"^""' ^*//f„~^  making  a  feeble  eflort  to 
I  cried  unto  thee,  0  Lord!  .-™"eP  "^  "f  "=  „,^iible  as  to  be  heard  m  the 
embrace  the  crucifix,  ^-^'^ie^'i^^Sig  back  on  thrpillow,  expired  with- 
adjoining  room  «  4'' fc  "  P^^-P^^^^^^  fearing^he hereditary  taint 
rf  hfsatitl^that  he  mi^itS  p'o™^ssioi?of  hil  faculties."    His  prayer  was 

^TtWor^Wy,  after  bemg^^^^^^^^^^ 

kt^lSl  ATfettmS^'S^'p^e^-?  a^  nLerous  concourse  of 

P«!;r\*™'"/5V'rtTfta?e'however,  without  some  difficulty.    Charles 

The  bunal  did  not  ^^Ij^  P'?f '  jXt  be  kid  partially  under  the  great  altar, 

had  requested  by  his  will  that  he  mighty  law  pa^^^^^   3        body  might  come 

in  such  a  manner  that  his  head  and  the  upper  Part  01  1     fi^    ^j,^ 

under  the  snot  where  '''.f.  P™f  ^^tj^..^^/^'^  P^^^^  a  question  among 

was  dictated  m  all  humility  ^^J  ^f.  ^"Pf'^^Vy  "f  permitting  any  bones  save 
Z^Tf^Z^^n  -  U'a  ^pEtMrbeneath^heW    The 


*•  Carta  de  Luis  Quixada  «  J"*"  yazqueT, 
25  de  Setiembre,  1558,  MS.--Carta  del  mismo 
Rl  Rev  30  de  Setiembre,  155H,  MS.- Carta 
Sol  Soblpo  de  Toledo  &  la  Piincesa,  21  de 

^IJT&J?a'candela  en  la  mano  derecha  la 
nual  yo  tenya  y  con  la  yzquyerda  t«.mo  el 
?T*ciflxo  dezlendo,  ya  e«  tiempo,  y  con  dezir 
?e;usLalx>."  Caride  L"'"  Q^'-^^^//-^, 
Vazoue/.,  25  de  Setiembre,  1558, MS.— Per  tiie 
rSt^'of  this  death-bed  «:ene  Bee  Caru 
del  mismo  al  mismo,  21  de  Setiembre.  Ms.  - 
Cart^del  mismo  al  Key.  21  de  ^tiem^re 
MS.— Carta  del  mismo  al  mismo,  30  ae  &eu- 


embre,  MS.— Carta  dpi  Arzobispo  de  Toledo  & 
ZTTince^  21  do  Setiembre.  MS.-Ca.ta  del 
Medico  del  Emperador  (Henrico  Mati8l.>)  a 
Juan  Vazquez,  21  de  Setiembre,  MS.— (.arta 
Pobre  lo8  ultimos  momenUm  del  Eaiperad<.r, 
27  de  Setiembre,  ap.  Documen^R  ineditns, 
vol  vi  p.  667.— Sandoval,  Hist,  de  Carlos  V., 
torn  li.  p.  6l8.-The  MSS.  referred  to  may 
now"  be  all  found  in  the  printed  collection  of 

•'  "Temiendo  siempre  nolo  poder  tener  en 
aqnel  tiempo."  Carta  de  Luis  Quixada  al 
Rey,  30  de  Setiembre,  MS. 


/  HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER.  133 

du^ute  waxed  somewhat  warmer  than  was  suited  to  the  occasion ;  till  the 
Zmentous  aftkir  was  finally  adjusted  hy  having  an  excavation  made  m  the 
/S  within  which  the  heaa  was  introduced,  so  as  to  allow  the  feet  to  to  ch 
The  verge  of  the  hallowed  ground."  The  emperor's  body  did  not  long  abide 
in  its  resting-place  at  Yuste.  Before  many  year»  had  elapsed,  it  was  trans- 
ported by  Command  of  PhiHp  the  Second,  to  the  EsconaU  and  in  ^^^^^^^ 
magnificent  mausoleum  it  has  continued  to  repose,  beside  that  of  the  Empress 

^"^h^luneral  obsequies  of  Charles  were  celebrated  with  much  pomp  by  the 
court  of  Rome,  by  the  Regent  Joanna  at  Valladohd,  and,  with  yet  greater 
mamiificence  by  Philip  thelecond  at  Brussels.  Philip  was  at  Arras  when  he 
Sd  the  news  of  his  fathei-'s  death.  He  instantly  repaired  to  a  monastery 
rthe  nS  of  Brussels,  where  he  remained  secluded  for  several 

weeks  Meanwhile  he  ordered  th'e  bells  in  all  the  churches  and  convents 
Siroughout  the  Netherlands  to  be  tolled  thrice  a  day  for  four  months,  and 
duii  fthat  time  that  no  festivals  or  public  rejoicings  of  any  kind  should  take 
S  On  the  twenty-eighth  of  December  the  king  entered  Brussels  by  mght 
and  on  the  following  Hay?  before  the  hour  of  vespers,  a  nrocession  was  formed 
te  the  church  of  Ste.  dudule,  which  still  challenges  t\e  admiration  of  the 
^avellr  as  one  of  the  noblest  monuments  of  meSia^val  architecture  m  the 

^  The  moce^sion  consisted  of  the  principal  clergy,  the  members  of  the  different 
relKErb^aring  lighted  tapers  ^  their  hands,  the  nobles  aiid  cavaliers 
aW  tL  co^^^^^^^  the  grlat  officers  of  state,  and  the  royal  household,  all  clad  in 
deen  mou^^^^  Aftir  these  came  the  knights  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  wearing 
SnTgSnd  the  superb  dress  of  the  order.  The  marouis  of  Aguilar  bore 
thP  SrS  sceptre  the  duke  of  Villahermosa  the  sword,  and  the  prince  of 
Orai"  ieS^^^^^^^^^  -"^  *he  crown  of  the  empire.  i^h^l;iP  ^^9"  ^^ ; 
wranned  in  a  sable  mantle,  with  his  head  buried  in  a  deep  cowl    His  train 

vL^borne  bv  Ruy  Gomez  de  Silva,  the  favourite  minister.  Then  followed 
Ihtduke  of  Lvov!  walking  also  alone,  with  his  head  covered,  as  a  prince  of 

le  blood  FUes  of  the  Splnish  and  German  guard,  in  their  national  umfom^^^^ 
fornied  an  escort  te  the  procession,  as  it  took  its  way  through  the  pnncipal 
s?reTts  which  were  illumined  with  a  blaze  of  torchlight,  that  dispelled  the 

^t  ciptl?p\^  was  a  long  train  of  horses  led  each  by 

two  geSien  and  displaying  on  their  splendid  housings  and  the  banners 
Whkl  they  carried,  the  devic^  and  arms  of  the  several  states  over  which  the 

^XtTio^lrt  of'the  pageant  attracted  so  much  notice  from  the  populace  as  a 
.tately  gaSey,  ^  its  sides  skilfully  painted  with  battle-pieces  ^uggefed  bv 

Sent  actions  in  which  Charles  had  been  enga-ed,  while  its  sails  of  black 
silkTre  covered  with  inscriptions  in  letters  of  gold,  that  commemorated  the 

'^Altougl  Z  palace  was  at  no.great  distaiice  ^'^om  ^t.  Gu^^^^^^^^^ 
cession  occupied  two  hours  in  passing  to  the  church.   In  ^^he  "ave  of  the  ed^h^ 

stood  a  sort  of  chapel,  constructed  for  the  ^^ff «i«"vJ^V„^^/J^,lX^^ 
displaying  four  crowns  embroidered  m  gold,  rested  on  four  Ionic  pi  ars 
rnrSv  wro  *dit     Within  lay  a  sarcophagus  covered  with  a  dark  pall  of 
Xf s'urnZS  by  a  large'crimson  frol    The  i^^erial  -«-\«^ 
with  the  globe  and  sceptre,  was  deposited  in  this  chapel,  which  was  lighted  up 
with  three  thousand  wax  tapers. 


u 


Documentos  ineditos,  torn.  vi.  p.  669. 


134 


LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER. 


135 


In  front  of  it  was  a  scaffolding  covered  with  black,  on  which  a  throne  was 
raised  for  Philip.    The  nobles  and  great  officers  of  the  crown  occupied  th^ 
seats,  or  rather  steps,  below.     Drapery  of  dark  velvet  and  cloth  of  gold,  v 
emblazoned  with  the  imperial  arms,  was  suspended  across  the  arches  of  the  n 
nave ;  above  which  ran  galleries,  appropriated  to  the  duchess  of  Lorraine  and 
the  ladies  of  the  court." 

The  traveller  who  at  this  time  visits  this  venerable  pile,  where  Charles  the 
Fifth  was  wont  to  hold  the  chapters  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  while  he  gazes  on 
the  characteristic  effigy  of  that  monarch,  as  it  is  displayed  on  the  superb 
windows  of  painted  glass,  may  call  to  mind  the  memorable  day  when  the 
people  of  Flanders,  and  the  rank  and  beauty  of  its  capital,  were  gathered 
together  to  celebrate  the  obsequies  of  the  great  emperor ;  when,  amidst  clouds 
of  incense  and  the  blaze  of  myriads  of  lights,  the  deep  tones  of  the  organ, 
vibrating  through  the  long  aisles,  mingled  ^ith  the  voices  of  the  priests,  as 
they  chanted  their  sad  ret^uiem  to  the  soul  of  their  departed  sovereign.^* 

I  have  gone  somewhat  mto  detail  in  regard  to  the  latter  days  of  (Jnarles  the 
Fifth,  who  exercised  in  liis  retirement  too  important  an  influence  on  public 
affairs  for  such  an  account  of  him  to  be  deemed  an  impertinent  episode  to 
the  history  of  Philip  the  Second.  Before  parting  from  him  for  ever,  I  will  take 
a  brief  view  of  some  peculiarities  in  his  personal  rather  than  his  political  cha- 
racter, which  has  long  since  been  indelibly  traced  by  a  hand  abler  than  mine. 

Charles,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  was  in  the  fifty-eighth  year  of  his  age. 
He  was  older  in  constitution  than  in  years.  So  much  shaken  had  he  been, 
indeed,  in  mind  as  well  as  body,  that  he  may  be  said  to  have  died  of  prema- 
ture old  age.  Yet  his  phvsical  development  had  been  very  slow.  He  was 
nearly  twenty-one  years  old  before  any  beard  was  to  be  seen  on  his  chin.®" 
Yet  by  the  time  he  was  thirty-six,  gmv  hairs  began  to  make  their  ai>pearance 
on  his  temples.  At  forty  the  gout  naa  made  severe  inroads  on  a  constitution 
originally  strong  ;  and  before  he  was  fifty,  the  man  who  could  keep  the  saddle 
day  and  night  in  his  campaigns,  who  seemed  to  be  insensible  to  fatigue  as  he 
followed  the  chase  among  the  wild  passes  of  the  Alpujarras,  was  obliged  to  be 
carried  in  a  litter,  like  a  poor  cripple,  at  the  head  of  his  armies."' 


•*  Sandoval,  Hist,  de  Carlos  V.,  torn.  il. 
p.  620. 

"At  least,  such  were  the  imagPB  sugj^ested 
to  my  mind,  aa  I  wand-red  through  the  aisles 
of  this  fine  old  cathedral,  on  a  visit  which  I 
made  to  Brussels  a  few  years  since,— in  the 
summer  of  1850.  Perhajw  the  reailer  will 
excuse,  as  germaine  to  tliis  matter,  a  sliort 
slvetch  relating  to  it,  from  one  of  my  letters 
•written  on  the  spot  to  a  distant  frjfnd  : — 

"Then  the  noble  cathedral  of  Brussels, 
dedicated  to  one  Saint  Gudule, — the  superb 
organ  tilling  its  long  aisles  with  the  most 
h(  art-thrilling  tonesi,  as  the  voices  of  the 
priests,  dressed  in  their  rich  robes  of  purple 
and  gold,  rose  in  a  chant  that  died  away  in 
the  immense  vaulted  distance  of  the  cathedral. 
It  was  the  service  of  the  dead,  and  the  coffin 
of  some  wealthy  burgher,  probably,  to  judge 
fipom  its  decorations,  was  in  the  choir.  A 
number  of  persons  were  kneeling  and  saying 
their  prayers  in  rapt  attention,  little  heeding 
the  Protestant  strangers  who  were  curiously 
gazing  at  the  pictures  and  statues  with  which 
the  edifice  was  filled.  I  was  most  struck  with 
one  poor  woman,  who  was  kneeling  before 


the  shrine  of  the  saint,  whose  marble  corpse, 
covered  by  a  decent  white  gauze  veil,  lay  just 
before  her,  separated  only  by  a  light  railing. 
The  setting  sun  was  streaming  in  thn^ugh  the 
rich  coloured  panes  of  the  magnificent  win- 
dows, that  rose  from  the  floor  to  the  ceiling 
of  the  cathedral,  some  hundred!  feet  in  height. 
The  glass  was  of  the  time  of  Charles  the  Fifth, 
and  I  soon  recognized  his  familiar  face, — the 
protruding  jaw  of  the  Austrian  line.  As  I 
heard  the  glorious  anthem  rise  up  to  heaven 
in  this  time-honoured  cathedral,  which  hail 
witnessed  generation  after  generation  molt 
away,  and  whii  h  now  displayed,  in  undying 
colours,  the  effigies  of  those  who  had  once 
worshipped  within  its  walls,  I  was  swept 
back  to  a  di.^tant  period,  and  felt  I  was  a 
contemporary  of  the  grand  old  times  when 
Charles  the  Fifth  held  the  chapters  of  the 
Golden  Fleece  in  this  very  building." 

••  "De  Rege  vero  Ca-sare  ajunt.  qui  ah  eo 
veniunt,  barbatuni  jam  esse."  l*etri  Martyris 
Opus  Epistolarum  (Amstelodami,  1670,  fol,), 
ep.  734. 

"  in  this  outlineof  the  character  of  Charles 
the  Fifth  1  have  not  hesitated  to  avail  myself 


V 


\ 


teiis  mental  development  was  equally  tardy  with  his  bodily.  So  long  as 
^yiievres  lived,— the  Flemish  noble  who  had  the  care  of  his  early  life,— Charles 
^med  to  have  no  will  of  his  own.  During  his  first  visit  to  Spam,  where  he 
came  when  seventeen  years  old,  he  gave  so  little  promise  that  those  who 
approached  him  nearest  could  discern  no  si^ais  of  his  future  greatness.  Yet 
the  young  prince  seems  to  have  been  conscious  that  he  had  the  elements  of 
greatness  within  him,  and  he  patiently  bided  his  time.  "  Nondum  —  ^ot 
yet"— was  the  motto  which  he  adopted  for  his  maiden  shield,  when  but 
eighteen  years  old,  at  a  tournament  at  Valladolid. 

But  when  the  death  of  the  Flemish  minister  had  released  the  young  monarch 
from  this  state  of  dependence,  he  took  the  reins  into  his  own  hands,  as  Louis 
the  Fourteenth  did  on  the  death  of  Mazarin.  He  now  showed  himself  in  an 
entirely  new  aspect.  He  even  displayed  greater  independence  than  his  pre- 
decessors had  done.  He  no  longer  trusted,  everything,  hke  them,  to  a  council 
of  state.  He  trusted  only  to  himself ;  and  if  he  freely  communicated  with 
some  one  favourite  minister,  like  the  elder  Granvelle,  and  the  cardinal,  his 
son,  it  was  in  order  to  be  counselled,  not  to  be  controlled  by  then:  judgments. 
He  patiently  informed  himself  of  public  atiiairs ;  and  when  foreign  env'oys  had 
their  audiences  of  him,  they  were  surprised  to  find  him  possessed  of  every- 
thing relating  to  their  own  courts  and  the  objects  of  their  mission. 

Yet  he  did  not  seem  to  be  quick  of  apprehension,  or,  to  speak  more  correctly, 
he  was  slow  at  arriving  at  his  results.  He  would  keep  the  courier  waiting  for 
days  before  he  could  come  to  a  decision.  When  he  did  come  to  it,  no  person 
on  earth  could  shake  it.  Talking  one  day  with  the  Venetian  Contarini  about 
this  habit  of  his  mind,  the  courtly  minister  remarked  that  "  it  was  not  obsti- 
nacy to  adhere  to  sound  opinions."  "True,"  said  Charles,  "but  I  sometimes 
adhere  to  those  that  are  unsound."  ®* 

His  indefatigable  activitv  both  of  mind  and  body  formed  a  strong  contrast 
to  the  lethargy  of  early  years.  His  widely  scattered  empire,  spreading  over 
the  Low  Countries,  Spai*n,  Germany,  and  the  New  World,  presented  embar- 
rassments which  most  princes  would  have  found  it  impossible  to  overcome. 
At  least,  they  would  have  been  compelled  to  govern,  in  a  great  measure,  by 
deputy,— to  transact  their  business  by  agents.  But  Charles  chose  to  do  every- 
thing himself,— to  devise  his  own  plans  and  to  execute  them  in  person.  The 
number  of  his  journeys  by  land  and  by  water,  as  noticed  in  his  farewell  addr^s, 
is  truly  wonderful ;  for  that  was  not  the  day  of  steamboats  and  railways.  He 
seemed  to  lead  the  life  of  a  courier.  But  it  was  for  no  trivial  object  that  he 
made  the.se  expeditions.  He  knew  where  his  presence  was  needed  ;  and  his 
promptness  and  punctuality  brought  him  at  the  right  time  on  the  right  spot. 
No  spot  in  his  broad  empire  was  far  removed  from  him.   He  seemed  to  possess 

the  power  of  ubiquity.  i     x       u- 

The  consciousness  of  his  own  strength  roused  to  a  flame  the  spark  of  ambi- 
tion which  had  hitherto  slept  in  his  bosom.  His  schemes  were  so  vast  that  it 
was  a  common  opinion  he  aspired  to  universal  monarchy.  Like  his  grand- 
father, Ferdinand,  and  his  own  son,  Philip,  he  threw  over  his  schemes  the 
cloak  of  religion.  Or,  to  deal  with  him  more  fairly,  religious  principle  probably 
combined  with  i)ersonal  policy  to  determine  his  career.  He  seemed  always 
ready  to  do  battle  for  the  Cross.  He  affected  to  identify  the  cause  of  Spain 
with  the  cause  of  Christendom.    He  marched  against  the  Turks,  and  stayed 


of  the  masterly  touches  which  Ranke  has 
given  to  the  portnit  of  this  monarch,  in  the 
introduction  to  that  portion  ot  his  great  work 
on  the  nations  of  Southern  Europe  which  he 


has  devoted  to  Spain. 

*"  •'  Qualche  fiate  io  son  fermo  in  le  cAttive." 
Contarini,  cited  by  Ranke,  Ottoman  and 
Spanish  Empires,  p.  29. 


li 


136  LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 

the  tide  of  Ottoman  inroad  in  Hungary.  He  marched  against  the  Protestants, 
and  discomfited  their  armies  in  the  heart  of  German  v.  He  crossed  ti.e 
Mediterranean,  and  humbled  tlie  Crescent  at  Algiers.  He  threw  hunself  oii 
the  honour  of  Francis,  and  travelled  through  France  to  take  vengeance  on  tlie 
rebels  of  Flanders.  He  twice  entered  France  as  an  eneniy  and  marched  up  to 
the  gates  of  Paris.  Instead  of  the  modest  legend  on  his  maiden  shield,  he 
now  assumed  the  proud  motto,  ''Plus  ultra  ;"  and  he  vindicated  his  right  to 
it  bv  sending  his  fleets  across  the  ocean  and  by  planting  the  banner  of  tasti  e 
on  the  distant  shores  of  the  Pacific.  In  these  enterprises  he  was  generally 
successful.  His  success  led  him  to  rely  still  more  on  himself.  *'  Myself,  and 
the  lucky  moment,"  was  his  favourite  saying.  The  "star  of  Austria  was 
still  a  proverb.  It  was  not  till  the  evening  of  life  that  he  complained  of 
the  fickleness  of  fortune,— that  his  star,  as  it  descended  to  the  horizon,  was 
obscured  by  clouds  and  darkness.  .    i        -^         i.     xt 

Thus  Charles's  nerves  were  kept  in  a  state  of  perpetual  excitement,  ^o 
wonder  that  his  health  should  have  sunk  under  it,  like  a  plant  forced  by 
extraordinary  stimulants  to  an  unnatural  production  at  the  expense  of  its 

^^iiis  habits  were  not  all  of  them  the  most  conducive  to  health.  He  slept 
usually  only  four  hours ;  too  short  a  time  to  repair  the  waste  caused  by 
incessant  toil.«»  His  phlegmatic  temperament  did  not  incline  him  to  excess. 
Yet  there  was  one  excess  of  which  he  was  guilty,— the  indulgence  of  his 
appetite  to  a  degree  most  pernicious  to  his  health.  A  Venetian  contempo- 
rary tells  us  that,  before  rising  in  the  morning,  potted  capon  was  usually 
served  to  him,  dressed  with  sugar,  milk,  and  snices.  At  noon  he  dined  on 
a  variety  of  dishes.  Soon  after. vesi.ers  he  took  another  meal,  and  later  m 
the  evening  supped  heartily  on  anchovies,  or  some  other  gi'oss  and  savoury 
food  of  which  he  was  particularly  fond.^<»  On  one  occasion  complaining  to 
his  maitre-fl-Mtel  that  the  cook  sent  him  nothing  but  dishes  tCK)  insipid 
and  tasteless  to  be  eaten,  the  perplexed  functionary,  knowing  Charles  s  passion 
for  time-pieces,  replied  that  "  he  did  not  know  what  he  could  do,  unless  it 
were  to  serve  his  majesty  a  ragout  of  watches!"  The  witticism  had  one 
good  eftect,  that  of  provoking  a  hearty  laugh  from  the  emperor,— a  thing 
rarely  witnessed  in  his  latter  days."  .    ^  ,      -^i 

It  was  in  vain  that  Cardinal  Loaysa,  his  confessor,  remonstrated,  with  an 
independence  that  does  him  credit,  accainst  his  master's  indulgence  of  Jus 
appetite,  assuring  him  that  resistance  here  woidd  do  more  for  his  soul  than 
any  penance  "with  the  scourge.'*    It  seems  a  pity  that  Charles,  considenng 


•*  See  Bradford,  Correspondence  of  tlie 
Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth  and  his  Ambas5»a- 
dors  at  the  Courts  of  England  and  P>ance, 
with  a  Connecting  Narrative  and  Biographical 
Notices  of  the  Emperor  (London,  1850),  p. 
367,— a  work  which  contains  Rome  interesting 
particulars,  Uttle  known,  respecting  Charles 
the  Fifth. 

'"  "Nel  mangiare  ha  S.  Maesta  scmpre 
eccesso.  .  .  .  Lamattinasvegliataellapigliava 
una  scodella  di  pesto  cappone  con  latte,  zuc- 
cliero  et  spezierie,  popoi  il  quale  tornava  a 
riposare.  A  mezzo  giorno  de>iiiava  molte 
variety  di  vivande,  et  poco  da  poi  vespro  nie- 
rendava,  ot  all'  hora  di  notte  se  n'  andava  alia 
cena  niangiando  cose  tuttc  da  generare  humorl 
grossi  et  viscosi."  Badovaro,  Notizie  delli 
Stati  et  Corti  di  Carlo  (^uinto  Imperatore  et 
del  Re  Cattolico,  MS. 


"  "  Disse  una  volta  al  Maggiordomo  Mon- 
falconetto  con  sd-gno,  ch'  aveva  corrotto  il 
giudicio  a  dare  ordine  a'  cuochi.  perche  tuttl  i 
cibi  erano  insipidi,  dal  quale  le  fu  risp<)Sto : 
Non  so  come  dovere  trovare  piu  modi  da 
compiacere  alia  maesia  V.  se  io  non  fo  prova 
di  farle  una  nuova  vivanda  di  pottagglo  di 
rogoli,  il  che  la  mosse  a  quel  niaggiore  et  pi(i 
iungo  rise  che  sia  mai  stato  veduto  in  lei." 
Ibid. 

"  Briefe  an  Kaiser  Karl  V.,  geschrieben 
von  seinem  Beichtvater  (Heriin,  1848),  p.  159 
et  al.— These  btters  of  Charles's  confessor, 
which  aflord  some  curious  particulars  for  the 
illustration  of  the  early  period  of  his  history, 
are  preservid  in  the  Anhives  of  Simancas. 
Tho  ediion  above  referred  to  contains  the 
original  Castiliau,  accompanied  by  a  (ierman 
translation. 


i 


HIS  DEATH  AND  CHARACTER. 


137 


his  propensities,  should  have  so  easily  obtained  absolution  from  fasts,  and 
that'  he  should  not,  on  the  contrary,  have  transferred  some  of  the  penance 
which  he  inflicted  on  his  back  to  the  oflending  part.  Even  in  the  monas- 
Very  of  Yuste  he  still  persevered  in  the  same  pernicious  taste.  Anchovies, 
/frogs'  legs,  and  eel-pasties  were  the  dainty  morsels  with  which  he  chose  to 
be  l-egaled,  even  before  the  eyes  of  his  physician.  It  would  not  have  been 
amiss  for  him  to  have  exchanged  his  solitary  repast  more  frequently  for  the 
simpler  fare  of  the  refectory. 

With  these  coarser  tastes  Charles  combined  many  others  of  a  refined  and 
intellectual  character.  We  have  seen  his  fondness  for  music,  and  the  delight 
he  took  in  the  sister  art  of  design,— especially  in  the  works  of  Titian.  He 
was  painted  several  times  by  this  great  master,  and  it  was  by  his  hand,  as 
we  have  seen,  that  he  desired  to  go  down  to  posterity.  The  emperor  had. 
m  )reover,  another  taste,  prliaps  talent,  which,  with  a  different  training  and 
in  a  different  sphere  of  life,  might  have  led  him  to  the  craft  of  authorship. 

A  curious  conversation  is  reported  as  having  been  held  by  liim  with  Borja, 
the  future  saint,  during  one  of  the  visits  paid  by  the  Jesuit  to  Yuste.  Charles 
iiKpiired  of  his  friend  whether  it  were  wrong  for  a  man  to  write  his  auto- 
biography, provided  he  did  so  honestly  and  with  no  motive  of  vanity.  He 
said  that  he  had  written  his  own  memoirs,  not  from  the  desire  of  self-glori- 
lication,  but  to  correct  manifold  mistakes  which  had  been  circulated  of  his 
doings,  and  to  set  his  conduct  in  a  true  light.^'  One  might  be  curious  to 
kwow  the  answer,  which  is  not  given,  of  the  ^ood  father  to  this  question. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  it  was  not  of  a  kind  to  induce  the  emperor  to  destroy 
the  manuscript,  which  has  never  come  to  light.  .  j    ^ 

However  this  may  be,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  at  one  period  of 
his  life  he  had  compiled  a  portion  of  his  autobiography.  In  the  imperial 
liousehold,  as  I  have  al.eady  noticed,  was  a  Flemish  scholar,  William  Van 
Male,  or  Alalinceus,  as  he  is  called  in  Latin,  who,  under  the  title  of  gentleman 
of  the  chamber,  wrote  many  a  long  letter  for  Charles,  while  standing  by  his 
bedside,  and  read  many  a  weary  hour  to  him  after  the  monarch  had  gone  to 
i-est,— not,  as  it  would  seem,  to  sleep.^*  This  personage  tells  us  that  Charles, 
when  sailing  on  the  Rhine,  wrote  an  account  of  his  expeditions  to  as  late 
a  date  as  1550.'^  This  is  not  very  definite.  Any  account  written  under  such 
circumstances  and  in  so  short  a  time  could  be  nothing  but  a  sketch  of  the 
most  general  kind.  Yet  Yan  Male  assures  us  that  he  had  read  the  manu- 
script, which  he  commends  for  its  terse  and  elegant  diction  ;  and  he  proposes 
to  make  a  Latin  version  of  it,  the  style  of  which  should  combine  the  separate 
merits  of  Tacitus,  Livy,  Suetonius,  and  Csesar  !  ^«  The  admiring  chamberlain 
laments  that,  instead  of  giving  it  to  the  world,  Charles  should  keep  it  jealously 
secured  under  lock  and  key." 

pationes  in  navfgatione  fluminis  Rheni,  dum 
ocii  occasione  iiivitatus,  scriberet  in  navi 
peregritiationes  et  expeditiones  quas  al)  anno 
XV.  in  praesentem  usque  diem,  suscepisset." 
Ibid.,  ep.  5. 

■"^  *'Statui  novum  quoddam  scrlbendi  tem- 
peratum  effingere,  mixtum  ex  Livio,  Citsare, 
Suetonio,  et  Tacito."  Lettres  sur  la  Vie 
interieure  de  Charles-Quint,  ep.  5. 

"  At  the  emperor's  death,  these  Memoirs 
were  in  possession  of  Van  Male,  who  after- 
wards used  to  complain,  with  teirs  in  his 
eyes,  that  Quixadahad  tikeq  them  away  from 
hm.  But  he  remembered  enough  of  their 
contents,  he  said,  to  make  out  another  life  of 


"  "Si  hallais,"  said  the  royal  author,  with 
a  degree  of  humility  rarely  found  in  brethren 
of  the  craft,  "que  alguna  vanidad  secreta 
jiuede  mover  la  pluma  (que  siempre  es  pro- 
digioso  Panegerista  en  causa  propria),  la  ar- 
rojare  de  la  mano  al  punto,  paradar  al  viento 
lo  fine  es  del  viento."  Cienfuegos,  Vida  de 
Borja,  p.  269. 

"  "  Factus  est  anagnostes  Insatiabilis,  audit 
logentem  me  singulis  nootibus  facta  ccenula 
sua.  mox  librum  repeti  jubet,  si  forte  ipsum 
torquet  insomnia."  Lettres  sur  la  Vie  in- 
terieure de  Charles-Quint,  ecrites  par  G.  Van 
Male,  ep.  7. 

'*  "Scripsl  .  .  .  liberalUsimas  ejus  occu- 


I  a 


i 


m 


138  LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.     \ 

The  emperor's  taste  for  authorship  showed  itself  also  in  another  formVp'«J^ 

was  by  the  translation  of  the  "  Chevalier  Dehbere"B,  t rench  poem  %L^^^ 

popular,  celebrating  the  court  of  his  ancestor,  Charles  the  Bold  of  BurffiinKin 

Van  Male,  who  seems  to  have  done  for  Charles  the  F^^^h  what  Voltaire  Bid  f^V*^ 

Frederick  when  he  spoke  of  himself  as  washmg  the  kmg's  dirty  linen,  was 

employed  also  to  overlook  this  translation,  which  he  pronounces  to  have 

possessed  great  merit  in  regard  to  idioui  and  selection  of  lanffua£     The 

emperor  then  gave  it  to  Acuna,  a  good  poet  of  the  court,  to  be  done  nito 

Castilian  verse     Thus  metamorphosed,  he  proposed  to  give  the  copy  to  Van 

Male     A  mischievous  wag,  Avila  the  historian,  assured  the  emi>eror  that  it 

could  not  be  worth  less  than  five  hundred  gold  crowns  to  that  functionary 

*'  And  William  is  well  entitled  to  them,"  said  the  monarch,  "  for  he  haj  sweat 

much  over  the  work."  •»    Two  thousand  copies  were  forthwith  ordered  to  be 

printed  of  the  poem,  which  was  to  come  out  anonymously     Poor  Van  Male, 

who  took  a  ve^dirterent  view  of  the  profits,  and  thought  that  nothing  was 

certain  but  the  cost  of  the  edition,  would  have  excused  himself  from  this  proof 

of  his  master's  liberality.     It  was  all  in  vain  ;  Charles  was  not  to  be  balked  in 

his  generous  purpose  ;  and,  without  a  line  to  propitiate  the  public  favour  by 

stating  in  the  preface  the  share  of  the  royal  hand  in  the  composition,  it  was 

ushered  into  the  world.^'  .  x  i  •      «  u«  i,«  ^oo 

Whatever  Charles  may  have  done  m  the  way  of  an  autobiography,  he  was 
certainly  not  inditierent  to  posthumous  fame.  He  knew  that  the  patest 
name  must  soon  pass  into  obUvion,  unless  embalmed  in  the  song  of  the  bam 
or  the  page  of  the  chronicler.  He  looked  for  a  chronicler  to  do  for  him  with 
his  peiTwhat  Titian  had  done  for  him  with  his  pencil,— exhibit  him  in  his 
true  proportions,  and  in  a  i^ermanent  form,  to  the  eye  of  posterity.  In  tms 
he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  so  much  under  the  infiuence  of  vanity  as  of  a 


MEMOIRS  OF  CHARLES. 


139 


his  master,  which  he  intended  to  do.  (Papiers 
d'fitat  de  Granvelle,  torn.  vi.  p.  29.)  PhiUp, 
thinking  that  Van  Male  might  have  carried 
his  inieution  into  execution,  ordered  Gran- 
velle to  hunt  among  liis  papers,  after  the 
poor  gentleman's  death,  and  if  lie  found  any 
Buch  MS.  to  send  it  to  him.  ihat  he  might 
throw  it  into  the  tire!  (Ihid.,  p.  273.) 
Philip,  in  his  tenderness  for  his  lather's 
memory,  may  have  thought  that  no  man 
could  be  a  hero  to  his  own  valet-de-chambre. 
On  searching,  however,  no  memoirs  were 
found.*  ^  ,    , 

"  •'  Bono  jure,  ait,  fructus  ille  ad  Guliel- 
mura  redeat,  ut  qui  plurimimi  in  opere  illo 
Budarit."  Lettres  sur  la  Vie  interieure  de 
Charles-Quint,  ep.  6. 

'^  "Ne  in  proemio  quidem  paasus  est 
nllam  solertisw  su*  laudem  ad-cribi."  Ibid. 
—Van  Male'B  Latin  correspondence,  from 
which  this  amusing  incident  is  taken,  wa.H 
first  published  by  the  Baron  Reiffenberg  for 
the    society   of    Bibliophiles    Belgiques,    at 


•  [The  "  Memoirs  "  have  since  been  brought 
to  light,  a  Portuguese  translation,  professing 
to  have  l»een  made  "from  the  French,  and 
from  the  original,  at  Madrid,  in  1620,"  having 
been  discovered  among  the  MSS.  of  the  Im- 
perial Library  at  Paris,  by  the  Riron  Kervyn 
de  Lettenhove.  An  unfintshod  prefatory  note 
from  Charles  to  his  son  Philip,  dated  Inns- 


Brussels,  in  1843.    It  contains  some  interest- 
ing notices  of  Ciiarles  the  Fifth's  j)erPonal 
hai>it8  during  the  five  years  preceding  his 
abdication.  Van  Male  accompanied  liis  master 
into  his  retirement ;  and  his  name  appears  in 
the  codicil  among  those  of  the  liousehold  wlio 
received  pensions  from  the  emperor.    This 
doubtless  stooil  him  in  more  stead  than  his 
majesty's   translation,    wliich,    although   it 
passed  through  several  editions  in  tiie  course 
of  the  century,  probiibly  put  little  money  into 
the  pocket  of  tlie  clianiberlain,  who  died  in 
less  than   two   years  after   his  master.  -A 
limitod  edition  only  of  Van   iMale's  corre- 
spondence was  printed,  for  the  benefit  of  the 
members  of  the  association.    For  the  copy 
used  by  me  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Van  de 
Weyer,  the  accomplislied  Belgian  minister  at 
the  English  court,  whose  love  of  letters  is 
shown  not  more  by  the  library  he  has  formed 

one   of  the    noblest  private  collections  in 

Europe— than  by  the  liberality  with  which 
he  accords  tlie  use  of  it  to  the  student. 


bruck,  1552,  mentions  that  the  work  was 
written— as  stated  by  Van  Male— during 
journevs  on  the  Rhine,  and  that  it  was 
flni^'hed  at  Augsburif.  It  covers  the  period 
from  1516  to  1.^48;  but  the  contents,  though 
not  devoid  of  interest,  throw  little  or  no  liglit 
on  the  events  of  that  period.  An  English 
translation  appeared  iu  1862— Kd.] 


■y 


t 


was  committed  ^^^the  f  es':'A  ^^aits  and  personal  anecdotes  I  have 

grapher  assures  m  j'^^t^'lf^^^/^P^^^^  reason  to  mourn  that  he 


\ 


•»  Paulo  Giovio  got  80  little  in  return  for 
his  honeyed  words  that  his  eyes  were  opened 
to  a  new  trait  in  the  character  of  Charley 
whom  he  afterwards  stigmatized  as  pars - 
mSus  See  Sepulveda,  De  Rebus  gest.s 
Caroli  V.,  lib.  xxx.  p.  534. 

•'  "  Haud  mihi  gratum  est  legere  yel  au- 
dire  qua-  de  me  scribuntur ;  legeut  alii  cum 
?p2fvita  discessero;  tu  siquid  ex  me  sc.re 
cupis,  pertunctare,  uec  euim  respondere  gra- 

'"''charlesVwever  wiLinghe  might  be  to 
receive  those  strangers  who  brought  him 
nevNsfrom  foreign  parts,  was  not  very  tole- 
rant, a«.  tlie  historian  tells  us.  of  visits  of  idle 
ceremony,    ibid.,  p.  541. 


"  Carta  del  Emperador  al  Secretario  Vaz- 
Que/,  9  de  Julio,  1558,  MS. 

»*  "Si  me  hallara  con  fuer9a8  y  dispusl- 
cion  de  podello  hacer  tambien  procurara  de 
entor^arme  en  este  caso  i  tomar  cualquier 
trabajo  para  procurar  por  mi  parte  el  re- 
midio  y  castigo  de  lo  sobre  dicho  b»d  embargo 
de  los  que  por  ello  he  padescido.  t,artA  da 
Emperador  &  la  Princesa,  3  de  Mayo,  1558, 

WS. 

"^  •♦  Yo  erre  en  no  matar  a  Luthero,  ... 
porque  yo  no  era  obligado  a  guanJalle  la 
palabra  Jor  ser  la  culpa  del  hereje  contra  otro 
mayor  Sefior.  que  era  Dios."  Sandoval,  Hi.4. 
de  Carlos  V.,  tom.  ii.  p.  613.-See  also  \  era 
y  Figueroa,  Carlos  Quinto,  p.  124. 


\ 


r 


I 


140 


LATTER  DAYS  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 


The  preceding  chapter  was  written  m  the 
summer  of  l«5l,ayear  before  the  appearance 
of  Stirling's  "Cloister  Life  of  Charles  the 
Fifth  "  which  hd  the  way  in  that  brilliant 
series  of  works  from  the  |.ens  of  Amedee 
Pichot,  Mignet,  and  Gachard,  which  has  made 
the  darkest  recesses  of  Yuste  as  light  as  day. 
The  publication  of  these  works  has  deprived 
mv  account  of  whatever  novelty  it  might  have 
pjssessed,  since  it  rests  on  a  similar  basis 
with  theirs,  namely,  original  documents  m 
tlie  Archives  of  Simancas.  Yet  the  important 
influence  which  Charles  exerted  over  the 
management  of  aflfairM,  even  in  his  monastic 
retreat,  has  made  it  impossible  to  dispense 
with  the  chapter.  On  the  contrary,  I  have 
profited  by  these  recent  publications  to  make 
fcundry  additions,  which  may  readily  »'e  dis- 
covered by  the  reader,  from  the  references  1 
have  been  careful  to  make  to  the  sources 
whence  they  are  derived.  ^     ,  , 

The  public  has  been  hitherto  in«lebted  for 
its   knowledge  of  the  reign  of  Charles  the 
Fifth  to  Robertson.— a  writer  who,  combin- 
ing a  truly  philosophical  spirit  with  an  acute 
perception    of   cbaracter,    is    recommended, 
more».ver,  by  a  classic  elegance  of  style  which 
has  justly  given  him  a  pre-eminence  among 
the  historians  of  the  great  emperor.     But  in 
his  account  of  the   latter  days  of  Charles, 
Robertson  mainly  relies  on  commonplace  au- 
thorities,   whose   information,    gathered    at 
second  hand,  is  far  from  being  trustworthy, 
—as  is  proved  by  the  contradictory  tenor  of 
such  auttientic  documents  as  the  letters  of 
Chirles  himself,  with  those  of  his  own  fol- 
lowers, and  the  narratives  of  the  biotherhood 
of  Yuste.   These  dwnments  are,  tor  tlie  most 
part,  to  be  found  in  the  Archives  of  Siman- 
cas, where,  in  Robertson's  time,  they  were 
guarded,    with  the   viui lance   of  a  Turkish 
harem,  against  all  intrusion  of  native  as  well 
as  foreigner.    It  was  not  until  very  recently, 
ill   1844,  that  the  more  liberal  disposition  of 
the  government  allowed  the  gates  to  be  un- 
barrt-d  which  had  l)een  closed  lor  centuries ; 
and  then  for  the  first  time  the  student  might 
h»'   seen  toiling  in  the  dusty  alcoves  of  Si- 
mancas and  busily  exploring  the  l.mg-burieil 
memorials  of  the  past.     It  was  at  this  j>eri..d 
that  my  friend  Don  I'ascual  de  (iayangos, 
having  obtained  authority  from  the  govern- 
ment,  passetl  s*»rae  weeks  at  Simancas   in 
collecting  materials,    some  of   which    have 
formed   the  groundwork    of  the    preceding 
chapter. 

While  the  manuscripts  of  Simancas  were 
thus  hidden  from  the  world,  a  learned  keeper 
of  the  archives.  Don  Tomas  Gonzalez,  dis- 
contented with  the  unworthy  view  which  had 
been  given  of  the  latter  days  of  Charles  the 
Fifth,  had  profited  by  the  materials  which 
lay  around  tiim,  to  exhibit  his  life  at  Yu-te 
In  a  new  and  more  authentic  light.  To  the 
volume  whicli  he  compiled  for  this  purpose 
he  gave  the  title  of  '' Jietiro,  Estancia,  y 
Mirrte  del  Kmiierndor  Carlos  Quinto  en  el 
Ximasttriude  yuste."    The  work,  the  prin- 


opiotis 
the 


cipal  value  of  which  consists  in  the 
extracts  with  which  it  is  furnished  fi 
corresp<»ndence  of  Charles  and  his  house! 
v^as  suffered  by  the  author  to   remain 
manuscript ;  and  at  his  death  it  passed  in< 
the  hands  of  his  brother,  who  prepared 
summary  of  its  .ontents,  and  endeavoured  to 
dispose  of  the  volume  at  a  price  so  exorbitant 
that  it  remained  for  many  years  without  a 
purcha>er.     It  was   finally    bought   by  the 
French  government  at  a  greatly  reduced  price, 
-for  four  thousand  francs.    It  may  seem 
strange  that  it  should  have  even  brought  this 
sum.  since  the  time  of  the  sale  was  that  m 
which  the  new  arrangements  were  made  for 
giving  admi^sion  to  the  archives  that  con- 
tained the  original  documents  on  which  the 
Gonzalez  MS.  was  founded.    The  work  thus 
boucht  by  the  Frent  h  government  was  trans- 
ferred to  the  Archives  des  Affaires   Etran- 
geres,  then  under  the  direction  of  M.  Mignet. 
The  manuscript  could  not  be  in  better  hands 
than  those  of  a  scholar  who  has  so  success- 
fully catritd  the  torch  of  criticism  into  some 
of  the  darkest  passages  of  Spanish  history. 
His  occupations,  however,  took  him  in  another 
direction ;  and  for  eight  years  the  Gonzalez 
MS.  remained  as  completely  hidden  from  the 
world  in  the  rarisian  archives  as  it  had  been 
in   those  of  Simancas.     When  at  length  it 
was  afiplied  to  the  historical  uses  lor  which 
it  hail  been  int^mled.  it  was  through  the 
aeency.  not  of  a  French,  but  of  a   British 
writer.    This  was  Mr.  Stirling,  the  author  of 
the   "Annals  of  the   Artists  of  Spain,"— a 
work  honourable  to  its  author  for  the  fami- 
liarity it  shows  not  only  with  the  state  of 
the  arts  in  that  country,  but  also  with  its 

literature.  .  ,         .,     ,»    . 

Mr.  Stirling,  during  a  visit  to  the  Penin- 
sula, in  1^(49.  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Y'ust* ; 
and  the  traditions  and  hoary  reminiscences 
gathered  round  the  spot  left  such  an  impres- 
sion on  the  traveller's  mind  that  on  his  re- 
turn to  England  he  made  them  the  subject  of 
two  elaborate  papers  in  Frazer's  Magazine,  in 
the  numbers  for  April  and  May,  1H51.  Al- 
though these  spirited  essays  rested  wholly  on 
printed  works,  which  had  long  been  acces- 
sible to  the  scholar,  they  were  found  to  con- 
tain many  new  and  highly  interesting  details; 
showing  how  superficially  Mr.  Stirling's  pre- 
d'^cessoVs  had  examined  the  records  of  the 
emperor's  residence  at  Yuste.  Still,  in  his 
account  the  author  had  omitted  the  most  im- 
portant feature  of  Charles's  monastic  life,— 
tlie  influence  which  he  exercised  on  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  kingdom.  This  was  to 
be  gathered  from  the  manuscripts  of  Si- 
mancas. .     .    ,  .       . 

Mr.  Stirling,  who  through  that  inexhaus- 
tible repository,  the  Handbook  of  Spain,  bad 
become  acquainted  with  the  existence  of  the 
Gonzalez  MS.,  was.  at  the  time  of  writing 
his  essays,  ignorant  of  its  fate.  On  learning, 
afterwards,  where  it  was  to  be  found,  he 
visited  Paris,  and,  having  obtained  access  to 
the  volume,  so  far  profited  by  its  contents  as 


I 


i 


\ 


/ 


MEMOIRS  OF  CHARLES. 


141 


^  ™3Le  them  the  basis  of  a  separate  work, 
^*^'%  he  entitled  "The  Cloister  Life  of 
^'^?de8  the  Fifth."  It  soon  attracted  the 
ytentlon  of  scholars,  both  at  home  and 
>&)road,  went  through  several  editions,  and 
'^  as  received,  in  short,  with  an  avidity  which 

showed  both  the  i°"P<f  *"f /^^t  JS  the 
developments  the  author  had  made,  and  the 
attractive  form  in  which  he  had  presented 
them  to  the  reader. 

The  Parisian  scholars  were  now  stimulated 
to  turn  to  account  the  treasure  which  had  re- 
mained so  long  neglected  on  their  shelves. 
In  i»54.  less  than  two  years  after  the  appear- 
ance   of    Mr.   Stirling's  book.    M.  Amedee 
Pichot  published  his  "  Chronvque  de  Charles- 
OuinL"  a  work  which,  far  from  being  eon- 
fined  to  the  lati  er  days  of  the  emperor,  covers 
the  whole  range  of  his  biography,  presenting 
a  large  amount  of  information  in  regard  to 
his  personal  habits,  as  well  as  to  toe  interior 
organization  of  his  government  and  the  policy 
which  directed  it.    The  whole  is  eririched, 
moreover,  by  a  multitude   of  hl>torical  in- 
cidents, which  may  be  regarded  rather  as  sub- 
sidiary than  essential  to  the  conduct  of  the 
narrative,  which  is  enlivened  by  much  in- 
genious criticism  on  the  state  of  manners, 
arts,  and  moral  culture  of  the  period. 

It  was  not  long  after  the  appearance  of 
this  work  that  M.  Gachard,  whom  I  have 
elsewhere  noticed  as  having  been  commis- 
sioned by  the  Belgian  government  to  noake 
extensive  researches  in  the  Archives  of  Si- 
mancas, gave  to  the  public  some  of  the  fruits 
of  his  labours,  in  the  first  volume  of  his 
Retraite  et  Mort  de  Charles-Qumt.  It  is 
devoted  to  the  letters  of  the  emperor  and  his 
househ(»ld,  which  forms  tlie  staple  of  the 
G.mzalez  MS.;  tbus  placing  at  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  future  biographer  of  Charles  the 
original  materials  with  which  to  reconstruct 
the  history  of  his  latter  days. 

La.stly  came  the  work,  long  expected,  of 
M  Mignet,  "  Charles-Quint ;  son  Abdicatum, 


son  Sejour,  et  sa  Mort  au  Monasilre  d<5 
Yuste  '^  It  was  the  reproduction,  in  a  more 
extended  and  elaborate  form,  of  a  series  of 
papers,  the  first  of  which  appeared  sliort  y 
after  the  publication  of  Mr.  Stirling  s  book. 
In  this  work  the  French  author  takes  the 
clear  and  comprehensive  view  of  his  subjei  t 
so  characteristic  of  his  genius.  The  difficult 
and  debatable  points  he  discusses  with  acute- 
ness  and  preci>ion ;  and  the  whole  story  of 
Charles's  monastic  life  he  presents  m  so 
luminous  an  aspect  to  the  reader  as  leaves 
nothing  further  to  be  desired. 

The  critic  may  take  some  interest  in  com- 
paring the  different  manners  in  which  the 
several  writers  have  dealt  with  the  subject, 
each  according  to  his  own  taste  or  the  bent  of 
his  genius.  Thus,  through  Stirilngs  more 
free  and  familiar  narrative  there  runs  a  plea- 
sant vein  of  humour,  with  piquancy  enough 
to  give  it  a  relish,  showing  the  author  s  sen- 
sibility to  the  ludicrous,  for  which  Charles j 
stingy  habits  and  excessive  love  of  good 
cheer,  even  in  the  convent,  furnish  frequent 

occasion.  .      .    r       ^a  k,. 

Quite  a  different  conception  is  formed  by 
Mignet  of  t'<e  emperor's  character,  which  he 
has  cast  in  the  true  heroic  mould,  not  deign- 
ing lo  recognize  a  single  defect,  however 
slight,  which  may  at  all  impair  the  majesty 
of  the  proportions.  Finally,  Amedee  Pichot, 
instead  of  the  classical,  may  be  said  to  have 
conformed  to  the  romantic  school  in  the  ar- 
rangement of  his  subject,  indulging  in  various 
picturesque  episodes,  which  he  has,  however, 
combined  so  successfully  with  the  mam  body 
of  the  narrative  as  not  to  impair  tne  unity  or 

interest.  .      ,., 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  con)para- 
tive  merits  of  these  eminent  writers  in  the 
execution  of  their  task,  the  effect  of  their 
labours  has  undoubtedly  been  to  make  thai 
the  plainest  which  was  before  the  most  ob- 
scure portion  ol  the  history  of  Charles  th« 
Fifth. 


\ 


^ 


> 


s 


\ 


\ 


BOOK  n. 


CHAPTER  I. 

VIEW  OF  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

avil  Institutions— Commercial  rrosperlty— Character  of  the  People-Protestant  Doctrines— 

Fersecuiion  by  Claries  the  Fifth. 

We  have  now  come  to  that  portion  of  the  narrative  which  seems  to  be  rather 
in  the  nature  of  an  episode  than  part  and  parcel  of  our  history  ;  though  from 
its  magnitude  and  importance  it  is  better  entitled  to  be  treated  as  an  inde- 
pendent history  by  itself.  This  is  the  War  of  the  Netherlands ;  opening  the 
way  to  that  great  series  of  revolutions,  the  most  splendid  example  of  which  is 
furnished  by  our  own  happy  land.  Before  entering  on  this  vast  theme,  it  will 
be  well  to  give  a  brief  view  of  the  country  which  forms  the  subject  of  it. 

At  the  accession  of  Philip  the  Second,  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  the  Netherlands,  or  Flanders,  as  the  country  was  then  usually  called,* 
comprehended  seventeen  provinces,  occupying  much  the  same  territory,  but 
somewhat  abridged,  with  that  included  m  the  present  kingdoms  of  Holland  . 
and  Belgium.'  These  provinces,  under  the  various  denominations  of  duchies, 
counties,  and  lordships,  formed  anciently  so  many  separate  states,  each  under 
the  rule  of  its  respective  prince.  Even  when  two  or  three  of  them,  as  some- 
times happened,  were  brought  together  under  one  sceptre,  each  still  main- 
tained its  own  independent  existence.  In  their  institutions  these  states  bore 
great  resemblance  to  one  another,  and  especially  in  the  extent  of  the  immu- 
nities conceded  to  the  citizens  as  compared  with  those  enjoyed  in  most  of  the 
countries  of  Christendom.  No  tax  could  be  imposed  without  the  consent  of 
an  assembly  consisting  of  the  clergy,  the  nobles,  and  the  representatives  of 
the  towns.  No  foreigner  was  eligible  to  office,  and  the  native  of  one  province 
was  regarded  as  a  foreigner  by  every  other.  These  were  insisted  on  as  inalien- 
able riiihts,  although  in  later  times  none  were  more  frequently  disregarded  by 
the  rulers.' 

•  These  provinces  were  the  duchies  of 
Brabant,  Limburg,  Luxembourg,  and  Guel- 
dres  ;  the  counties  of  Artois,  Hainault,  Flan- 
ders, Namur,  Zutphen,  Holland,  and  Zealand ; 
the  margraviate  of  Antwerp ;  and  the  lord- 
ships of  Friesland,  Mechlin,  Utrecht,  Overys- 
sel,  and  Groningen. 

"  Basnage,  Annales  des  Provinces-Unies, 
avec  la  Description  historiquede  leur  Gou- 
vemement  (La  Haye.  1719),  torn.  i.  p.  3. — 
Guiccinrdini,  Belgicae  Descriptio,  p.  81,  et 
seq. — The  Vm  tian  minister  Ti^-polo  warmly 
commends  the  loyaltj'  of  thi  se  people  to  their 
princes,  not  to  be  shaken  so  long  as  their 


I  it 


Vocatur  quoque  synechdochice,  per  uni- 
versam  ferme  Europam,  Flandria,  idque  ob 
ejus  I  "rovincia;  potentiam  atque  splendorem  : 
quamvis  ^int,  qui  contendant,  vocabulum 
ipsum  Flandria,  ^  froqucnti  exterorum  in  ea 
quondam  Provincia  mercatorum  comjnercio, 
derivatum.  atque  inde  in  omnes  partes  diffu- 
8um ;  alii  rursus.  quod  ban:  ipsa  Flandria, 
strictius  snmtu,  Oallia,  Anglis  Hispanis,  at- 
que Italis  sil  vicinior,  ideoque  et  ni>tior  simul 
et  celebrior,  totam  Belgiam  eo  nomine  indigi- 
tiitam  perhil>ent."  Gui- ciar.lini.  Belgicjp, 
Five  Inferioris  Germani«  Descriptio  (Amstelo- 
daiiti,  1652),  p.  6. 


V 


X 


I 


CIVIL  INSTITUTIONS. 


143 


^e  condition  of  the  commons  in  the  Netherlands  during  the  Middle  Ages 
W^  far  in  advance  of  what  it  was  in  most  other  European  countnes  at  the 
lime  T>eriod.  For  this  they  were  indebted  to  the  character  of  the  people,  or 
rrkther  to  the  peculiar  circumstances  which  formed  that  character.  Occupying 
a  soil  which  had  been  redeemed  with  infinite  toil  and  perseverance  from  the 
waters,  their  life  was  passed  in  perpetual  struggle  with  the  elements,  iney 
were  irly  familiarized  to  the  Angers  of  the  ocean.  The  Flemish  manner 
was  distinguished  for  the  intrepid  spirit  with  which  he  pushed  his  voyages 
into  distant  and  unknown  seas.  An  extended  commerce  opened  to  him  a 
wide  range  of  observation  and  experience  ;  and  to  the  bold  and  hardy  cha- 
racter of  the  ancient  Netherlander  was  added  a  spint  of  enterprise,  with  such 
enlarged  and  liberal  views  as  fitted  him  for  taking  part  in  the  ^eat  concerns 
of  the  community.  Villages  and  towns  ^rew  up  rapidly.  Wealth  flowed  in 
from  this  commercial  activity,  and  the  assistance  which  these  J^ttle  commiuii- 
ties  were  thus  enabled  to  afiord  their  princes  drew  from  the  latter  the  conces- 
sion  of  important  political  privUeges,  which  estabhshed  the  independence  of 

The  Tendency  of  things,  however,  was  still  to  maintain  the  distinct  individu- 
ality of  the  provinces,  rather  than  to  unite  them  into  a  common  political  body. 
They  were  peopled  by  ditierent  races,  speaking  ^i.^fent  languages  In  some 
of  the  provinces  French  was  spoken,  in  others  a  dialect  of  the  German  iheir 
position,  moreover,  had  often  brought  these  petty  states  into  nvaliT,  and 
lometimes  into  op^n  war,  with  one  another.  The  ^f  ^^s  ,^f  these  feu  J  con^^ 
tinned  after  the  causes  of  them  had  passed  away  ;  and  mutual  animosities  still 
lingered  in  the  breasts  of  the  inhabitants,  operating  as  a  permanent  source  of 

'From  these  causes,  after  the  greater  part  of  the  provinces  had  bee"  brought 
together  under  the  sceptre  of  the  ducal  house  of  Burgundy,  m  the  fitenth 
century,  it  was  found  impossible  to  fuse  them  into  one  nation.  Even  Cha  les 
the  Fifth,  with  all  his  power  and  personal  influence,  found  himself  ungual  to 
the  Usk"  He  was  obliged  to  relinquish  the  idea  of  consolidating  the  diflerent 
stated  into  one  monarcfiy,  and  to  content  himself  with  the  Position-not  t|X> 
fateful  to  a  Spanish  desjit-of  head  of  a  republic,  or,  to  speak  more  propeily, 

of  a  confederacy  of  republics.  ...      i  ,  u„  ;„  ♦y,^  ir.^^\u^ 

There  was,  however,  some  approach  made  to  a  national  unity  m  the  institu- 
tions which  grew  up  after  the  states  were  brought  together  under  one  sceptre 
Thus,  while  each  of  the  provinces  maintained  its  own  courts  of  justice,  there 
ias  ilmreme  tribunallstabhshed  at  Mechlin,  with  apnellate  l""sdiction 
over  all  the  provincial  tribunals.  In  like  manner,  while  each  state  had  its  o^n 
legislative  assembly,  there  were  the  states-general,  consisting  of  the  clergy, 
the  nobles,  and  the  representatives  of  the  towns,  from  each  of  the  provinces. 
In  this  assembly— but  rarely  convened-were  discussed  the  great  questions 
having  reference  to  the  interests  of  the  whole  country.  But  the  assembly  was 
vested  with  no  legislative  authority.  It  could  go  no  further  than  to  present 
petitions  to  the  sovereign  for  the  redress  of  ^evances.  It  possessed  no  nght 
beyond  the  right  of  remonstrance.    Even  m  questions  of  taxation,  no  sub- 


constitutional  privileges  were  respected: 
••  Sempre  si  le  sono  mostrati  quel  Popoli  molto 
aCFettlonaii  et  amorevoli,  contentandosl  de 
esser  gravati  senza  che  mai  facesse  alcun 
r<  sentimento  forte  piu  de  I'honesto.  Ma  cosi 
come  in  quesU  parte  sempre  hanno  mostrato 
la  sua  prontezza  cosl  sono  stati  duri  et  diffi- 
cili,  che  ponto  le  fossero  sminulti  li  loro  privl- 


legii  et  autorita,  ne  che  ne  i  loro  stati  s' 
introducessero  nuove  leggi,  et  nuove  ordini  ad 
Instantia  masslme,  et  perricordo  di  gente 
straniera."  Relatione  di  M.  A.  Tiepolo,  ritor- 
nato  Ambasciatore  dal  Seri>»o  Re  Cattolico, 

1567,  MS.  ^    ,         _.  . 

♦  Biisnage,  Annales  des   Provinces-Unies, 

tom.  i.  p.  8. 


U 


144 


VIEW  OF  THE  NETHERLANDS. 


sidy  could  be  settled  in  that  body  without  the  express  sanction  of  each  o 
provincial  legislatures.  Such  a  form  of  government,  it  must  be  admitted, 
altogether  too  cumbrous  in  its  operations  for  efficient  executive  moveine_ 
It  was  by  no  means  favourable  to  the  promptness  and  energy  demanded  to 
mihtary  enterprise.  But  it  was  a  goveniment  which,  however  ill  suited  in 
this  respect  to  the  temper  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  was  well  suited  to  the  genius 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  to  their  circumstances,  which  demanded  peace.  Ihey 
had  no  ambition  for  foreign  conquest.  By  the  arts  of  neace  they  had  risen  to 
this  unprecedented  pitch  of  prosperity,  and  by  peace  alone,  not  by  war,  could 
they  hope  to  maintain  it  . 

But  under  the  long  mle  of  the  Burgundian  pnnces,  and  stdl  more  under 
that  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  the  people  of  the  Netherlands  felt  the  influence  of 
those  circumstances  which  in  other  parts  of  Europe  were  gradually  compelling 
the  popular,  or  rather  the  feudal,  element  to  give  way  to  the  spirit  of  centraliza- 
tion. Thus  in  time  the  sovereign  claimed  the  right  of  nominating  all  the 
higher  clergy.  In  some  instances  he  appointed  the  judges  of  the  provincial 
courts ;  and  the  supreme  tribunal  of  Mechlin  was  so  far  dependent  on  his 
authority  that  all  the  judges  were  named  and  their  salaries  paid  by  the  crown. 
The  sovereign's  authority  was  even  stretched  so  far  as  to  interfere  not  unfre- 
quently  with  the  rights  exercised  by  the  citizens  in  the  election  of  their  own 
magistrates,— rights  that  should  have  been  cherished  by  them  as  of  the  last 
importance.  As  for  the  nobles,  we  cannot  over-estimate  the  ascendency  which 
the  master  of  an  empire  like  that  of  Charles  the  Fifth  must  have  obtained 
over  men  to  whom  he  could  open  such  boundless  prospects  in  the  career  of 

ambition.*  .  .        ,  ^,     ,     .     j  j    ^.n 

But  the  personal  character  and  the  peculiar  position  of  Charles  tended  still 
further  to  enlarge  the  royal  authority.  He  was  a  Flemine  bv  birth.  He  had 
all  the  tastes  and  habits  of  a  Fleming.  His  early  days  had  been  passed  m 
Flanders,  and  he  loved  to  return  to  his  native  land  as  often  as  his  busy  life 
would  permit  him,  and  to  seek  in  the  free  and  joyous  society  of  the  Flemish 
capitals  some  relief  from  the  solemn  ceremonial  of  the  Castilian  court.  This 
preference  of  their  lord  was  repaid  by  the  people  of  the  Netherlands  with 

feelings  of  loyal  devotion.  .     ,    .      ,         i.  ^     i.-  i 

But  they  had  reason  for  feelings  of  deeper  gratitude  in  the  substantial 
benefits  which  the  favour  of  Charles  secured  to  them.  It  was  for  Flemings 
that  the  highest  posts  even  in  Spain  were  reserved,  and  the  marked  preference- 
thus  shown  by  the  emperor  to  his  countrymen  was  one  great  source  of  the 
troubles  in  Castile.  The  soldiers  of  the  Netherlands  accompanied  Charles  on 
his  military  expeditions,  and  their  cavalry  had  the  reputation  of  being  the 
best  appointed  and  best  disciplined  in  the  imperial  army.  The  vast  extent 
of  his  possessions,  spreading  over  every  quarter  of  the  globe,  offered  a  bound- 
less range  for  the  commerce  of  the  Netherlands,  which  was  everywhere  ad- 
mitted on  the  most  favourable  footing.  Notwithstanding  his  occasional  acts 
of  violence  and  extortion,  Charles  was  too  sagacious  not  to  foster  the  material 
interests  of  a  country  which  contributed  so  essentially  to  his  own  resources. 
Under  his  protecting  policy,  the  industry  and  ingenuity  of  the  Flemings 
found  ample  scope  in  the  various  demrtments  of  husbandry,  manufactures, 
and  trade.  The  country  was  as  thickly  studded  with  large  towns  as  other 
countries  were  with  villages.    In  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  it  was 


•  Basnage,  Annales  des  Provinces-Unies, 
torn.  i.  p.  8. — Bentivoglio,  Gucrra  di  Fiandra 
(Milano,  1806),  p.  9.  et  seq.— Ranke,  Spanish 
Empire,  p.   79.— The  last  writer,  with  his 


usual  diwernment,  has  selected  the  particular 
facts  that  iUustrate  most  forcibly  the  domestic 
policy  of  the  Netherlands  under  Charles  the 
Fifth. 


THEIR  COMMERCIAL  PROSPERITY. 


145 


computed  to  contain  above  three  hundred  and  fifty  cities,  and  more  than  six 
thousand  three  hundred  towns  of  a  smaller  size.«  These  towns  were  not  the 
resort  of  monks  and  mendicants,  as  in  other  parts  of  the  Continent,  but  they 
swarmed  with  a  busy,  laborious  population.  No  man  ate  the  bread  of  idleness 
in  the  Netherlands.  At  the  period  with  which  we  are  occupied,  Ghent  counted 
seventy  thousand  inhabitants,  Brussels  seventy-five  thousand,  and  Antwerp 
one  hundred  thousand.  This  was  at  a  period  when  London  itself  contained 
but  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand.'  ,•,-,.  i 

The  country,  fertilized  by  its  countless  canals  and  sluices,  exhibited  every- 
where that  minute  and  patient  cultivation  which  distinguishes  it  at  the  pre- 
sent day,  but  which  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  had  no  parallel  but 
in  the  lands  tilled  by  the  Moorish  inhabitants  of  the  south  of  Spain.  Ihe 
ingenious  spirit  of  the  people  was  shown  in  their  dexterity  m  the  mechanical 
arts,  and  in  the  talent  for  invention  which  seems  to  be  characteristic  of  a 
people  accustomed  from  infancy  to  the  unfettered  exercise  of  their  faculties. 
The  processes  for  simplifying  labour  were  carried  so  far  that  children,  as  we 
are  assured,  began  at  four  or  five  years  of  age  to  earn  a  hvelihood.  t.&cti 
of  the  principal  cities  became  noted  for  its  excellence  m  some  branch  or  other 
of  manufacture.  Lille  was  known  for  its  woollen  cloths,  Brussels  for  its 
tapestry  and  carpets,  Valenciennes  for  its  camlets,  while  the  towns  of  Holland 
and  Zealand  furnished  a  simpler  staple  in  the  form  of  cheese,  butter,  and 
salted  fish.»  These  various  commodities  were  exhibited  at  the  great  fairs  neia 
twice  a  year,  for  the  space  of  twenty  days  each,  at  Antwerp,  which  were 
thronged  by  foreigners  as  well  as  natives.      .       ,     ^,     .        .         .   .  ^^^. 

In  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries  the  Flemings  imported  great 
quantities  of  wool  from  England,  to  be  manufactured  into  cloth  at  home,  mit 
Flemish  emigrants  had  carried  that  manufacture  to  England ;  and  in  the 
time  of  PhiUp  the  Second  the  cloths  themselves  were  imported  from  the  ^tter 
country  to  the  amount  of  above  five  millions  of  crowns  annually,  and  ex- 
changed for  the  domestic  products  of  the  Netherlands. •»  This  single  item  of 
trade  with  one  of  their  neighbours  may  suggest  some  notion  of  the  extent  ot 
the  commerce  of  the  Low  Countries  at  this  penod.  .^.„^«, 

But  in  truth  the  commerce  of  the  country  stretched  to  the  remotest  cornere 
of  the  globe.  The  inhabitants  of  the  Netherlands,  trained  from  early  youth 
to  battle  with  the  waves,  found  their  true  element  on  the  ocean.  As  much 
as  Nature,"  says  an  enthusiastic  writer,  "restricted  their  Jo»"amX.Jr'}rp/t^ 
much  the  more  did  they  extend  their  empire  on  the  deep.""    Theu:  fleets 


•  •*  Urbes  in  ea  sive  raoenibus  clausae,  sive 
clausis  magnitudine  propemodum  pares,  supra 
trecentas  et  quiuf|uaginta  censeantur ;  pagi 
verb  majores  ultra  sex  mi  Ilia  ac  trecentos 
numerentur,  ut  nihil  de  minorilms  vicis  arci- 
busque  l.iquar,  quibus  supra  omnem  nume- 
rum  consitus  est  Belgicus  ager."  Strada,  De 
Bello  Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  32. 

'  Guicciardini,  Belgicie  Dcscriptio.  p.  207, 
et  seq.— The  geographer  gives  us  the  popu- 
lation of  several  of  the  most  considerable 
capitals  in  Europe  in  the  middle  of  the  six- 
teentli  century.  That  of  Paris,  amounting  to 
300,000,  seems  to  have  much  exceeded  that 
of  every  other  great  city  except  Moscow. 

»  "  Atque  hinc  adeo  fit,  ut  isti  opera  sua  ea 
dexteritate,  facilitate,  ordiiieque  disponant,  ut 
et  parvuli,  ac  quadriennrs  modo  aut  quin- 
queniies  eorum  filioli,  victum  illico  slbi  in- 
cipiant  quajiere."     Guicciardini,  Belgica;  De- 


scriptio,  p.  55.  .     .     1. 

»  Relatione  di  M.  Cavallo  tornato  Ambas- 
ciatore  dal  Imperatore.  1551,  MS.— The  am- 
bassador does  not  hesitate  to  compare  Ant- 
werp, for  the  extent  of  its  commerce,  to  ins 
own  proud  city  of  Venice  :  "  Anversa  corn- 
sponde  di  mercantia  benissimo  a  Venetia, 
Lovania  di  studio  a  Padova,  Gante  per  p-an- 
dezza  a  Verona,  Brussellis  per  il  situ  a  Bres- 
cia." 

'*»  "Liquid©  enim  constat,  eorum,  anno 
annum  pen&mte,  et  carisa'is  aliisque  panniculis 
ad  integros  pannos  reductis,  ducenta  et  am- 
plius  milliaannuatlm  nobis  distribui,  quorum 
singuli  minimum  testimentur  vicenis  quinis 
scutatis,  ita  ut  in  quinque  et  amplius  milliones 
ratio  tandem  excrescat."  Guicciardmi,  Bel- 
gicaj  Descriptio,  p.  244. 

"  "Quve  vero  ignotamarium  litora,  quasve 
desinentia  mundi  oras  scrutaU  non  est  Bel- 

L 


146  VIEW  OF  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

'*Th/«^ealth^which'Sed  into  the  country  from  this  extended  trade  was 
JnVo"!  ta  thecrowded  jx,pulati«n  of  its  provinces  and  Uje  sp^^.do  ,r  o 

^Thfcitv  in  common  with  the  rest  of  Brabant,  was  distinguished  by  certain 
tKjWi^l  DriWleKeTwhich  commended  it  as  a  place  of  residence  even  to 
CeiLmerf  wSn  of  the  other  provinces,  it  is  said,  when  the  tmie  of  their 
cSSnt  dreifnear,  would  cle  to. Uratent  t^at  ^heir  f _sprn^^^ 
nWMxy  thp  franchises  of  this  favoured  portion  of  the  JN  etherlanas.  po  je<uous 
we  ™  thrSoprtf  this  pr^  of  their  hberties,  that  »\  their  oath  of 

TiWianrP  to  tLr  sovereign  on  his  accession,  it  was  provided  that  th  s 
alle|ianS  j'igK^^^^^^  ^h^"«^«^  ^'  ^^^^  '^  ^^P^^'  '^''' 

^'ihufeT'the  shelter  of  its  municipal  ri^^hts,  foreigners  settled  in  great 
numbers  in  Aiitwe^  The  English  established  a  factory  there.  There  was 
Z^Portugu^^^^^^  Halian  company,  a  company  of  merchants  from 

the  Hani  iLns,  ancfla/tiy,  a  Turkish  couipany  which  took  u^^ts  re.,^^^^^^^^^ 
there  for  the  purpose  of  pursuing  a  trade  with  the  Levant.  A  great  tiamc 
was  carried  oif  hi  bills  of  exchang^.  Antweq),  in  short,  became  the  banking- 
housfof  Europe ;  and  capitalists!  the  Rothschilds  of  their  day,  whose  d^hngs 
werf  with  sov^^^^  princes,  fixed  their  abode  in  Antwerp,  which  was  to  the 
^it  olCope \nThe  sixteenth  century  what  London  is  in  the  nineteenth,- 
the  trreat  heart  of  commercial  circulation. '\  .,.,,.       r -i.   i  •  ;>  «f 

Tn  15^1  ^e  public  Exchange  was  erected,  the  finest  building  of  its  kind  at 
thlt  time  anvwhere  to  be  seen.  The  city,  indeed,  was  filled  ^ylth  stately 
edmcerthe Ta^^^^^^^^  great  cath^ral,  having  been  n^rly  destroyed 

bv  fire  soon  after  the  opening  of  the  Exchange,  was  rel)mlt,  and  still  remains 
a  noble  sr^ecimen  of  the  archltectual  science  of  the  time.  Another  age  was  to 
s^  the  Ss  of  the  same  cathedral  adorned  with  those  exquisite  productions 
of  Rube^is  and  his  disciples,  which  raised  the  Flemish  school  to  a  level  with 

''Irtid"^^^^^^^  opulence  of  the  city  was  visible  in  the  hixurious 
accommXtions  and  sumptuous  way  of  living  of  the  inhabitants.    The  mer- 


ganim  nautica  ?  Nimirum  quantb  illoa  natura 
intra  fines  teirae  contractiores  inclusit,  tantd 
ami.liores  ipsi  sibi  apeniere  oceani  campos. 
Strada,  De  Hello  Belgico,  lib  i.  p.  32. 

'-  Schiller,  Abfall  der  Niederlande  (Stutt- 
gart, 1838),  p.  44. 

'»  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

'*  Burgon,  Life  of  Sir  Thomas  GreBham 
(London,  1839).  vol.  i.  p.  2 

'»  "In  quorum  ( Brabantinonira)  Provin- 
i>f«m  Bcimus  transferre  se  Bolitaa  e  vicinis 


locif^  parituraa  muUeres,  ut  Brabantlnas 
imniunitates  tiliis  eo  solo  genitis  acquierpnt. 
crederes  abagricolis  elipi  plantaria,  In  quibus 
enata?  arbuBculse,  primoque  illo  terra*  velut 
ab  ub^re  lactentep,  ali6  dein  secum  auferant 
dotes  hospjtalis  soli."  Strada,  De  Bello  Bel- 
gico. lib.  ii.  p.  61.  . 

'•  Histoire  des  Provinces-Unies  des  Pais- 
Bas  (La  Hayp,  17«'4),  torn.  i.  p.  8«. 

"  Guicciardini,  Belgicae  Descriptio,  p.  225, 
et  seq. 


PROTESTANT  DOCTRINES. 


147 


\w 


I 


chants  of  Antwerp  rivalled  the  nobles  of  other  lands  in  the  splendour  of  their 

"and  doSic  establishments.    Something  of  the  «am«  sort  s  lo.ed 

•  ftself  in  the  middle  classes  ;  and  even  in  those  of  humbler  conditm^^^^    A^a. 

a  comfort  approaching  to  luxury  in  their  households,  wh  ch  attracted  the 

norice  0    an^Sian  writer  of  the  sixteenth  century     He  commends  the 

scrupulous  regard  to  order  and  cleanliness  observed  m  the  arrangement  of  the 

dwX^    aXxpr^^^^^^  his  admiration  not  only  of  the  careful  f  tent.on  giv^n 

by  the  fv^men  toWir  domestic  duties  but  also  of  theij  singular  capa^^^^^^^ 

conducting  those  business  aflairs  usually  reserved  for  the  othei  sex.     ij^^^^as 

m^Scularlv  the  case  in  Holland.*"    But  tliis  freedom  of  intercourse  was  no 

Usprra^?^^^^  feminine  quahties.     The  liberty  they  assumed  did 

KenSeTnto  license;  and  fie  concludes  his  animated  Portraiture  of 

these  Flemish   matrons  by  pronouncmg   them   as  discreet  as  they  were 

^^Thf  ifumbler  classes,  in  so  abject  a  condition  in  other  parts  of  Europe  at 
that  davTerthTgood  ett^^^^  of  this  general  progress  in  comfort  and  civiliza- 
tion ft  was  rare  to  find  one,  we  are  told,  so  illiterate  as  not  to  be  acnuamted 
w  t"h  the  Snentfofl  was  --^ly  a  i^a^nt  w^o  co^^^^^^^^ 

not  botli  read  and  write ; ''—this  at  a  time  when  to  lead  and  write  ^eie 
accompthment?^^  possessed,  in  other  countries,  by  those  even  in 

'^  It^lfi'no'lt'sle^^^^^^  a  people  so  well  advanced  in  the  elements  of  civili- 
zation thSbngreniain  Insensible  to  the  great  religious  re  orm  which, 
Sir  risen  on  fe  now  rapidly  spreading  over  Christendom 

^s  des  the  CO  tiSy  of  the  Netheriands  to  Germany,  tlieir  commerce  with 
S  Luntries  Kitroduced  them  to  Protestantism  as  it  existed  there, 
l^he  forS  itsiHt  "a^^^  the  Swiss  and  German  mercenaries  Watered  in 
thP  nrovnces  had  ill  ported  along  with  them  these  same  principles  of  the 
tfo?ma  ion  ;  and,  a  tly,  the  Flemish  nobles,  who  at  that  time  ^^re  much  ^^ 
the  fashion  0  going  abroad  to  study  in  Geneva  returned  from  that  ^tTonghold 
of  Calvin  well  fortified  with  the  doctrines  of  the  great  Reformer.^»  _  ?-^"l!!i® 
sLdfof  the  Smation,  whether  in  the  Lutheran  or  the  Calvinistic  form 
were  sittercd  wide  over  the  land,  and  took  root  m  a  congenial  soil  Ihe 
S  mmtirtenipTament  of  the  northern  provinces,  especially,  disposed  then 
to  re^cehe  a  reTig^^^  addressed  itself'so  exclusively  to  the  reason,  while 

Serweretess  o?en  to  the  influences  of  Catholicism,  which,  with  its  gorgeous 
accLorle^^^^^^^  the  passions,  is  better  suited  to  the  lively  sensibihties 

"1  h"n!i"fo""S:r^^^^^^^^  ttfcharie'^s  the  Fifth  could  Ion.  remain  insensiljle 
to  th^l  aUnnine  deSn  of  his  subjects  in  the  Netherfands,  nor  that  the 
man  who^  rias^^^^^^^^^^  in  battling  with  the  Lutherans  of  Germany  could 
Xntly^^  their  detested  heresy  taking  root  m  his  own  d^^^^^^^^^ 

Se  dreaded  this  innovation  no  less  in  a  tempora  than  i^.«;.Jf  ^^f ^^V!^^; 
Experience  had  shown  that  freedom  of  speculation  m  atlau-s  of  rehgion 

tunity  for  ascertaining  the  truth  of  it,  pince, 
though  an  Italian  by  birth,  he  resided  in  the 
Netherlands  for  forty  years  or  more. 

^°  Schiller,  Abfall  der  Niederlande,  p.  53.— 
Vandervynckt,  Histoiredes  I  roubles  des  Pays- 
Bas  (Bruxelles,  1822),  tom.  ii.  p.  6.— Groen 
Van  Prinsterer,  Archives  ou  Correspondance 
inedite  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau  (Lelde, 
1841),  torn.  i.  p.  164*. 


»■  "  Ut  in  multis  terroe  Provinciis,  HoUandia 
nominatim  atque  Zelandia,  viri  omnium  fere 
rerum  suarum  curam  uxoribus  eaepe  relin- 
quant."    Guicciardini,  Belgic«  Descnptio,  p. 

">»  "  Majori  gentis  parti  nota  Grammaticaj 
rudimenta,  et  vel  ipsi  etiam  rustici  legendi 
Bcribendique  periti  sunt."  Guicciardmi,  Bel- 
gicaj  Descriptio.  p.  53.— Guicrianlini.  who 
states  this  remarkable  fact,  had  ample  oppor- 


148  VIEW  OF  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

r.ofnrnllv  led  to  frec  inquiry  into  political  abuses -that  the  work  of  the 

™'teh^.'l-^'hrplSTh?firft'on  edicts  for  the  sup- 

r^rltk^^^hhlnel  Mlh.    It  was  followed  by  several  others  of  the  saiue 

rSl^wevet  it  sub  UntSy  conformed,  and  as  it  became  tl.e.basis  of 

^•HSi  '"US'  tlil^s  -llent4±pd=->v,.o 
were  coivictS  of  here^  shiuld  suffer  death  "by  fire^by  the  p.t  or  by  the 

BHetM^^JefaCw^ret^u^^^^^^^^^^ 

'^fcr^^^^^^^^^  enforce  these  edicts,  Charles  took  a  hint  from  the 

ti^rr  hie  trTbunaf  witli  vvhich  he  was  familiar  in  8pain,-the  Inquisition.  He 
^bLa  ned  rbiU  Troni  his  old  preceptor,  Adrian  the  Sixth,  appointing  an 
?mSor  general  who  had  authority  to  examine  persons  suspected  of  heresy, 
tSr  n^sof  and  torti^^^  them,  to  cbnHscate  their  property,  and  hnal  y  sen- 
Lc7thm  trbanXient  or  death.  These  forrnidalile  powers  were  intrusted 
tfa  lavrnTn  -^lawyer  of  eminence,  and  one  of  the  council  of  Brabant  But 
this  zeSs' funSary  employed  his  authority  with  so  good  ettect  that  it 
spSd^yrouseTthe  general  iSdiknation  of  his  countrymen,  who  compelled  him 

*^Bv  inotber  b^lll  from  Rome,  four  inquisitors  were  appointed  in  the  place  of 
the  fudtive  These  inquisitors  were  ecclesiastics,  not  of  the  fierce  Dominican 
Sder^ll  fn  Spa'n?  but  members  of  the  secular  clergy.  A  1  pubhc  othcers 
were  e^oined  to  aid  them  in  detecting  and  securing  suspecte^  persons,  and 
rvfa!>nnTnn  prisons  were  allotted  for  the  confinement  of  their  victims. 
*  irpeoK^^^^^^  have  gained  little  by  the  substitution  of  four 

inaui^itor^  for  one.  But  in  fact  they  gained  a  great  deal.  The  stvirdy  resist- 
ance S  to  the  exercise  of  the  unconstitutional  nowers  of  the  inqmsitor- 
general  compelled  Charles  to  bring  those  of  the  new  functionaries  inore  ^.thm 
the  limits  of  the  law.  For  twenty  years  or  more  their  powers  seem  not  to 
have  ten  well  defined.  But  in  1546  it  was  decreed  that  no  sentence  what- 
ever SdT  pronounced  by  an  inuuisitor  without  the  sanction  of  some 
member  of  the  provincial  council.    tLs,  however  barbarous  the  law  against 

.  .. . J  "  Meteren,  Histoire  des  Pays-Baf,  ou  Re- 

cueil  des  Guerrea  et  Glioses  niemorablep, 
dopuis  I'An  1315,  jusqueB  a  I' An  1612,  traduit 
du  Flainand  (La  Haye,  1618),  fol.  10.— Brandt, 
History  of  the  Reformation  in  the  Low 
Counties,  translated  from  the  Dut<;h  (^London, 
1720),  vol.  i.  p.  88. 


»'  The  whole  number  of  "  placards  "  issued 
by  Charles  the  Fifth  amounted  to  eleven. 
See  the  dates  in  Gachard,  Correspondance  de 
Philippe  IL  Pur  les  ACfaires  des  Pays-Bas 
(Bruxelles,  1848),  torn.  i.  pp.  »05«  )06, 

"  "Le/r,  \&  fosse,  ei  le/eu."  Gachard, 
Correspoudance  de  I'bilippe  IL,  ubi  supra. 


PERSECUTION  BY  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 


149 


heresy  the  people  of  the  Netherlands  had  this  security,  that  it  was  only  by 
S own^^^^^^^        courts  of  justice  that  this  law  was  to  be  mterpreted  and 

^"Such'^wlre  the  expedients  adopted  by  Charles  the  Fifth  for  the  suppression 
of  heresy  in  the  Netherlands.  "^ Notwithstanding  the  name  of  "in^^^itors 
?he  new^establishment  bore  faint  resemblance  to  the  fread  tn^unal  o^^^^^^ 
Spanish  Inquisition,  with  which  it  has  been  often  confounded       The  Holy 
Orirtce  presented  a  vast  and  comphcated  n^aclnnery,  slaMly  ^^^^^^     to  the 
existing  institutions  of  Castile.     It  may  be  said  to  ^^^  lormed.i^P^^/^^^n 
government  itself,  and,  however  restricted  m  its  onginal  togn,  ^^  be^me  in 
time  a  formidable  political  engine,  no   ess  than  a  religious  o»e.    The^and 
inquisitor  was  clothed  with  an  authonty  ^^^^''^^'^^J^^^J^^^^^^^^ 
mi^rht  tremble.    Un  some  occasions  he  even  took  precedence  of  the  monarcti. 
Theco^iXof  the  Inquisition  were  distributed  throughout  the  country,  and 
were  conducted  with  a  solemn  pomp  that  belonged  to  no  civil  tnbui^aL    Sp^^ 
cious  buildintrs  were  erected  for  their  accommodation,  and  the  gigantic  pnsons 
oHL  Inqul^^^^^^^  rose  up,  like  impregnable  fortresses,  in  the  P- W^^^^^^^ 
of  the  kingdom     A  swarm  of  menials  and  othcials  waited  to  do  ts  bidding. 
The  proEt  nobles  of  the  land  held  it  an  honour  to  serve  as  famil^rs^^^^^^^^^ 
Holy  Office.    In  the  midst  of  this  external  Ponip,  the  impenetrable  veil  thi  own 
over  its  proceedings  took  strong  hold  of  the  imagination,  ^"^^^^.^"g  ^^\^^^^^^^ 
with  a  sort  of  sunernatural  terror.    An  individual  disappeared  from  the  busy 
Tcenes  of  life.'  Xoi?e  knew  whither  he  had  gon^  till  ^e  r^^ared,  d^^^^^^^^ 
in  thp  fatal  trarb  of  the  san  bemto,  to  take  part  m  the  tiagic  spectacle  oi 
an  a^.!  J  if /f  TWs  was  the  great  triumph  oi  the  Inquisition,  rivaUmg  the 
ancient  Roman  triumph  in  thi  splendour  of  the  show,  ami  surpassm|  it^in 
the  solemn  and  mysterious    mport  of  the  ceremonial.    It  was  hjiled  witn 
enthSm  bTthe  U^^^^^^  SpLiard  o^^hf  day,  who  m  tfae^m^^^^^^^ 
the  infidel  saw  only  a  sacrifice  most  acceptable  to  the  Deity.     Ihe  inquisition 
succXd  in  Spain,  for  it  was  suited  ^otV  character  of  the  S^^^^^^^^ 

But  it  was  not  suited  to  the  free  and  nidependent  character  of  the  people 
of  the  Netheriaids.  Freedom  of  thought  thev  claimed  as  their  birthnght ; 
and  thrattemut  to  crush  it  by  introducing  the  pernicious  usages  of  Spam 
w^  evervS  re^ei^^^^^^^  execration.  ^Such  an  institiition  wa^  an  acci- 

LTS  could  not  Income  an  integral  part  of  the  constitution.    It  was  a 
Sus  ^aftT^^^^  stock.    It  S)uld  bear  no  fruit,  and  sooner  or  later  it 

""YetThf  Inquisition,  such  as  it  was,  did  its  work  while  it  lasted  in  the 
Ne'lhllands'^^^^^^^  true,  at  least,  if  we  are  to  receive  t^^^  Sf  sutrTfo 
fnat  fifty  thousand  persons,  m  the  reign  of  ^har  es  the  F,fth,  suttered^^^^ 
their  relidous  opinions  by  the  hand  of  the  executioner ! »•  Ihis  monstrous 
8  f teme  f  has  bi^n  repeated  by  one  historian  after  another,  with  apparently 
L  UtT  di^trusfL  Sn  It  affords  one  among  many  examples  of 


»*  Correspondance  de  Philippe  IL,  torn.  i. 
p.  108.  —  Grotius,  AnnaUs  et  Historic  de 
Rebus  Belgicis  (Amstelajdami,  1657),  p.  11.— 
Brandt,  Reformation  in  the  Low  Countries, 

vol.  i.  p.  SA.  ,  ,        • 

"  Viglius,  afterwards  president  of  the  pnvy 
council,  says  plainly,  in  one  of  his  letters  to 
Granvelle,  that  the  name  of  Spanish  Inquisi- 
tion was  fastened  on  the  Flemish  in  order  to 
make  it  odious  to  the  people  :  "Queruntur 
aiitem  imprimis,  a  nobis  novam  Inductam 
iiiquisitiouom,    quam    vocant    Ilispaulcam. 


Quod  fal86  populo  a  quibusdam  persuade- 
tur  ut  nomine  ipso  rem  odiosam  reddant, 
cum  nulla  alia  ab  C«sare  sit  instituta  in- 
quisitio,  quam  ea,  quae  cum  jure  scripto 
scilicet  Canonico,  convenit,  et  usitata  antea 
fuit  in  hac  Proviocia."  Viglii  Lpistola-^  Se- 
lectffi,  ap.  Hoynck,  Analecta  Belgica  (Haga 
Comitum,  1743),  torn.  ii.  pars  i.  p.  349. 

'•  Grotius  swells  the  number  to  one  hundrea 
thousand!  (Annales,  p.  12.)  It  is  all  one: 
beyond  a  certain  point  of  the  incredible,  one 
ceases  to  estimate  probabilities. 


150  VIEW  OF  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

thefaciUty  with  which  men  adopt  the  most  ^^^j^"? --J^^hfTttt'^^^^^^^ 

rSiciVny^TJXrto^l^^'t  J„tf'rceWy-wiU  a,ree 
that  there  is  nothing  less  entitled  *»  confidence  ^^^^^ 

In  thp  nresent  instance,  such  a  statement  migni  seem  lo  ^' '/'„„.    ,^^^:.. 
taUon  m^Ece  of  it.    Llorente, «- -le^^^ted  ^f  ^^^^^^^^^^^ 
whose  estimates  will  never  be  »c<^?f  ■!  »*  ^!''"8if  I' ".  eighteen  y^rs  of  the 

the  Nether  anOh,  m  *  ^®""  "'^"". -_,_„,4^  ^Ugre  every  instance  of  such  per- 
exteruiuiation  in  Spain —the  Netherlands,  wnereeveivi  ^rded  as  a 

•'^Xf  ttl'^ntrr^netl'nhV'edicts,  which  was  repeated  no  less  than 

SSirb  na4e«?n;a:itlMS  ^^^p^ft  ZX 
rXspeciX  of  Antwerp,  its  ckuital,  that  the  emperor  deen.ed  't  P™dent  to 
nnalifv  S me  of  the  provisions  and  to  drop  the  name  of  Inquisitor  altogether 
Cere  is  no  way  more  sme  of  rousing  the  sensibilities  of  a  conmierc.il  i.eople 
than  bv  touching  their  pockets.  Charles  did  not  care  to  prejs  mf  ters  to  s  ch 
Ixtramtv  He  was  too  politic  a  prince,  too  large  a  gamer  by  the  pr(«penty 
oSeople"  illingly  to.  put  it  injeril,  even  for  conscience'  sake.  In  this  lay 
thp  difference  between  him  and  Phihp.  ,    ,  ,  j  4.v,„  lu^u 

NotwTths^^^^^  therefore,  his  occasional  abuse  of  power,  and  the  httle 
respect  Kaf  have  had  at' heart  for  the  civil  rights  of  hjs  subjects  the 
Government  if  Charles,  as  already  intimated,  was  on  the  whole  favourable  to 
their  cZmercial  interests.  He  was  well  repaid  by  the  enlarged  resources  of 
thrcouX  and  the  aid  they  afforded  him  for  the  prosecution  of  his  ambitious 
enterorrses^'  In  the  course  of  a  few  years,  as  we  are  informed  by  a  contempo- 
rary hTLw  from  the  Netherlands  no  less  than  twenty-four  millions  of 
du^ts"  And  this  supply -furnished  not  ungrudgingly,  it  is  true-was 
iSed  for  the  most  partfon  objects  in  which  the  nation  had  no  interest 
hi  ikfmanner,  it  was  the  revenues  of  the  Netherlands  which  defrayed  great 
part  of  PhiS  expenses  in  the  war  that  followed  his  accession  "Here 
Sims  the^enetian  envoy,  Soriano,  "  were  the  true  treasures  of  the  king  of 

^  »  c;,rre8,K;ndance  de  Philippe  II,  torn.  1.       dl  Soriano,  Ms,, 
pp.  I'i3.  124. 


UNPOPULAR  MANNERS  OF  PHILIP. 


151 


• ' 


Spain  ,  here  were  his  mines,  his  Indies,  ><■«*  fnmshed  Claries  wUh^^^^^ 
m^iis  of  carrying  on  his  wars  for  so  many  years  with  the  h  rench,  the  Ge""'?"^, 
IHtelk^!:  which  provided  for  the  defence  of  his  own  states,  and  man.tamed 

''S&I'Kndi«on  of  the  country  at  the  time  when  the  sceptre 
pa.S  rmn  the  hands  of  Charles  the  Fifth  into  ^^'°f  ^^^^l^^^^'ltl~ 
it«  hrnad  Dlaiiis  toeiiiing  with  the  products  of  an  elaborate  culture,  its  cities 
BlrrahTg  wt  1  aS  s^^skilled  in  all  kinds  of.  ingenious  ha^di^^aft,  it.  f on- 
mere"  abroad  on  every  sea  and  bringing  baj:k  nch  returns  <  »  » Itim^  re  S 
Tho  irroat  hndv  of  its  ueoDle,  we    advanced  in  the  arts  of  civilization,  rejoicea 

hi'-S  abSanctoHS  tilings,"  says  a  frt?f^„toTd  notfeemnicK 
>,oritv  "that  there  was  no  man,  however  humble,  who  aia  not.  seem  rica  im 
Ks  station  »»  In  X  active  development  of  their  powers,  the  mqu.smve 
indfo  the  inhabiteTts  naturaUy  turned  to  those  great  P^Wems  m  religim 
Xch  were  agitating  the  neighbouring  countries  of  t^an^;  and^^^^^ 

more  lenient  policy  for  the  ineiiectual  system  of  persecution.    But  sucn  was 
not  the  poUcy  of  Philip. 


CHAPTER  XL 

SYSTEM  ESTABLISHED  BY  PHILIP. 

t^e™  unc&i"  aud  Ch««>ter  otOranvelU-PblUp's  Departure. 

1559. 
Pniup  THE  Second  was  no  stranger  to  the  Netherlands    He  had  con^^^^^^^ 

f^ti^rSerWafrsSr^^^^^^ 

npenetX  r^^^^  which  they  construed  intojaughtmess,  and  wh^ch 
strongly  contrasted  with  the  gracious  manners  of  the  emperor.  Charles  saw 
S  ukin  the  impression  which  his  son  had  left  on  his  subjects ;  and  the 

SSgntTof  thrNeSands,  he 'wore  the  same  frigid  exterior  as  m  earlier 

^^h.  fi-rf  rfpn  was  to  visit  the  different  provinces  and  receive  from  them  their 
oJhs  ofallSnr   Nottter  occasiou'^uld  be  offered  for  concdiatmg  the 


»»  "Questi  sono  11  tesori  del  Re  di  Spagna, 
queste  le  miniere,  que>te  I'  Indie  che  hanno 
Snuto  V  imprese  deU'  ""peratore  tantl 
annl  neUe  guerre  dl  Francia,  d'  Itaha  et  d 
Alemalna,  et  hanno  conservato  et  d.ffeso  11 
BtatI,  la  dignita  et  la  riputatione  sua.  Kela- 
tione  di  Soriano,  MS.  »„„.i  s 

•"  "  Et  per6  in  ogni  luogo  corrono  tantl  i 


denari  et  tanto  il  spacciamento  d  ogni  cosa 
che  non  vl  e  huomo  per  basso  et  inerte,  che 
Bia,  che  per  il  suo  grado  non  sia  ncco.  Ke- 
latione  dl  Cavallo,  MS. 

^'  See  an  extract  from  the  original  letter  or 
Charles,  dated  Brussels,  January  27th,  1665, 
ap.  Correspondance  d*  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p. 
cxxii. 


SYSTEM  ESTABLISHED  BY   PHILIP. 


152 

good  will  of  the  inhabitants.    Everywhere  his  approach  was  f  ^J^^^^Jll^^^^" 
tivities  and  public  rejoicing.    The  gates  of  the  '^y'l':^llZ^X^^^ 
receive  him,  and  the  population  thronged  out,  eager  to  do  homage  to  their  new 
soverei'm.    It  was  a  season  of  jubilee  for  the  whole  nation.  . 

In  this  general  rejoicing,  Philip's  eye  alone  remained  dark.»  Shut  up  in  his 
cam'age,  TLmed  desifous  to  seclude  himself  from  the  gaze  of  his  new 
subjects  who  crowded  around,  anxious  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  their  young 
monarch.'  His  conduct  seemed  like  a  rebuke  of  their  enthusiasm,  ihus 
cE  as  they  were  in  the  first  flow  of  their  loyalty,  his  progress  through  the 
land,  which  should  have  won  him  all  hearts  closed  all  hearts  against  hi  n 

The  emperor,  when  he  visited  the  Netherlands,  was  like  one  conjing  back  to 
his  native  country.  He  spoke  the  language  of  the  people,  dressed  in  their 
"  onfonnedYo  their  iTsages  and  w^y  ?f  life.  But  I^j^i^P/as  in  every, 
thing  a  Spaniard.  He  spoke  only  the  Castdian.  He  adopted  the  Spanish 
etiquette  and  burdensome  ceremonial.  He  was  surrounded  by  Spaniards, 
and,  with  few  exceptions,  it  was  to  Spaniards  only  that  he  gave  his  conhdence 
Charles  had  disgusted  his  Spanish  subjects  by  the  marked  preference  he  had 
gi^en  to  his  Flemish.  The  reverse  now  took  place,  and  Philip  displeased  the 
llemings  by  his  partiality  for  the  Spaniards.  The  people  of  the  Netherlands 
felt  with  bitterness  that  the  sceptre  of  their  country  had  passed  into  the  hands 

°^Du?hig^is' progress  Philip  caused  reports  to  be  prepared  for  him  of  the 
condition  of  the  several  provinces,  their  population  and  trade,-presenting  a 
mass  of  statistical  details,  in  which,  with  his  usual  industry,  he  was  careful  to 
instruct  himself.  On  his  return,  his  first  concern  was  to  provide  for  the 
interests  of  religion.  He  renewed  his  father's  edicts  relating  to  the  Inquisi- 
tion, and  in  the  following  year  confirmed  the  "placard"  respecting  heresy. 
In  doing  this,  he  was  careful,  by  the  politic  advice  of  Granvelle,  to  conform  as 
nearly  as  possible  to  the  language  of  the  original  edicts,  that  no  charge  ol 
innovation  might  be  laid  to  him,  and  thus  the  odium  of  these  unpopular 
measures  might  remain  with  their  original  author.'  .        j  a 

But  the  object  which  Philip  had  most  at  heart  was  a  reform  much  needed 
in  the  ecclesiastical  estabhshment  of  the  country.  It  may  seem  strange  that 
in  all  the  Netherlands  there  were  but  three  bishoprics,— Arras  Tournay,  and 
Utrecht  A  large  part  of  the  country  was  incorporated  with  some  one  or 
other  of  the  contiguous  German  dioceses.  The  Flemish  bishoprics  were  of 
enormous  extent.  That  of  Utrecht  alone  embraced  no  less  than  three  hundred 
walled  towns  and  eleven  hundred  churches.*  It  was  impossible  that  any 
pastor,  however  diligent,  could  provide  for  the  wants  of  a  tlock  so  widely 
scattered,  or  that  he  could  exercise  supervision  over  the  clergy  themselves, 
who  had  fallen  into  a  lamentable  decay  both  of  disciphne  and  morals.  ^ 

Still  greater  evils  followed  from  the  circumstance  ot  the  episcopal  authority  s 
being  intrusted  to  foreigners.    From  their  ignorance  of  the  institutions  of  the 


*  It  is  the  fine  expression  of  Schiller,  ap- 
plied to  Philip  on  another  occasion.  Abfall 
dtr  Niederlaiide,  p.  61. 

»  "  II  se  cachait  oidinaireraent  dans  le  fond 
de  son  carosse,  pour  se  derober  a  la  curiosite 
d'un  peuple  qui  courait  aud<-vant  de  lui  et 
8'empres8.iit  a  le  voir ;  le  peuple  se  crut  de- 
daign^  et  mepris^."  Vandervynckt,  Troubles 
des  Puys-Bas,  torn.  ii.  p.  17.— Coaches  were  a 
novelty  then  in  Flanders,  and  indeed  did  not 
malce  their  appearance  till  some  years  later 
in  Loudon.    Sir  Thomas  ( J  resham  writes  from 


Antwei-p,  in  1560,  "The  Regent  ys  here  still ; 
and  every  other  day  rydes  abowght  th  s  town 
in  her  cowche,  brave  come  le  sol,  trymmed 
after  the  Itallione  fasshone."  Burgon,  Life 
of  Gresham,  vol.  i.  p.  305. 

»  Correspondance  de  Philippe  TL,  torn.  i. 
pp.  108,  126.— Vandervynckt,  Troubles  des 
Pays-Bas,  torn.  ii.  p.  10.— Brandt,  Reformation 
in  the  Low  Countries,  torn.  i.  p.  107. 

*  Correspoiidauce  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  I. 
p.  94. 


INCREASE  OF  BISHOPRICS. 


153 


I    ( 


I! 


Netherlands,  they  were  perpetually  trespassing  on  the  rights  of  the  nation. 
Another  evil  consequence  was  the  necessity  of  carrying  up  ecclesiastical 
cauj>es,  by  way  of  appeal,  to  foreign  tribunals,— a  thing,  moreover,  scarcely 
practicable  in  time  of  war. 

Charles  the  Fifth,  whose  sagacious  mind  has  left  its  impress  on  the  per- 
manent legislation  of  the  Netheriands,  saw  the  necessity  of  some  reform  m 
this  matter.  He  accordingly  applied  to  Rome  for  leave  to  erect  six  bishoprics, 
in  addition  to  those  previously  existing  in  the  country.  But  his  attention  was 
too  much  distracted  by  other  objects  to  allow  time  for  completing  his  design. 
With  his  son  Philip,  on  the  other  hand,  no  object  was  allowed  to  come  in 
competition  with  the  interests  of  the  Church.  He  proposed  to  make  the 
reform  on  a  larger  scale  than  his  father  had  done,  and  applied  to  Paul  the 
Fourth  for  leave  to  create  fourteen  bishoprics  and  three  archbishoprics.  The 
chief  difficulty  lay  in  providing  for  the  support  of  the  new  digniUries.  On 
consultation  with  Granvelle,  who  had  not  been  advised  of  the  scheme  till  after 
Piiilip's  application  to  Rome,  it  was  arranged  that  the  income  should  be 
furnished  by  the  abbey  lands  of  the  respective  dioceses,  and  that  the  abbeys 
themselves  should  hereafter  be  placed  under  the  control  of  priors  or  provosts 
depeiidin"-  altogether  on  the  bishops.  Meanwhile,  untd  the  bulls  should  be 
received  from  Rome,  it  was  determined  to  keep  the  matter  profoundly  secret 
It  was  easy  to  foresee  that  a  storm  of  opposition  would  arise,  not  only  among 
those  immediately  interested  in  preserving  the  present  order  of  things,  but 
among  the  great  body  of  the  nobles,  who  would  look  with  an  evil  eye  on  the 
admission  into  their  ranks  of  so  large  a  number  of  persons  servilely  devoted  to 

the  interests  of  the  crown.*  ,      .^,         .     e  xi. 

Having  concluded  his  arrangements  for  the  internal  settleinent  of  the 
country,  Philip  naturally  turned  his  thoughts  towards  Spam.  He  was  the 
more  desirous  of  returning  thither  from  the  reports  he  received  that  even 
that  orthodox  land  was  becoming  every  day  more  tainted  with  the  heretical 
doctrines  so  rife  in  the  neighbouring  countries.  There  were  no  hostilities  to 
detain  him  longer  m  the  Netherlands,  now  that  the  war  with  France  had  been 
brou'^ht  to  a  close.  The  provinces,  as  we  have  already  stated,  had  furnished 
the  king  with  important  aid  for  carrying  on  that  war,  by  the  grant  of  a  stipu- 
lated aiinual  tax  for  nine  years.  This  had  not  proved  ecjual  to  his  necessities. 
It  was  in  vain,  however,  to  expect  any  further  concessions  from  the  states. 
They  had  borne  not  without  murmurs  the  heavy  burdens  laid  on  them  by 
Charles, -a  monarch  whom  they  loved.  They  bore  still  more  impatiently  the 
impositions  of  a  prince  whom  they  loved  so  little  as  Philip.  Yet  the  latter 
seemed  ready  to  make  any  sacrifice  of  his  permanent  interests  for  such  tem- 
porary relief  as  would  extricate  him  from  his  present  embarrassments.  His 
correspondence  with  Granvelle  on  the  subject,  unfolding  the  suicidal  schemes 
which  he  submitted  to  that  minister,  might  form  an  edifying  chapter  in  the 
financial  history  of  that  day.«  The  difficulty  of  carrying  on  the  government 
of  the  Netheriands  in  this  crippled  state  of  the  finances  doubtless  strengthened 
the  desire  of  the  monarch  to  return  to  his  native  land,  where  the  manners  and 
habits  of  the  people  were  so  much  more  congenial  with  his  own. 

Before  leaving  the  country,  it  was  necessary  to  provide  a  suitable  person  to 
whom  the  reins  of  government  might  be  mtrusted.    The  duke  of  Savoy,  who 


V 


Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i. 
p.  94.— Historia  <1e  los  Alborotos  de  Fliindes, 

SOT  el  Caballero  Renom  de  Francia,  Seftor  de 
loyelles,  y  Presidente  de   Malinas,  MS.— 
Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas.  fol.  31. 
•  See,  in  particular,  the  king's  letter  in 


which  he  proposes  to  turn  to  his  own  account 
the  wnking-fund  provided  by  the  states  for 
the  discharge  of  the  debt  they  had  already 
contracted  for  him,  Papiers  d'fitat  de  Gran- 
velle, torn.  V.  p.  594. 


154  SYSTEM  ESTABLISHED  BY  PHILIP. 

since  the  emperoi-'s  abdication,  had  held  the  post  of  regent,  was  now  to  return 
to  his  own  dominions,  restored  to  him  by  the  treaty  of  Cateau-Cambre^is. 
There  were  several  persons  who  presented  themselves  for  this  responsible 
ortice  in  the  Netherlands.  One  of  the  most  prominent  was  Lamoral,  prmce 
of  Gavre,  count  of  Egmont,  the  hero  of  St.  Quentin  and  of  Grayelmes.  ihe 
illustrious  house  from  which  he  was  descended,  his  chivalrous  spirit,  his  frank 
and  orenerous  l)earing,  no  less  than  his  brilliant  military  achievements,  had  made 
him  Ihe  idol  of  the  people.  There  were  some  who  insisted  that  these  achieve- 
ments inferred  rather  the  successful  soldier  than  the  great  captain,^  and  that, 
whiUever  merit  he  could  boast  in  the  field,  it  was  no  proof  of  his  capacity  for  so 
important  a  civil  station  as  that  of  governor  of  the  Netherlands.  Yet  it  could 
not  be  doubted  that  his  nomination  would  be  most  acceptable  to  the  people. 
This  did  not  recommend  him  to  Philip.  ,        .,     ,  •  _, 

Another  candidate  was  Christine,  duchess  of  Lorraine,  the  king's  cousin. 
The  large  estates  of  her  house  lay  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Netherlands. 
She  had  shown  her  talent  for  political  affairs  by  the  part  she  had  taken  in 
effecting  the  arrangements  of  Cateau-Cambresis.  The  pnnce  of  Orange, 
lately  become  a  widower,  was  desirous,  it  was  said,  of  marrying  her  daughter. 
Neither  did  this  prove  a  recommendation  with  Philip,  who  was  by  no  means 
anxious  to  raise  the  house  of  Orange  higher  in  the  scale,  still  ess  to  intrust 
it  with  the  destinies  of  the  Netherlands.  In  a  word,  the  monarch  had  no  mind 
to  confide  the  regency  of  the  country  to  any  one  of  its  powerful  nobles. 

The  individual  on  whom  the  king  at  length  decided  to  bestow  this  mark  of 
his  confidence  was  his  half-sister,  Margaret,  duchess  of  Parma.  She  was  the 
natural  daughter  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  born  about  four  years  before  his 
marriage  with  Isabella  of  Portugal.  Margaret's  mother,  Margaret  Vander 
Gheenst,  belonged  to  a  noble  Flemish  house.  Her  parents  both  died  during 
her  infancy.  The  little  orphan  was  received  into  the  family  of  Count  Hoo^- 
straten,  who,  with  his  wife,  reared  her  with  the  same  tenderness  as  they  did 
their  own  offspring.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  she  was  unfortunate  enough  to 
attract  the  eye  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  who,  then  in  his  twenty-third  year,  was 
captivated  by  the  charms  of  the  Flemish  maiden.  Margaret's  virtue  was  not 
proof  against  the  seductions  of  her  royal  suitor ;  and  the  victim  of  love— or  of 
vanity— became  the  mother  of  a  child,  who  received  her  own  name  of 
Margaret. 

The  emperor's  aunt,  then  regent  of  the  Netherlands,  took  charge  of  the 
infant ;  and  on  the  death  of  that  princess  she  was  taken  into  the  family  of  the 
emperor's  sister,  Mary,  queen  of  Hungary,  who  succeeded  in  the  regency. 
Margaret's  birth  did  not  long  remain  a  secret ;  and  she  received  an  education 
suited  to  the  high  station  she  was  to  occupy  in  life.  When  only  twelve  years 
of  age,  the  emperor  gave  her  in  marriage  to  Alexander  de'  Medici,  grand  duke 
of  Tuscany,  some  fifteen  years  older  than  herself.  The  ill-fated  connection 
did  not  subsist  lon^,  as  before  twelve  months  had  elapsed  it  was  terminated 
by  the  violent  deatn  of  her  husband. 

When  she  had  reached  the  age  of  womanhood,  the  hand  of  the  young  widow 
was  bestowed,  together  with  the  duchies  of  Parma  and  Placentiaas  her  dowry, 
on  Ottavio  Farnese,  grandson  of  Paul  the  Third.  The  bridegroom  was  but 
twelve  years  old.    Thus  again  it  was  Margaret's  misfortune  that  there  should 


MARGARET    OF    PARMA, 

REGENT    OF    THE     NETHERLANDS. 


»  "  II  Dnca  di  Sessa  et  11  Ck)nte  d'Egmont 
hano  acquistato  il  nome  di  Capitani  iiuova- 
meiite,  perche  una  giornatn  vinta  o  per  virtii 
o  per  fi'rtun;!,  una  sola  fattiune  ben  riuscita, 
porta  air  huomini  riputatione  et  grandezza." 


Relatione  di  Soriano,  MS. 

•  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  lib.  i.  p.  42  — 
Francia,  Alborotos  de  Flandes,  MS.— Bentl 
voglio,  Guerra  dl  Fiandra,  p.  25. 


MARGARET    OF    PARMA, 
REGENT    OF    THE     NETHERLANDS. 


ri 


MARGARET  OF  PARMA  REGENT. 


155 


be  such  disparity  between  her  own  age  and  that  of  her  husband  as  to  exdude 
anything  hke  sympathy  or  similarity  in  their  tastes.  In  the  present  instance, 
the  boyish  years  of  Ottavio  inspired  her  with  a  sentiment  not  very  ditterent 
from  contempt,  that  in  later  life  settled  into  an  inditierence  in  which  both 
parties  appear  to  have  shared,  and  which,  as  a  contemporary  remarks  with 
naivete,  was  only  softened  into  a  kindlier  feeling  when  the  husband  and  Mife  had 
been  long  separated  from  each  other.*  In  truth,  Margaret  was  too  ambitious 
of  power  to  look  on  her  husband  in  any  other  light  than  that  of  a  nval. 

In  her  general  demeanour,  her  air,  her  gait,  she  bore  great  resemblance  to 
her  aunt,  the  regent.  Like  her,  Margaret  was  excessively  fond  of  hunting, 
and  she  followed  the  chase  with  an  intrepidity  that  might  have  daunt^  the 
courage  of  the  keenest  sportsman.  She  had  but  little  of  the  natural  softness 
that  belongs  to  the  sex,  but  in  her  whole  deportment  was  singularly  mascu- 
line :  so  that,  to  render  the  words  of  the  historian  by  a  homely  phrase,  in  her 
woman's  dress  she  seemed  like  a  man  in  petticoats."  As  if  to  add  to  the 
illusion,  Nature  had  given  her  somewhat  of  a  beard  ;  and,  to  crown  the  whole, 
the  malady  to  which  she  was  constitutionally  subject  was  a  disease  to  which 
women  are  but  rarely  liable,— the  gout.'»    It  was  good  evidence  of  her  descent 

from  Charles  the  Fifth.  i.  j    x-+  4.«  «*  *\.^ 

Though  masculine  in  her  appearance,  Margaret  was  not  destitute  ot  the 
kindlier  qualities  which  are  the  glory  of  her  sex.  Her  disposition  was  good  ; 
but  she  relied  much  on  the  advice  of  others,  and  her  more  objectionable  acts 
may  probably  be  referred  rather  to  their  influence  than  to  any  inclination  ot 

Her  understanding  was  excellent,  her  apprehension  quick.  She  showed 
much  versatility  in  accommodating  herself  to  the  exigencies  of  her  position,  as 
well  as  adroitness  in  the  management  of  affairs,  which  she  mav  have  acquired 
in  the  schools  of  Italian  politics.  In  religion  she  was  as  orthodox  as  I'hilip  the 
Second  could  desire.  The  famous  Ignatius  Loyola  had  been  her  confessor  m 
early  days.  The  lessons  of  humility  which  he  inculcated  were  not  lost  on  her, 
as  may  be  inferred  from  the  care  she  took  to  perform  the  ceremony,  m  Holy 
Week,  of  washing  the  dirty  feet-she  preferred  them  m  this  condition-of 
twelve  poor  maidens ;  "  outstripping,  in  this  particular,  the  humdity  of  the 
pope  himself.  Such  was  the  character  of  Margaret,  duchess  of  Parma,  who 
now,  in  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  her  age,  was  called,  at  a  most  critical  period, 
to  take  the  helm  of  the  Netherlands.  ,.  ,    ^.      *    i,     «u  „„j  *^ 

The  appointment  seems  to  have  given  equal  satisfaction  to  hersell  ana  to 
her  husband,  and  no  objection  was  made  to  Philip's  purpose  of  taking  back 
with  him  to  Castile  their  little  son,  Alexander  Farnese,-a  name  destined  to 
become  in  later  times  so  renowned  in  the  Netherlands.  The  avowed  Purpose 
was  to  give  the  boy  a  training  suited  to  his  rank,  under  the  eye  of  PhiUp  ; 
combined  with  which,  according  to  the  historian,  was  the  desire  of  holding  a 
hostage  for  the  fidelity  of  Marmiret  and  of  her  husband,  whose  dominions  m 
Italy  lay  contiguous  to  those  of  Philip  in  that  country. » 

Early  in  June,  1559,  Margaret  of  Parma,  having  reached  the  Low  Countries, 


•  Strada,  De  Bello  Belglco,  lib.  I.  p.  52. 

"»  "Sed  etiam  habitus  quidam  corporis 
incessusque,  quo  non  Um  femina  sortita  viri 
Hpiritus,  quam  vir  ementitus  veste  feminam 
videretur."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

"  "Necdeerat  aliqua  mento  superiorique 
labello  barbula :  ex  qua  virilis  ei  nou  magis 
gpecies, quam au'toritas conciliabatur.  lmn)5, 
quod  ruro  in  mulieres,  ncc  nisi  in  prajvalidas 


cadit,  podagrfi  Idemtidem  laborabat."    Ibid., 

p.  63. 

'«  ••  Ob  earn  causam  singulis  annls,  turn  In 
sanctiori  hebdomada,  duodenis  paiiperibus 
pueUis  pedes  (quos  a  pordibus  purgatos  ante 
vetuerat)abluebat."    Ibid.,  ubi  eupra. 

"  Ibid.,  pp.  46-53,  543.— Cabrera,  Finpe 
Scgundo.  lib.  v.  cap.  2.  —  Vand.  rvynckt. 
Troubles  dts  Pays-HaB,  torn.  li.  p.  13. 


156  SYSTEM  ESTABLISHED  BY  PHILIP. 

„>ade  her  entrance  in  great  state  !".*«  Brvf^ti^^'nob™  oKy 

^t".,'^ZSL'^^\^''^^r^^^  rtKurt  Ms*  £.^rture     H, 
The  presence  of  the  court  was  ^f  «]^^^^^,f.,.^^^V^^^^^^  Golden 

from  the  simple  noramation  of  the  monarch.  nu^nf     Thp 

On  thP  eiu-hth  of  August  the  states-general  assembled  at  Ghent,     ine 

^,Hnn  Litioii     Rumours  had  gone  abroad,  probably  with  exaggeration,  of 

wwld  I  off  orlhat  rlSn  suit  tL  people  of  the  Netherlands.  The  Inqmsi^n 
^1^  m  Santed  to  men  accustomed  from  their  cradles  to  freedom  of  thought 
l^  irtton  Pereecution  was  not  to  l^  justified  in  matters  of  conscience,  and 
men  werTnot  tX  S^     from  spiritual  error  by  violence,  but  by  gentle- 

""nXVaTS^^^  forth  the  invective  of  the  FJemish  orators  w^^  tl^ 
T^rP^Pnce  of  a  larc^e  body  of  foreign  troops  in  the  country.  When  Philip  dis- 
Cfpd  h?s  forcel'after  the  French  war  Ld  terminated,  there  still  remained  a 
coTifs  of  t^  J^^^^^^  amounting  to  some  three  or  four  housaiKl 

which  he  thought  proper  to  retain  in  the  western  provmces.  His  avowed 
)^hWt  WIS  to  nrotect  the  country  from  any  violence  on  the  part  of  the  French. 
KrrlelZS^  by  hinfwas  the  difficulty  ^^^^^^^^^^  to  f>ay  th^ 

irrpirs  The  true  motive,  m  the  opinion  of  tlie  states,  was  lo  eniorte  ine 
exemtionof  thenew  measures  and  overcome  any  lesistance  tliat  might  be 

^mle  in  the  country.  These  troops,  Uke  ™t»a*»'^mril  Jfsnect  of  tfe^A  s 
served  for  Blunder  quite  as  much  a.s  for  pay,  had  as  httle  respect  tor  ine  ri„iiu 
or  the  pro^rty  of  their  allies  as  for  those  of  their  enemies.  Jhey  qua  tmel 
LinXTon  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  the  country,  and  obtained  ful  «.i  - 
leusatiou  for  loss  of  pay  by  a  system  of  rapme  and  extortion  that  beggarert 
"  VMHiervynckt,  Troubles  dC8  Paj8-B«s,  torn.  II.  p.  21. 


I 


I 


1 


i.         '^ 


SPIRITED  CONDUCT  OF  THE  STATES-GENERAL.        157 

the  people  and  drove  them  to  desperation.  Conflicts  with  the  soldiery  occasion- 
ally occurred,  and  in  some  parts  the  peasantry  even  refused  to  repair  the  dikes, 
in  order  to  lay  the  country  under  water  rather  than  submit  to  such  outrages  1 
"How  is  it,'^  exclaimed  the  bold  syndic  of  Ghent,  "that  we  find  foreign 
soldiers  thus  quartered  on  us,  in  open  violation  of  our  liberties  ?  Are  not  our 
own  troops  able  to  protect  us  from  the  dangers  of  invasion?  Must  we  be 
ground  to  the  dust  by  the  exactions  of  these  mercenaries  in  peace,  after  being 
burdened  with  the  maintenance  of  them  in  war  ? "  These  remonstrances  were 
followed  by  a  petition  to  the  throne,  signed  by  members  of  the  other  orders  as 
well  as  the  commons,  requesting  that  the  king  would  be  graciously  pleased  to 
respect  the  privileges  of  the  nation  and  send  back  the  foreign  troops  to  their 

own  homes.  ,     ,  ^  i.    i  •    -j 

Philip,  who  sat  in  the  assembly  with  his  sister,  the  future  regent,  by  his  side, 
was  not  prepared  for  this  independent  spirit  in  the  burghers  of  the  Nether- 
lands The  royal  ear  had  been  little  accustomed  to  this  strain  of  invective 
from  the  subject.  For  it  was  rare  that  the  tone  of  remonstrance  was  heard 
in  the  halls  of  Castilian  legislation,  since  the  power  of  the  commons  had 
been  broken  on  the  field  of  Villalar.  Unable  or  unwilling  to  conceal  his 
displeasure,  the  king  descended  from  his  throne  and  abruptly  quitted  the 

assembly."  .  „    ,     ,       , ,         x  u-   •  j- 

Yet  he  did  not,  hke  Charles  the  First  of  England,  rashly  vent  his  mdigna- 
tion  by  imprisoning  or  persecuting  the  members  who  had  roused  it.     Even  the 
stout  syndic  of  Ghent  was  allowed  to  go  unharmed.    Philip  looked  above  hini 
to  a  mark  more  worthy  of  his  anger,— to  those  of  the  higher  orders  who  had 
encouraged  the  spirit  of  resistance  in  the  commons.    The  most  active  of  these 
malecontents  was  William  of  Orange.     That  noble,  as  it  may  be  remembered, 
was  one  of  the  hostages  who  remained  at  the  court  of  Henry  the  Second  for 
the  fulfilment  of  the  treaty  of  Cateau-Cambresis.    While  there,  a  strange  dis- 
c'osure  was  made  to  the  prince  by  the  French  monarch,  who  told  him  that, 
through  the  duke  of  Alva,  a  secret  treaty  had  been  entered  into  with  his 
master,  the  king  of  Spain,  for  the  extirpation  of  heresy  throughout  their 
dominions.     This  inconsiderate  avowal  of  the  French  king  was  made  to 
William  on  the  supposition  that  he  was  stanch  in  the  Roman  Catholic  faith 
and  entirely  in  his  master's  confidence.   Whatever  may  have  been  the  pnnce  s 
claims  to  orthodoxv  at  this  period,  it  is  certain  he  was  not  in  Philips  con- 
fidence.   It  is  equally  certain  that  he  possessed  one  Christian  virtue  which 
belonged  neither  to  Philip  nor  to  Henry,— the  virtue  of  toleration.   .Greatly 
shocked  by  the  intelligence  he  had  received,  William  at  once  communicated  it 
to  several  of  his  friends  in  the  Netherlands.   One  of  the  letters,  unfortunately, 
fell  into  Philip's  hands.    The  prince  soon  after  obtained  permission  to  return 
to  his  own  country,  bent,  as  he  tells  us  in  his  Apolognr,on  ridding  it  of  the 
Spanish  vermin.'"    PhiUp,  who  understood  the  temper  of  his  mmd,  had  his  eye 
on  his  movements,  and  knew  well  to  what  source,  in  part  at  least,  he  was  to 
attribute  the  present  opposition.     It  was  not  long  after  that  a  Castihan 
courtier  intimated  to  the  prince  of  Orange  and  to  Egmont  that  it  would  be 
well  for  them  to  take  heed  to  themselves,— that  the  names  of  those  who  had 
signed  the  petition  for  the  removal  of  the  troops  had  been  noted  down,  and 


»»  Bentivogllo,  Guerra  di  Fiandra,  p.  2Y,  et 
seq.— Cabrera,  Filipe  Seguiido,  lib.  v.  cap.  2. 
— Strado,  De  Bell«.  Belgico,  lib.  i.  p.  67.— 
Vandervynckt,  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas,  torn, 
il  p.  22.— Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas,  fol. 
a4.— Schiller,  Abfall  der  Niederlande,  p.  84. 


»«  "  Je  confesse  que  je  fus  tellement  esmeu 
de  piti6  et  de  compassion  que  des  lore  j'entre- 
pris  a  bon  escient  d'ayder  a  faire  chasser  cett« 
vermine  d'Espaignols  bors  de  ce  Pays." 
Apology  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  ap.  Dumont, 
Corps  diplomatique,  torn.  v.  p.  393. 


I 


158  SYSTEM  ESTABLISHED  BY  PHILIP. 

that  Philip  and  his  council  were  resolve.!,  when  a  fitting  occasion  offered,  to 

call  them  to  a  heavy  reckoning'  for  tneir  tenieriiy.  promise  the 

of  his  ministers,  more  hardy  t^f  the  rest,  venture^^^^^^  p.ovi.ices, 

perseverance  in  this  policy  might  cost  him  *»«  sovereignly  »  ^  „  „_^„ 

i^  Better  not  reign  at  all,"  he  »»«."«  ^fj  ,'i^*"uS'V"'^^^^^^^^^^ 
answer  extolled  by  some  as  the  height  of  th«  ^"^i'  V^^j  T must  be  admitted 

Ll=-iretylXperlrWiWp^^^^^^^^ 

""Sirdtolvin.  the  states-general,  Philip, "Hi? mo'iairotul"  Spff 

--;,.f:i^Sy3rr=cer^ 

l^^L^tl^tt'^strd'^srrerrrirpei^^^^^  trSrl^aro-seSd  his 
son  Don  Carlos  as  his  representative.  ^«+r„i     tVipv  moAp  no 

privy  council,  and  lastly  Granvelle,  bishop  of  Arras. 


'■'  "Que  le  Roi  et  son  Conseil  avoyent 
arreste  que  tous  ceux  qui  avoicnt  conscnti  et 
Biirne  la  Requeste.  par  laqueUe  on  demandoit 
que  U  Gendarmerie  Espaignolle  8  en  aUast, 
qu'on  auroit  souvneance  de  lea  chastier  avec 
le  temps,  et  quand  la  coinmodite  s'en  presen- 
teroit,  et  qu'il  lea  en  advertissoit  commc  amy. 
Meteren,  Hist,  dea  Pays-Bas,  fol.  25. 


••Clie  egll  voleva  piuttosto  rcBtar  senza 
regnl,  che  possedergli  con  I'eresia."  Benti- 
voglio,  Guerra  di  Fiandra,  p.  31. 

"  Ranke,  Si»ani8li  Kmpire,  p.  81.— bchiller, 
Abfall  der  Niederlande,  p.  85.-Jtenl.ivoplio, 
Gti.rra  di  Fiandra,  p.  27.— Strada.  De  Bello 
Belgico,  p.  57.— Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas, 
ful.  25. 


{      < 


$ 


1 


[ 


RISE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  GRANVELLE. 


159 


The  regent  was  to  act  with  the  co-operation  of  these  several  t^^dies  in  their 
resDective  departments.  In  the  conduct  of  the  government  she  wa^  to  be 
gXd  by  thT  council  of  state.  But,  by  private  instr^^^HTh^L^l^^v'm^^^^^^^ 
tS  a  more  delicate  nature,  invdving  tlie  tra^^^^^y  ^f^^^  Teh  ^fe  or 
be  first  submitted  to  a  select  portion  of  this  council ;  and  in  ^^^h/^^^^^J 
when  a  spirit  of  faction  had  crept  into  the  council,  the  regent,  il  s^«  ^^^^f" 
Tt  for  the^interest  of  the  state,  niight  adopt  the  opinion  of  ^^^/^^J^  ^.^y-^^^^^^ 
splVet  bodv  with  whom  Margaret  was  to  advise  m  the  more  important  mattere 
wt  teS  the  CoS^^^ ;  fnd  the  members  who  composed  it  were  Barlaimont, 

^teS'c^f'tht'rn^,^^^^^^^^  belonged  to  an  aiicient  Flem.^^ 

family     With  respectable  talents  and  constancy  o1  purpose,  he  was  entuely 
devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  crown.    The  second,  Vighus,  was  a  jim^  o 
extensive  erudition,  at  this  time  well  advanced  i»  y^/^',%^V    H^w^^^^^^^ 
that  might  have  pressed  heavily  on  a  man  less  patient  of  toil     H^  was  pei 
sonallv  Ittached  to  GranveUe  ;  and  as  his  views  of  government  coincided  very 
nearly  with  that  minister's,  Vighus  was  much  under  his  influence     The  la.st 
of  the  three,  Granvelle,  from  his  large  aaiuaintance  with  a^^^^^^^ 

adroitness  in  managing  them  wa.s  far  ^X^^^^A^,  ^/u  '^"'ef^^^^^^^    may  b^ 
soon  acquired  such  an  a^scendeiicy  over  t|iem  ^hatj:he jov^^i"^^^ 
said  to  have  rested  on  his  shoulders.    As  there  is  no  man  who  for  sofie  years 
s  to  take  so  prominent  a  part  in  the  story  of  ^^^  Jf  ^?^^^^^^^^^^ 
proper  to  introduce  the  reader  to  some  acquaintance  with  his  ^arher  h  s^^. 

Aiithonv  Perrenot-whose  name  of  Granvelle  was  denved  from  an  estate 
t)uVcSd  bf hTs^  a^^^  born  in  the  year  1517,  at  Besan9on,  a  town  m 

Canche  Comt"      His  father,  Nicholas  Perrenot,  founded  the  fortunes  of  the 
faiii  ly  a^^^         the  h  imble  condition  of  a  poor  country  attorney  rose  to  the 

he  emnloved  not  merely  in  ofticial  business,  but  .r    diplomatic  "^if  ^^^^^^^ 
^ftft^mDortance     In  sLrt,  he  possessed  the  confidence  of  the  emneror  to  a 
SSyld  by  no  other'subject ;  and  when  the  chancellor  die(f,jn  1550 

S  pro^^^^^^  chancellor  bestowed  much  pains  Personally  on  his 

It  was  not  till  later  that  the  seminary  of  Douay  was  founded,  undei  tiie 


»°  The  existence  of  such  a  confidential  body 
proved  a  fruitful  source  of  disaster.  Tbe 
names  of  the  parties  who  composed  it  are  not 
eiven  in  the  instructions  to  the  regent^  which 
leave  all  to  h»T  discretion.  According  to 
Strada.  however,  the  royal  will  in  the  matter 
was  plainly  intimated  by  Philip.  (De  Bello 
Belgico,  tom.  i.  p.  57.)  Copies  of  the  regent  s 
commission,  as  well  as  of  two  documents,  tbe 
one  endorsed  as  "private,"  the  other  as 
"secret"  instructions,  and  all  three  bearing 
thp  date  of  August  8th,  1559.  are  to  be  found 
entire  in  the  Correspondance  de  Philippe  ii.. 


tom.  ii.  Appendix,  Nos.  2-4. 

»  "Ma  non  val  tanto  alcuno  dell  altri  ne 
tutt'  insieme  quanto  Monsr.  d'  Aras  solo,  1 1 
quale,  per  U  gran  giudicio  che  ha  et  per  la 
lunga  prattica  del  governo  del  mondo,  et  nel 
tenter  1'  imprese  grandi  piu  accorto  et  piu 
animoso  di  tutti,  piu  destro  et  piii  sicuro  ne 
roaneggiaile,  et  nel  finirle  piu  constante  et 
piu  risoluto."    Relatione  di  Soriano,  MS. 

■'•'  "  Mio  figliuolo,  et  io  e  vol  habbiamo  perso 
un  buon  letto  di  riposo, "-literally,  a  gt>od 
bed  to  repose  on.  Leti,  Vita  di  Filippo  11., 
tom.  i.  p.  195. 


160  SYSTEM  ESTABLISHED  BY  PHILIP. 

•nn.  nf  PhiHn  the  Second."  At  the  university  the  young  Pen-enot  soon 
auspices  of  Ph  Up  the  ^f  J"^  -  ^jj  '  x  jji^.  mind,  the  acuteness  of  his  per- 
distinscuished  himself  b/  the  vivacity  oini  si  m     ,  j^  ^j         ygj-s  of 

of  seven  languages  so  as  to  ^^'^f'^^J^J^^^^^^^  ^f  the  youth  of  his  own  a.ue. 
seemed  to  have Tittie  re  ish  for  ^^«  *™"ffX  "this  i  c^nt  application  his 
His  greatest  amusement  wa^  a  hook    ^l^^^^jj'^  '  "^^^^^  ^  ^ 

support  to  his  adm.mst.mt  on  th^^^^  ^,^^  ^^^  1^^,,,^ 

rtrnJ'respUrTielomlti'e  em^^^^^^^^^  <>'-.  f^^"^^ 

^^^  T.  Se°^'Ut  Ih^lpP^f  ^^^^^^^^^^    n  it  had  been  so  written,  it 

"l!?e"y"erenrg'GSn\:rpreL?t^U?n'reU  before  the  emf^ror  and  .read  ^ 
Kim  rte  nroeramme  he  haS  prepared  of  the  business  of  the  fol  owing  day, 
»\?h  W,  ownr  estions «  ^'he  foreign  ambassadors  who  resided  at  the 
Inrt  were  lurori^f  to  find  the  new  minister  so  entirely  n  the  secrets  of  his 
r.  J  «n,1  tSt  he  was  as  well  instructed  in  all  their  doings  as  the  emperor 
E3.»    In  l"e  ^nfidence  of  Charles,  given  slowty  and  with  much 


"  A  principal  motive  of  Philip  the  Second 
in  founding  this  university,  according  to 
Hopper,  was  to  give  Flemings  the  means  of 
KettiiiK  a  knowledge  of  the  French  language 
without  going  abroad  into  foreign  countries 
for  it  Recueil  et  Memorial  des  1  roubles  des 
Pays-Bas,  cap.  2,  ap.  Hoynck,  AnalecU  Bel- 

irica,  torn.  ii. 

"  "On  remarque  de  lui  ce  qu'on  avott 
remarque  de  Cesar,  et  meme  d'une  fagon  plus 
Binguliere,  c'est  quMl  occupoit  cinq  secretaires 
&  la  fois.  en  leur  dicUnt  des  lettres  en  diffe- 
rentes  langues."    Levesque   Memolres  pour 


seryir  a  I'Histoire  du  Cardinal  de  Granvclle 
(Pari?,  1753),  torn.  i.  p.  215. 

-»  "  Di  modo  che  ogni  sera  sopra  un  fogUo 
di  carta  che  lor  ( hiamano  beliero  e<so  Gran- 
vela  manda  all'  Imperatore  il  suo  parere  del 
quale  sopra  li  negotii  del  siguente  giurno  sua 
maestli  ha  da  fare."     Relatione  di  Soriano, 

MS.  .    , 

»•  "  Havendo  prima  lui  senza  nsolvere  cosa 
alcuna  mandata  ogn'  informatione  et  ogiil 
particolare  negotiatione  con  gli  AmbasciaUjrt 
et  altri  ad  esso  Monsignore.  di  mo«lo  che  et  lo 
et  tuttl  gl' altri  Ambascialori  sisono  avvedutl 


■%- 


RISE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  GRANVELLB. 


161 


liesitation,  was  at  length  bestowed  as  freely  on  the  son  as  it  had  been  on  the 
father.  The  two  Granvelles  may  be  truly  said  to  have  been  the  two  persons 
who  most  ix)ssessed  the  confidence  of  the  emperor,  from  the  time  that  he  took 
the  reins  of  government  into  his  own  hands. 

When  raised  to  the  see  of  Arras.  Granvelle  was  but  twenty-five  years  old. 
It  is  rare  that  the  mitre  has  descended  on  a  man  of  a  more  ambitious  spirit. 
Yet  Granvelle  was  not  averse  to  the  good  things  of  the  world,  nor  altogether 
insensible  to  its  pomps  and  vanities.  He  affected  great  state  in  his  manner 
of  living,  and  thus  necessity,  no  less  than  taste,  led  him  to  covet  the  posses- 
sion of  wealth  as  well  as  of  power.  He  obtained  both ;  and  his  fortunes  were 
rapidly  advancing  when,  by  the  abdication  of  his  royal  master,  the  sceptre 
passed  into  the  hands  of  Philip  the  Second. 

Charles  recommended  Granvelle  to  his  son  as  every  way  deserving  of  his 
confidence.  Granvelle  knew  that  the  best  recommendation— the  only  effectual 
one— must  come  from  himself.  He  studied  carefully  the  character  of  his  new 
sovereign,  and  showed  a  wonderful  flexibility  in  conforming  to  his  humours. 
The  ambitious  minister  proved  himself  no  stranger  to  those  arts  by  which 
great  minds,  as  well  as  Uttle  ones,  sometimes  condescend  to  push  their  for- 
tunes in  a  court. 

Yet,  in  truth,  Granvelle  did  not  always  do  violence  to  his  own  inclinations 
in  conforming  to  those  of  Philip.  Like  the  king,  he  did  not  come  rapidly  to 
results,  but  pondered  long,  and  viewed  a  question  in  all  its  bearings,  before 
arriving  at  a  decision.  He  had,  as  we  have  seen,  the  same  patient  spirit  of 
application  as  Philip,  so  that  both  may  be  said  to  have  found  their  best  recrea- 
tion in  labour.  Neither  was  he  less  zealous  than  the  king  for  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  true  faith,  though  his  accommodating  nature,  if  left  to  itself, 
might  have  sanctioned  a  different  policy  from  that  dictated  by  the  stern, 
uncompromising  spirit  of  his  master. 

Granvelle's  influence  was  further  aided  by  the  charms  of  his  personal  inter- 
course. His  polished  and  insinuating  manners  seem  to  have  melted  even  the 
icy  reserve  of  Philip.  He  maintained  his  influence  by  his  singidar  tact  in 
suggesting  hints  for  carrying  out  his  master's  policy,  in  such  a  way  that  the 
suggestion  might  seem  to  have  come  from  the  king  himself.  Thus  careful  not 
to  alarm  the  jealousy  of  his  sovereign,  he  was  content  to  forego  the  semblance 
of  power  for  the  real  possession  of  if 

It  was  soon  seen  that  he  was  as  well  settled  in  the  confidence  of  Philip  as 
he  had  previously  been  in  that  of  Charles.*    Notwithstanding  the  apparent 


essendo  rimesse  a  Monaignor  Gran  vela  che 
sua  Eccellenza  ha  inteso  ogiii  particolare  et 
quasi  ogni  parola  pa>8ata  fra  l'  Imperatore  et 
loro."    Relatione  di  Soriano,  MS. 

"  A  striking  example  of  the  manner  in 
which  Granvelle  conveyed  his  own  views  to 
the  king  is  shown  by  a  letter  to  Philip  dated 


Brussels,  July  l7th,  1559,  in  which  the 
minister  suggests  the  arguments. that  might 
be  used  to  the  authorities  of  Brabant  for 
enforcing  the  edicts.  The  letter  shows,  too, 
that  GranveUf,  if  p'issessed  naturally  of  a 
more  tolerant  spirit  than  Philip,  could  accom- 
modate himself  so  far  to  the  opposite  temper 


*  [This  is  greatly  overstated.  At  the  ac- 
cession of  Philip,  and  during  his  stay  in  the 
Netherlands,  Granvelle  found  his  position 
very  different  from  that  which  he  had  occupied 
uncler  Charles.  The  jealousy  of  Ruy  Gomez, 
the  king's  favourite,  and  of  the  other  Spanish 
ministers,  was  too  watchful  to  allow  the  in- 
sinuating and  serviceable  Franche-comlois  to 
ohtain  any  piTsonal  influence  with  Philip. 
His  opposition  to  the  war  with  the  pope,  attri- 
buted to  his  desire  fur  the  cardinalate,  in- 


creased the  disfavour  into  which  he  had 
fallen.  He  attended  the  meetings  of  the 
council  only  when  summoned,  which  was  very 
rarely.  (See  the  Relazioni  of  Badoro  and 
Soriano.)  His  rivals  were  very  willing  that 
he  should  be  left  at  Brussels  as  chief  minister 
of  the  regent.  But  his  own  ambition  was  to 
fill  the  same  post  in  the  cabinet  at  Madrid ; 
and  he  attained  this  object  many  years  later, 
when  the  situation  of  affairs  rcnderai  his 
knowledge  and  talents  indispensable. — En.] 

M 


*1* 


VANDERVYNCKT. 


1G3 


160  SYSTEM  ESTABLISHED  BY  PHILIP. 

dilribution  of  power  between  the  regent  and^^^^^^^^^^^^  tr  S 

ments  ni-vle  by  the  k>"P«,^« '"5 ^^  ^  *°  *ie  ^^afforded  of  the  same  man 
hands  of  GranveUe.    T^u^J"' ^f  ^^^^  Granvelle  did  not 

continning  the  favounte  of  Uo  successwe  so  «    „  necessity  of  the 

escape  the  usual  fate  of  fa^°""^Vid  not  w  his  elevation  bear  his  faculties 

•^'-i^r  leaving  the  Netherlands  Philip  na^^^^^^^^^ 

nrovinces,-the  nommations.  for  the  mo^t  TO  "",'J„  "  j  Artois :  the  prince 
?n  office.'  Esmonthad  the  governments  oFlanden^^ aM 
of  Orange,  those  of  Holland,  Zealand  ^  trecnt,  anu  ^^ 

commission  to  William,  "'"""'? '"A  ^^10  the  enSr  and  Sis  present 
and  notable  servkes  he  had  rendered  toth  to  the  em|«  ^^^  ^^^ 

fhe  continnance  of  these  detested  t;,»«P^ 'V- the  co.mtry  ^^^  ^^ 

Phihp  had  a»xio"sly  waited  for  tearriva  of  anxiously 

anthori^  tlie  erection  of  the  h'^hoprics.   Granvelte  k^^^  ^^^^ 

for  it    He  had  ™a<l  f^^^^^tncl  nSVa^e  Xded  some  Llte'r  froin 

tSre,-too  late  ff  him  o  witness  tep^^^^^^^  ^j  August  the 

Having  completed  all  his  f  ™"f«'"^"^A  of  pinshine,  lay  a  gallant  fleet, 

king.proceed^i  to  2«'-;5fj;;;S^;^',^,^i4''^Ps:a^^^^   I  Ste/of  Sfty  Spanish 

waiting  to  talie  him  and  the  royal  «'"t^  »  °P„j  '  :,tuaii^    for  a  much  longer 

r\^'^thVw:--"tn^^^^^ 

ffish  nobU'together.  with  the  .^J-g^^^^tTat  Uk^  pte  Se  "1 

duchess  of  Savoy.    A  curious  scene  fjffrt^.^^^^^^^     .^,™  of  Orange,  who 

areifdThr^th^e"=^«^^^^ 

Witionw.^^^^ 


of  his  master  M  to  furnish  him  with  some 
very  plausible  grounds  for  persecution. 
Papiers  d'gtat  de  Oranvelle,  torn.  v.  p.  614 

"  Levesque,  Meinoires  de  GranveUe,  torn, 
i    p    207,  ct  seq.-Courchetet,  Histoire  du 
Cardinal  de  Granvelle  (Bnixelles,  1784).  torn, 
i.,  passim. -Strada,l)e  Bello  Belgico,  p.  85.- 
Burcon,  Life  of  Gresham,  vol.  i.  p.  267.— lUe 
author  of  th"  Memoires  de  GranveUe  was  a 
niemljer  of  a  Ben'  dictine  convent  in  Besan^on, 
which,  by  a  sinpular  chance,  became  possessed 
of  the    manuscripts   of  Cardinal   Granvelle 
more  than  a  century  after  his  death.     1  ne 
good  Father  Levesque  made  but  a  very  in- 
diff  rtnt  use  of  the  rich  store  of  materials 
placed  at  his  disposal,  by  digesting  'hem  into 
two  duodecimo  volumes,  in  which  the  li' tie 
that  is  of  value  seems  to  have  l>ecn  pilleroii 
from  the  unpublished  MS.  of  a  previous  bio- 


graphpr  of  the  Cardinal.    The  work  of  the 

Benedictine,  however.  t'a«>»^^J^^"V  An  ti v^ 
ticitv.  I  shall  take  occasion  hereafter  to  give 
a  more  particular  account  of  the  GranveUe 

»»  "  En  consideration  desbons,  leaux,  nota- 
bles et  agr^ables  services  faits  par  lui,  pen- 
Sant  plu^eurs  annees,  a  feii  I'^^JP^^f"!' ;;* 
depi.is  au  Roi."    Correspondance  de  Philippe 

""•^V™ndervynckt,  Troubles  des  Tays-Ras, 
torn.  ii.  p.  ea.  et  seq.-Strada.  De  Bell,,  Bel- 
gico.  p.  40.-Hopper,  Recueil  et  Memorial, 
cap  2  -Francia,  Alborotos  de  Flandes,  MS. 

*''  The  royal  larder  seems  to  have  been  well 
8uppUed  in  the  article  of  poultry,  to  judge 
from  one  item,  mentioned  by  Meteren  of 
fift-en  thousand  capons.  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas 
torn.  i.  fol.  25. 


V  '^ 


i 


I 

i 


violently  by  the  wrist,  "  not  the  states,  but  you,  you,  you !  an  exclamation 
deriving  additional  bitterness  from  the  fact  that  the  word j/02^,  thus  employed, 
in  the  CastiUan  wa^  itself  indicative  of  contempt.  William  did  not  think  it 
prudent  to  reply,  nor  did  he  care  to  trust  himself  with  the  other  Flemish  lords 
on  board  the  royal  squadron."  .    ,    <  *„^,of 

The  royal  company  being  at  length  all  on  board,  on  the  twentieth  of  August. 
1559,  the  fleet  weighed  anchor;  and  Philip,  taking  leave  of  the  duke  and 
duchess  of  Savoy,  and  the  rest  of  the  noble  train  who  attended  his  embarka- 
tion, was  soon  wafted  from  the  shores,— to  which  he  was  never  to  return. 


""  "  Le  Roi  le  prenant  par  le  poignet,  et  le 
lui  secoilant.  repliqua  en  Espagnol,  No  Ins 
Estados,  mds  vos,  vos.  ws,  repeUnt  ce  vos  par 
trois  fois,  terme  de  mepris  chez  les  Espagnols, 
qui  veut  dire  toy,  toy  en  Fran9ois."  A  uberi, 
Memoires  pour  servir  a  I'Histoire  d'HoUande 
et  des  aulrea  Provinces- Unies  (Paris,  1711), 

"  One  might  wish  the  authority  for  this 
anecdote  better  than  it  is,  considering  that  it 


*  [Had  Auberi  been  a  "well  informed" 
writer,  he  would  not  have  ^epre^entcd  the  use 
of  the  pronoun  of  the  second  person  plural, 
in  a  ca.se  like  the  present,  as  a  mark  of  con- 
tempt, since  this  was  the  mode  in  which  the 
Spanish  sovereigns  invariably  addressed  a 
subject,  of  whatever  rank.  It  is  thus  that 
Philip  addresses  Cardinal  Granvelle  in  his 
letters,  and  that  he  himself  was  addressed  by 
Charles  V.  A  stronger  objection  to  the  story 
itself  is  its  inconsistency  with  the  tone  of  the 


LtJC-Tean-Joseph  Vandervynckt,  to  whom 
I  have  repeatedly  had  occasion  to  refei  in  tne 
course  of  the  pret-eding  chapter,  was  a  Fle- 
ming,—burn  at  Ghent  in  1691.    He  was  edu- 
cated to  the  law,  became  eminent  in  his  pro- 
fession, and  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight  was  made 
member  of  the  council  of  Flanders.    He  em- 
ployed his  leisure  in  studying  the  historical  an- 
tiquities of  his  own  country.   Atthe  suggestion 
of  C'oblentz,  prime  minister  of  Maria  I  heresa, 
he  cumpilKl  his  work  on  the  Troubles  of  the 
Netherlands.    It  was  designed  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  voungf  r  branches  of  the  imperial 
family,  and  six  copies  only  of  it  were  at  first 
printed,  in  1765.    Since  the  author's  death, 
which  took  place   in    1779,    when    he   had 
reached  the  great  age  of  eighty-eight,  the 
work  has  been  repeatedly  published. 


is  contradicted  by  the  whole  tenor  of  Philip's 
lif^,  in  which  self-command  was  a  predomi- 
nant trait.  The  story  was  originally  derived 
from  Auberi  (loo.  cit.).  The  chronicler  had 
it  a>;  he  tells  us.  Jrom  his  father,  to  whom  it 
was  told  by  an  intimate  friend  of  the  prince 
of  Orange,  who  was  present  at  the  scene. 
Auberi,  though  a  dull  writer,  was,  according 
to  Voltaire's  admission,  well  informed.— 
"ecrivain  mediocre,  mals  fort  instruit."  * 


letters  exchanged  between  Philip  and  the 
prince  of  Orange  soon  after  the  formers 
arrival  in  Spain.  From  these,  as  well  as 
from  the  other  correspondence  of  the  time,  it 
is  clear  not  only  that  no  open  breach  bad  yet 
occurred,  but  that  the  king  was  still  far  froni 
having  penetrated  the  real  feelings  and 
designs  of  the  most  profound  dissembler— as 
well  as  greatest  and  most  patriotic  statesman 
—of  the  age.— Ei>.] 


As  Vandervynckt  had  the  national  archives 
thrown  open  to  his  inspection,  he  had  access 
to  the  most  authentic  sources  of  information. 
He  was  a  man  of  science  and  discernment, 
fair-minded,  and  temperate  in  his  opinions, 
which  gives  value  to  a  book  that  contains, 
moreover,  much    interesting   anecdote,    not 
elsewhere  to  be  found.     The  work,  though 
making  only  four  volumes,  covers  a  large 
space  of  historical  ground,— from  the  marriage 
of  Philip  the  Fair,  in  149.5,  to  the  peace  of 
Westphalia,  in  1648.    Its  literary  execution 
is  by  no  means  equal  to  Its  other  merits. 
The  work  Is  written  in  French  ;  but  >  an- 
dervynckt,  unfortunately,  while  he  both  wrote 
and  spoke  Flemish,  and  even    I^tln,   with 
facility,  was  but  indifferently  acquainted  with 
French. 


j^  PROTESTANTISM  IN  SPAIN. 


CHAPTER  III. 

PROTESTANTISM  IN  SPAIN. 

1559. 

Thb  voyage  of  King  Philip  was  a  ^1^°^  r„V/TL3o%«?"wM^^^^^ 

ninth  of  August,  1559,  h« J^^lhtadbX^so  propi^^^^^^^  suddenly  changed, 
ill  sight  of  and,  the  wcatlier,  ^"ich  haa  oeen  op    i  .  ^   ^^^^,^1^ 

A  fu^rious  tempt  aro^.,^:l'l,^,^f^^^  ^^  g<Sd  forJme,  under  the  care  of 
foundeved,ani  though  the  monachh^d  the  gw^^  and  reach  the  shore  in 

an  experienced  pilot,  to  make  his  ^cape  '"  "  , .  ^  ^^  ^    g  i,in,  go  down 
safety,  lie  had  the  mortification  ««  see  tfie  ship  v^^^^^^^^  ^.^^  ^^^^ 

^ith  tiie  rest,  and  with  h«,^ Jl^^ '^^^^'"f^^^  genis,  nieces  of 

Low  Countries.    It  consisted  of  .c»™"^|"  ""'„'{  Ffemish  knd  Italian  art, 
sculpture,  and  paiutinKS,-the  nch  productiws  ol  *^e°"'         „{  i.j^  nfe  in 

,vl,ich  liis  father,  the  e."P«|7',\^.feh^^.  ^^^^^  the  land  only  to 

«f  ocel™'^  X'ldf  to\KS  more  than  a  thousand  persons 

^^i^fi^k^V''^^?  1^,  took  the^^^ 

that  capital,  whether  depressed  Ij  us  late  disaster  or  i  ^^^  .^ 

like  of  such  empty  parage,  ^^  tohned  the  hono^^  dominions, 

liabitants  woulcf  have  greeted  the  ff !»"  o"X  ^S^^^t  Joanna,  who,  long 
Here  he  was  cordially  welcomed  ^Y  1' s^'^^r,  'he  K^ge^^^^^^^^  {^^^^ 

since  weary  of  the  cares  o  «?)'«■«'£  y-^^^^^f^f^^^f  3d  have  received  it. 
with  a  better  will  than  that  "*"V™,l?racLrhh  son  Carlos,  the  heir  to  his 
Here,  too,  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  embracm^^^^  ^  ^  ^^„,g 

empire.  The  length  of  Philip's  ab?f  "'e,  "'^^  ^,^*  ^uSi,  if  rei)ort  be  tr-ie, 
favourable  change  in  the  P«r,^"j/ '^? 7^^ "K^^^^^^^^^  headstrong  and 
^^^^Z^  »  £^^^raL^n!:n  ^Suffor  the  future  destinies  of 

"•fhiirhS  not  been  many  days  >"  .^^''^  ^i^Kmay  ^ 
bratediy  one  of  those  exhibitions  which,  m^app'lyfo^^  ^^^^ 

national.    This  was  an  a««)  rfe/«,  i;Ot,  ^^^^^^jj^^  ^ad  been  silently,  but 
Moors,  but  Of  Spanish  Protestants     The  RefOTumW^^  J^^^^^ 

not  slowly,  advancing  m  *e  Penmsula ;  an^  ^  Netherlands. 

already  seen,  was  one  cause  of  Ph'''?/ ^H^,  ^P*^^^^^^^     in  Spain  is  an  event 
Tlie  brief  but  d  sastrous  attempt  at  a  rehgious  revolution  ".ou 

of  too  much  importance  to  ^  P^^i"'" '^^.^^  .inL^the  S    sceptre 

Notwithstanding  the  remote  Pos't'^'^o   ^P^"^- ""^^.^^'''^^g'Xr  states  of 

of  Charles  she  was  brought  top  closely  into  conUct^^^^^^^^^^  which  was  shaking 

11.,  torn.  1.  p.  335.  '• 

^  Cabrera,  Filipe  Scgundo,  lib.  v.  cap.  3  — 


' 


THE  REFORMED  DOCTRINES. 


165 


with  those  very  countries  in  which  the  seeds  of  the  Reformation  were  first 
p  anted     It  was  no  uncommon  thing  for  Spaniards,  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
to  he  indebted  for  some  portion  of  their  instruction  to  German  universities. 
Men  of  learning,  who  accompanied  the  emperor,  became  famihar  witli  the 
religious  doctrines  so  widely  circulated  in  Germany  and  Flanders.    The  troops 
gathered  the  same  doctrines  from  the  Lutheran  soldiers  who  occasionally 
served  with  them  under  the  imperial  banners.    These  opinions,  crude  tor  the 
most  part  as  they  were,  they  brought  back  to  their  own  country ;  and  a 
curiosity  was  roused  which  prepared  the  mind  for  the  reception  of  the  great 
truths  which  were  quickening  the  other  nations  of  Europe.    Men  of  higher 
education,  on  their  return  to  Spain,  found  the  means  of  disseminating  these 
truths.    Secret  societies  were  established  ;  meetings  were  held ;  and,  with  the 
same  secrecy  as  in  the  days  of  the  early  Christians,  the  gospel  was  preached 
and  explained  to  the  growing  congregation  of  the  faithful,     ihe  greatest 
difficulty  was  the  want  of  books.    The  enterprise  of  a  few  self-devoted  prose- 
lytes at' length  overcame  this  difficulty.  ,  .     ^  -rr    • 

A  Castilian  version  of  the  Bible  had  been  printed  in  Gennany.  Various 
Protestant  publications,  whether  originating  in  the  Castdian  or  translated  into 
that  language,  appeared  in  the  same  country.  A  copy  now  and  then,  m  the 
possession  of  some  private  individual,  had  found  its  way,  without  detection, 
across  the  Pyrenees.  These  instances  were  rare,  when  a  Spaniard  named 
Juan  Hernandez,  resident  in  Geneva,  where  he  followed  the  business  ot  a 
corrector  of  the  press,  undertook,  from  no  other  motive  but  zeal  for  the  truth, 
to  introduce  a  larger  supply  of  the  forbidden  fruit  into  his  native  land. 

With  great  adroitness,  he  evaded  the  vigilance  of  the  custom-house  officers 
and  the  more  vigilant  spies  of  the  Inquisition,  and  in  the  end  succeeded  in 
landing  two  large  casks  filled  with  prohibited  works,  which  were  quickly  dis- 
tiibuteii  among  the  meml)ers  of  the  infant  church.    Other  intrepid  convert 
followed  the  example  of  Hernandez,  and  with  similar  success ;  so  that,  witn 
the  aid  of  books  and  spiritual  teachers,  the  number  of  the  faithful  multiplied 
daily  throughout  the  country.*    Among  this  number  was  a  much  larger  pro- 
portion, it  was  observed,  of  persons  of  rank  and  education  than  is  usually 
found  in  like  cases ;  owing  doubtless  to  the  circumstance  that  it  was  this  class 
of  persons  who  had  most  fre  luented  the  countries  where  the  Lutheran 
doctrines  were  taught.    Thus  the  Reformed  Church  grew  and  prospered,  not 
indeed  as  it  had  prospered  in  the  freer  atmospheres  of  Germany  and  lintam, 
but  as  well  as  it  could  possibly  do  under  the  blighting  influence  of  the  Inqui- 
sition ;  like  some  tender  plant,  which,  nurtured  in  the  shade,  waits  only  tor  a 
more  genial  season  for  its  full  expansion.    That  season  was  not  m  reserve  tor 

^^  it  may  seem  strange  that  the  spread  of  the  Reformed  rel^on  should  so 
long  have  escaped  the  detection  of  the  agents  of  the  Holy  Office.  \^^J}ll 
certain  that  the  first  notice  which  the  Spanish  inquisitors  received  of  the  tact 


»  The  pditors  of  the  "  Documentos  ineditos 
para  la  Historia  de  E^'pana,"  in  a  very  elabo- 
rate iintlce  of  the  prusecutioii  of  Archbishop 
Carranza,  represent  the  literary  intercou'se 
between  the  lierman  an.l  Spaui>h  Prosestants 
as  even  more  extensive  than  it  is  stated  to  be 
in  the  text.  According  to  theru,  a  regular 
dt^pot  was  established  at  Medina  del  Campo 
and  Seville  for  the  sale  of  the  forbidden  b<jok3 
at  very  low  rates:  "De  las  Imprentas  de 
Alemaniase  deRpacl»aban  &  Flandes,  y  desde 
alii  a  Espaiia,  al  principio  por  loi  puertoa  de 


mar,  y  despues  cuando  ya  bubo  mas  vigilancia 
de  parte  del  goblerno,  los  enviaban  a  Leon  de 
Francia  desde  donde  se  intnxlucian  en  la 
peninsula  por  Navarra  y  Aragon.  Un  tal 
VilMian  librero  de  Aml>ere8  tenia  tienda  en 
Medina  del  campo  y  en  Sevilla  donde  vendia 
las  obras  de  l<»8  protestantes  en  espand  y 
latin.  Estos  Ubros  de  Francf  "rt  se  daban 
&  buen  mercddo  para  que  circulasen  con 
mayor  facilidad."  Documentos  ineditos,  torn. 
V.  p.  399. 


166  PROTESTANTISxM  IN  SPAIN. 

was  from  their  brethren  abroad  Some  ecclesiastics  in  the  train  of  Phih'p, 
suspecting  the  heresy  of  several  of  their  own  countrynien  in  the  Netherlands 
hTthenrseized  an/ sent  to  Spain,  to  be  exannned  V  the  Inquisition.  On  a 
closer  investigation,  it  was  found  that  a  correspondence  had  long  been  main- 
tained between  these  persons  and  their  countrymen,  of  a  similar  persuas  on 
with  themselves,  at  home.  Thus  the  existence,  though  not  the  extent,  of  the 
Snanish  Reformation  was  made  known.*  .  ,  ^    r  n 

^No  sooner  was  the  alarm  sounded  than  Paul  the  Fourth,  quick  to  follow  ud 
the  scent  of  heresy  in  any  quarter  of  his  pontihcal  dominions,  issued  a  bnef, 
in  February,  1558,  addressed  to  the  Spanish  mquisitor-geneml.  In  this  brief, 
his  holiness  enjoins  it  on  the  head  of  the  tribunal  to  spare  no  efforts  to  detect 
and  exterminate  the  growing  evil;  and  he  empowers  that  ^""fonfy  ^ 
arraign  and  bring  to  co'idign  punishment  all  suspected  of  heresy,  of  whatever 
rank  or  nrofessio^-whether  bishops  or  archbishops  nobles,  kings  or  empe- 
rors Paul  the  Fourth  was  fond  of  contemplating  himself  as  seated  in  the 
chair  of  the  Innocents  and  the  Gregories,  and  like  them  setting  Ins  pontifical 
foot  on  the  necks  of  princes.  His  natural  arrogance  was  probably  not  dimin- 
ished by  the  concessions  which  Philip  the  Second  had  thought  proper  to  make 
W  him  at  the  close  of  the  RK)man  war.  i.  r    i 

'^Philip  far  from  taking  umbrage  at  the  swelling  tone  of  this  apostolical 
mandate,  followed  it  up,  in  the  same  year,  by  a  monstrous  edict,  borrowed  from 
one  in  the  Netherlands,  which  condemned  all  who  bought,  sold,  or  read  pro- 
hibited works  to  be  burned  alive.  ^.         ^    ^i  •     j-  i.       i. 
In  the  following  January,  Paul,  to  give  mreater  efhcacy  to  this  edict,  pub- 
/lished  another  biiil,  in  which  he  commanded  all  confessors,  under  pam  of 
/excommunication,  to  enjoin  on  their  penitents  to  inform  against  all  persons, 
/   however  nearly  allied  to  them,  who  might  be  guilty  of  such  practices      io 
\  quicken  the  zeal  of  the  informer,  Philip,  on  his  part,  revived  a  law  fallen 
Somewhat  into  disuse,  by  which  the  accuser  was  to  receive  one-fourth  of  the 
confiscated  property  of  the  convicted  partj..    And,  finally,  a  thud  bull  from 
pM-attrn^Winiiui^^Tlo^^                   pardon  from  the  recanting  heretic 
if  any  doubt  existed  of  his  sincerity ;  thus  placing  the  life  as  well  as  fortune 
of  the  unhappy  prisoner  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  judges  who  had  an  obvious 
interest  in  finding  him  guilty.    In  this  wav  the  pope  and  the  king  continued 
to  play  into  each  other's  hands,  and  while  his  holiness  artfully  spread  the  toils, 
the  king  devised  the  means  for  driving  the  quarry  into  theni.* 

Fortunately  for  these  plans,  the  Inquisition  was  at  this  time  under  the 
direction  of  a  man  peculiarly  fitted  to  execute  them.  This  was  Fernando 
Valdes..*«rdinal-archbishop  of  Seville,  a  person  of  a  hard,  inexorable  nature, 
■awKossessed  of  as  large  a  measure  of  fanaticism  as  ever  fell  to  a  grand  in- 
quisitor since  the  days  of  Tornuemada.  Valdes  readily  availed  himself  of  the 
terrible  machinery  placed  under  his  control.  Careful  not  to  alarm  the  sus- 
pected parties,  his  approaches  were  slow  and  stealthy.  He  was  the  chief  ot 
a  tribunal  which  sat  in  darkness  and  which  dealt  by  invisible  agents.  He 
worked  long  and  silently  underground  before  firing  the  mme  which  was  to 
bury  his  enemies  in  a  general  nun.  . 

His  spies  were  everywhere  abroad,  mingling  with  the  suspected  and  insinu- 
ating themselves  into*  their  confidence.    At  length,  by  the  treachery  of  some, 

Spayne  (London,   1569),  p.  73.— Sepulveda, 
Opera,  torn.  iii.  p.  54. 

*  lilorf  nte.  Hist,  de  I'lnquisition  d'Espagne, 
torn.  ».  pp.  470,  471,  torn.  ii.  pp.  183,  184, 
215-217. 


*  For  the  preceding  pages,  see  Llonnte, 
HUtoire  de  I'lnquisition  d'Espapne,  toni. 
ii.  p.  2«2,  torn.  iii.  pp.  li»l,  25«.— Moutanus, 
Discovery  and  playne  Doclitration  uf  sundry 
BUbUU  Practises  of  the  Holy  Inquisition  of 


«< 


SUPPRESSION  OF  THE  REFORM. 


167 


ana  by  working  on  tj-^ -r/^ilP^S'plU^^^^^^^ 

Others,  he  succeeded  in  detecting  tieiiiTKinfe^^^  ^^  ^^ 

^aS?J.Ug^Xu  tlfi^:^'ot:te.  eminent  men  who  had  ear.y  em- 
scrited  &g  been  marked  out,  the  plan  of  ^^^ck  ^"  «tVr^  "Xo„T. 

ZlTZtn  I'tucSJaThaTISe  draught  of  fishes  seems  likely  to  prove 

n&i^^of'rUgaduaAlyl^^^^^^ 

from  his  solitary  dungeon  before  *e  se^et  trilwnal^f^tne  in^^         ,     ^^^ 

without  counsel  to  aid  or  o»e  ^'^'-''^'y  f?f„t^ 'il^^'Sr  the  witnesses  who 
name  of  his  accuser,  without  ^'"S  i^"°"fi,^„7iX  ««  his  own  process, 
were  there  to  swear  away  his  '/^J  ^H  e'^n  a  s^gni  ,o,„miVnicate, 

except  such  garbled  extracts  a^  the  ily  judges  thougm  jj  ^  ^oul^ 
is  it  strange  that  the  unhappy  ''ff'''"\.^^,S.tes  and  himself  1  If  these 
have  been  drawn  i"^  d'»l«^"«M''«^  ^:}''f,,XS'tJev  Cd  S  ^  t'J  *" 
^S^\Krt"ul^-^r^^^^^^^ 

dared  ever  to  allude.    For  to  f«^^' ^^^^^f^^^f  .u^^  neriod  of  the  first  arrests 
At  the  expiration  of  fghtee.  months  torn  the^p^^^^  ^.^^  ^^^ 

many  of  the  trials  had  been  fnclud^,  the  d^^^'^i*"*  P    their  supertiuous 
iC  Srictraii^gSrat  rSUon.    XhW  event  took 


•  McCrie,  History  of  the  Reformation  in 
Spam  (Edinburgh.  1829),  p.  243.-R»lacion 
delAutuque  se  Ui^o  en  Vallado  ul  e,  dia  de 
la  Sa- cti8.«<ima  Trinidad,  Ano  de  1559,  Mb. 

'  The  reader  curious  in  the  matter  wiu 


find  a  more  particular  account  of  the  origin 
and  orga.nzition  of  the  modern  InqnisUion 
in  the  "  History  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
part  i.  cap.  9. 


t 


JC8  PROTESTANTISM  IN  SPAIN. 

Dlace  in  May,  1559.    The  Regent  Joanna,  the  young  prince  of  Astnrias,  Don 
&,  and  the  principal  grandees  of  the  court,  were  there  to  witness   he 
spectacle     By  rendering  the  heir  of  the  crown  thus  early  familiar  with  the 
Sr  mercies  of  the  ffoly  Office,  it  may  have  been  intended  to  conciliate  hs 
favour  to  that  institution.    If  such  was  the  object,  according  to  the  report  it 
signally  failed,  since  the  woeful  snectacle  left  no  other  impressions  on  the 
mind  of  the  prince  than  those  of  indignation  and  disgnst.     ,     . . .    ^  ^^,^ 
The  example  of  Valladolid  was  soon  followed  by  avtos  de  f^m  Granada 
Toledo,  Seville,  Barcelona,-in  short,  in  the  twelve  capitals  m^vluch  tribunals 
of  the  Holy  Office  weYe  established.    A  second  celebration  at  Valladolid  was 
Reserved  for^the  eighth  of  October  in  the  same  year,  when  it  would  be  gxaced 
by  the  p^^^^^^^^     of^the  sovereign  himself.    Indeed,  as  several  of  the  prc^^es 
hkd  been  conduded  some  months  before  this  period,  there  is  reason  to  behcNe 
that  the  sacrifice  of  more  than  one  of  the  victims  had  been  postponed  m  order 
to  give  greater  eftect  to  the  spectacle.*  . 

The  auto  de  Z*^— "act  of  faith  "-was  the  most  imposing,  as  it  was  the  most 
awTul!of  the  solemnities  authorized  by  the  Ronmn  CathoHc  Church  It  ^s 
intended,  somewhat  profanely,  as  has  been  intimated,  to  combine  the  pomp 
of  the  Roman  triumph  with  the  terrors  of  the  day  of  judpient.»  It  may 
?emhid  one  quite  as  much  of  those  bloo<ly  festivals  prepared  for  the  enteita.n- 
menTof  the^C^sars  in  the  Coliseum.  The  [elisions  imi>ort  of  the  a.^^ 
"  was  intimated  by  the  circumstance  of  its  being  celebrated  on  a  5^ulKlay,  or 
Tome  other  holiday  of  the  Church.  An  indulgence  for  forty  days  ^^s  granted 
by  his  holiness  to  all  who  should  be  present  at  the  spectacle  ;  as  if  the  appetite 
for  witnessing  the  scenes  of  human  suftering  required  to  be  stmui  a  (hI  by  a 
bounty,-that,  too,  in  Spain,  where  the  amusements  were,  and  still  aie,  ot 

^TfceSrS  stond^^^o  d.  fe  at  Valladolid  was  the  great  square  in 
front  of  the  church  of  St.  Francis.  At  one  end  a  platform  was  raised,  covered 
with  rich  carpeting,  on  which  were  ranged  the  seats  of  the  inquisitor^  em- 
bSzoned  witli  the  arms  of  the  Holy  Office.  Near  to  this  was  the  royal 
gallery,  a  private  entrance  to  which  secured  the  inmates  from  molestation  by 
the  crowd  Opposite  to  this  galleiy  a  large  scallold  was  erected  so  as  ^^^^^^ 
visible  from  all  parts  of  the  arena,  and  was  appropriated  to  the  unhappy 
martyrs  who  were  to  suffer  in  the  auto.  ^    .  „       j  „  o«i^«.« 

At  six  in  the  morning  all  the  bells  in  the  capital  began  to  toll,  and  a  solemn 
procession  was  seen  to  move  from  the  dismal  fortress  of  the  Inquisition,  in 
the  van  marched  a  body  of  troops,  to  secure  a  free  pa.ssage  ^0/ the  procession. 
Then  came  the  condemned,  each  attended  by  two  familiars  of  the  Holy  Uttice, 
and  those  who  were  to  suffer  at  the  'stake  by  two  friars,  m  addition,  exhorting 
the  heretic  to  abjure  his  errors.  Those  admitted  to  penitence  wore  a  sable 
dress  ;  while  the  unfortunate  martyr  was  enveloped  m  a  loose  sack  of  yel  ow 
cloth,-the  san  henito.—viiih  his  head  surmounted  by  a  cap  of  pasteboard  of 
a  conical  form,  which,  together  with  the  cloak,  was  embroidered  with  hgures 
of  flames  and  of  devils  fanning  and  feeding  them  ;  al  emblematical  of  the 
destiny  of  the  heretic's  soul  in  the  worid  to  come,  as  well  as  of  his  body  111  the 
present  Then  came  the  magistrates  of  the  city,  the  judges  of  the  courts, 
the  ecclesiastical  orders,  and  the  nobles  of  the  land,  on  horsehack.  I  hese 
were  followed  by  the  members  of  the  dread  tribunal,  and  the  hscal,  bearing 

•  See  the  Remster  of  such  as  were  burned  ne  hi«;o  en  Valladolid  el  dia  de  la  Sanrtipstma 

at  Seville  and  Valladolid,  in  1559,  ap.  Men-  Trinidad,  1559,  MS.-Sepulveda,  Opera,  torn, 

tanus  Discovery  of  suudry  subtill  Practises  iii.  p.  58.  ,      .     .     .  .,-. 

of  the  Inquisition.-Rolacion  del  Auto  que  »  McCrie,  Keformation  in  bpam,  p.  m. 


AUTOS  DE  FE. 


1C9 


a  standard  of  crimson  damask,  on  one  side  of  ^1^^^^,  ^ff ,SeT^^^^^^^ 
of  the  Innuisition,and  on  the  other  the  insignia  of  its  foundeis,  hixtuj  ti  e 
Fifth  and  Snand  the  Catholic.    Next  came  a  numerous  tram  of  faiuihars 
wel  n  0  n^ra^^^^^^^    whom  were  manv  of  the  gentry  of  the  province,  proud 
toactTstheWy-guardof  the  Holy  6ffice     tKc  rear  wa,  b^^^^^^^^^^ 
immense  concourse  of  the  common  people,  stimulated  on  the  P^^^^.^t  occasion, 
n^  St,  by  the  loyal  desire  to  see  their  new  ^:'^]l^^lZh^^\^^^^^ 
sLmhitinn  to  share  ill  the  triumphs  of  the  ditto  defe.    Ine  numoei  inus  uia»u 
L^e  her  from  ttekptol  a.Jthe  countiy,  far  exceeding  what  was  usua  on 
S  occasions,  is  estimated  by  one  present  at  full  two  hundred  thousand.'" 

AsThTnmltitude  defiled  into  the  ^square,  the  inquisitors  took  their  place  on 
the  seats  ^ipared  for  their  reception,    '^'^e  conaenmej^^were^^^^^^ 
thp  scaffold  and  the  roya   station  was  occupied  by  Fhilip,  with  the  oinereni 
menS  of  h"s  household.    At  his  side  sat  fiis  sister,  the  late  regent,  his  son, 
Don  Sos    his  nephew,  Alexander  Farnese,  several  foreign  ambassadors, 
Sid  th^pS  cfpal  gr^nd^es  and  higher  ecclesiastics  in  attendance  on  the  court. 
Tt  was  an  aumist  assembly  of  the  greatest  and  the  proudest  m  the  land     but 
the  most  fnS^t  spectator,  who  had  a  spark  of  humanity  m  his  bosoui 
Wh^  havrturned  with  feelings  of  admiration  from  this  array  of  worldly 
nower    to  the  poor  martyr,  who,  with  no  support  but  what  he  drew  from 
^S  was  meS  to  defy  this  power  and  to  lay  down  hislifem  vindication 
^  the'Sts  of  consdence^    Some  there  may  have  been,  m  that  large  con^ 
course  wf 0  sW  n  these  sentiments.    But  their  number  was  small  indeed 
hrcommrison^th  those  who  looked  on  the  wretched  victim  as  the  enemy  of 

KS  Kroac^^^^^^  sacrifice  as  the  nK)st  g^on^^trt^aith  »  brthe 
The  ceremonies  began  w  th  a  sermon,  "the  sermon  of  the  faith,    oy  ine 
bishop  of  Zamom     f he  subject  of  it  may  well  be  guessed,  from  the  occasion 
Uwas  no  doubt  plentifully  larded  with  texts  of  Scriptmre,  and,  unless  the 
nreacherdeS  the  fashion  of  the  time,  with  passages  from  the 

ErathenwnTrs,  however  much  out  of  place  they  may  seem  m  an  orthodox 

"^^  Wheifthe  bishop  had  concluded,  the  ^nd  inquisitor  administered  an  oath 
to  thf^sembl^  multitude,  who  on  their  knees  solemnly  swore  to  defend  the 
TnnnLS  to  mZtain  the  purity  of  the  faith,  and  to  inform  against  any 
o^hXiddT^v^^^^^^^  As  Philip  repeated  an  oath  of  similar  import. 

hfsuite"a^^^^^^  ^ro'n  his.seat,  drew  his  sword 

from  Hs  scabbard  as  if  to  announce  himself  the  determined  champion  of  the 
Holy  Office  In  the  earlier  autos  of  the  Moorish  and  Jewish  mfidels,  so 
hill mliatincr  an  oath  had  never  been  exacted  from  the  sovereip. 

Af  Pr  thk^t^^^^  of  the  tribunal  read  aloud  an  mstrument  reciting 

the  irounds'for^^^^^^  of  the  prisoners,  and  the  respective  sentences 

nronorcKins^  them.    Those  who  were  to  be  admit  ed  to  Pemtence,  each 
L  Ws  Sence  was  proclaimed,  knelt  down,  and   with  his  hands  on  the 
missel  sSnly  abiured  his  errors,  and  was  absolved  by  the  grand  inquisitor 
ThrabsoE  was  not  so  entire  as  to  relieve  the  offender  from  the 

npn\uv ThL  tmnsff^^  in  this  world.    Some  were  doomed  to  perpetua 

Fmnrisonment  in  the^  cehs  of  the  Inquisition,  others  to  lighter  penances.  All 
^^e?e  dooT^^  Jo  the  confiscation  of'  their  property,-a  point  of  too  great 
Toment  to  the  welfare  of  the  tribunal  ever  to  be  omitted. .  Besides  this,  in 
many  cL'es  tt  lenXr,  and,  by  a  glaring  perversion  of  ^^^^^^^^^^ 
HUrpndants  were  rendered  for  ever  ineligible  to  public  office  of  any  kinci,  ana 
&ames\3^  perpetual  infamy.  Thus  blighted  in  fortune  and  in 
">  De  Castro,  Historia  de  los  Protestantes  Espafioles  (Cadiz,  1851),  p.  177. 


170  PROTESTANTISM  IN  SPAIN. 

character,  they  were  said,  in  the  soft  language  of  the  Inquisition,  to  l^e 

""'Ar'thele  unfortunate  persons  were  remanded,  under  a  strong  guard   to 
their  Sussall  eyes  were  turned  on  the  little  conmany  of  martyrs,  who 
clothed  n  the  ignominious  garb  of  the  san  benito,  stood  awaitmg  the  sentence 
0    the^  judge^%ith  cords^ound  their  necks,  and  in  their  hands  a  cross  or 
sometimes  an  inverted  torch,  typical  of  their  own  speedy  dissolution.    The 
n  S  of  the  spectators  was'stlA.further  excited  in  the  pre^ntinj^a^^ 
the  fact  tliat  several  of  these  victims  were  not  only  illustrious  for  their  rank 
but  yet  more  so  for  their  talents  and  virtues     In  their  h^^gard  look>s  their 
emaciated  forms,  and  too  of  ten,,  alas  1  their  distorted  ^^n^bs^^j.^^  J.f^,^^^ 
read  the  story  of  their  sufferings  in  their  long  imprisonment,  for  some  of  them 
Ld  been  confined  in  the  dark  cells  of  the  Inquisition  much  more  than  a  year. 
Yet  their  countenances,  though  haggard,  far  froni  showing  any  ^ig"  of  ;veak- 
ness  or  fear,  were  hghted  up  with  the  ^low  of  holy  enthusiasm,  as  of  men 
prepared  to  seal  their  testimony  with  their  blood.     ,     .  ^,   .  .  ..^  ,  „  , 

When  that  part  of  the  process  showing  the  grounds  of  their  conviction  had 
been  read,  the  grand  inquisitor  consigned  them  to  the  hands  of  the  corregidoi 
of  the  city,  beseeching  him  to  deal  with  the  prisoners  m  all  kmdness  and 
mercy:''  a  honeyed  but  most  hypocritical  phrase,  since  no  choice  was  left  to 
the  civil  madstrate  but  to  execute  the  terrible  sentence  of  the  law  against 
heretics,  the  preparations  for  which  had  been  made  by  him  a  week  hefore^^^ 

The  whole  number  of  convicts  amounted  fo  thirty,  of  whoin  sixteen  ^vere 
reconciled,  and  the  remainder  relaxed  to  the  secular  arm,-in  other  word^ 
turned  ov^r  to  the  civil  magistrate  for  execution  There  were  few  of  those 
thus  condemned  who,  when  brought  to  the  stake,  did  not  so  far  shrink  from 
the  dreadful  doom  that  awaited  them  as  to  consent  to  purchase  a  comniutation 
of  it  by  confession  before  they  died ;  in  which  case  they  were  strangled  by  the 
garrote  before  their  bodies  were  thrown  into  the  tiames.  .    j  .^ 

Of  the  present  number  there  were  only  two  whose  constancy  tnumphetl  to 
the  last  over  the  dread  of  suffering,  and  who  refused  to  purchase  any  mitiga- 
tion of  it  by  a  compromise  with  conscience.  The  names  of  these  martyrs 
shoidd  be  engraven  on  the  record  of  history.  u    u  a  .^r^ 

One  of  them  was  Don  Carlos  de  Seso,  a  noble  Florentine,  who  had  stood 
high  in  the  favour  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  Being  united  with  a  lady  of  rank  in 
Castile,  he  removed  to  that  country  and  took  up  his  residence  in  Valladolid. 
He  had  become  a  convert  to  the  Lutheran  doctrines,  which  he  hrst  communi- 
cated to  his  own  family,  and  aftenvards  showed  equal  zeal  m  propagating 
among  the  people  of  Valladolid  and  its  neighbourhood.  In  short,  there  was 
no  man  to  whose  untiring  and  intrepid  labours  the  cause  of  the  Reformed 
religion  in  Spain  was  more  indebted.    He  Avas,  of  course,  a  conspicuous  mark 

for  the  Inquisition.  .  ,        .    a- 1 

During  the  fifteen  months  in  which  he  lay  in  its  gloomy  cells,  cut  ott  from 
human  sympathy  and  support,  his  constancy  remained  unsliaken.  Ihe  night 
preceding  his  execution,  when  his  sentence  had  been  announced  to  mm,  Ue 
Seso  called  for  writing-materials.  It  was  thought  he  designed  to  promtiate 
his  judges  bv  a  full  confession  of  his  errors.  But  the  confession  he  made  was 
of  another  kind.  He  insisted  on  the  errors  of  the  Romish  Church,  and  avowed 
his  unshaken  trust  in  the  great  truths  of  the  Reformation.  The  document, 
covering  two  sheets  of  paper,  is  pronounced  by  the  secretary  of  the  Inquisition 


V 


AUTOS  DE  FE. 


171 


to  be  a  composition  equally  remarkable  for  its  energy  and  precision.  'When 
led  before  the  royal  gallery,  on  his  way  to  the  place  of  execution,  De  Seso 
pathSly  exclafmel  to  f>iiilip,  "Is  it  thus  that  you  allow  yo"r  innocent 
subjects  to  be  persecuted  1 "    Tq.  wjuch.  the  king  made  the_memorahle_ri 


"  ILiUicro  my  own  MQn^  1  w^"^'^  ^^^^^"^  ^^'^  woodj9  UumJiim,  weiaJhe  suck a^ 
urSXai-UiOu^krt ! "  It  was  certainly  a  characteristic  answer, 
-^t  the  stake  De  Seso  showed  the  same  unshaken  constancy,  bearing  his 
testimony  to  the  truth  of  the  great  cause  for  which  he  gave  up  his  life.  As 
the  ffaies  crept  slowly  around  him,  he  called  on  the  soldiers  lo  heap  up  the 
K  that^^^^^^^^^^  "^i^ht  be  sooner  ended  ;  and  his  executioners  indig- 
nant at  the  obstinacy-the  heroism-of  the  martyr,  were  not  slow  m  obeying 

'^Virr^iL  and  fellow-sufferer^of  De  Seso  wa.  Domingo  de  ^xa^  son 


i;:?S:^'w^;S^;an^nic:"^It^  si;;^f  that^^  -l;i;;^; 

tlie  ministers  of  the  Holy  Office  were  particularly  taken,  furnished  many 
mose  X  to  the  Reformefl  rehgion.  De  Rox.-us,  as  was  the  usage  ^^th  ecclesi- 
Ltfcs:  was  allowed  to  retain  hii  sacerdotal  habit  until  his  sentence  had  been 
read\S  he  was  degraded  from  his  ecclesiastical  rank,  his  vestments  were 
Se^^^^^^^  one  after  another,  and  the  hideous  dress  of  the  .an  be^ntothvom^ 
over*him,  amid  the  shouts  and  derision  of  the  populace.  Thus  apparelled  he 
made  an  attempt  to  address  the  spectators  around  the  ^^^ft/J^ji  >^J>"^"„^^^ 
did  he  begin  to  raise  his  voice  against  the  errors  and  cruelties  of  R^me  than 
Philip  indignantly  commanded^im  to  be  gagged.  The  gag  was  a  taece  o 
de  t  wood  which,  forcibly  compressing  the  tongue,  had  the  additional 
Snta^of  Sng  great  pain  while  Tt  silenced  the  offender.  Even  when 
he  was  bound  to  thi  stake,  the  gag,  though  contrary  to  custom  was  suffered 
to  remain  in  the  mouth  of  De  Roxa.s,  as  if  his  enemies  dreaded  the  efiects  of 
an  elociuence  that  triumphed  over  the  anguish  of  death. 

The  Vlace  of  execution-the  quemadero,  t^/^  burning-place^  as  i^^^^  gM 
—was  a  sDot  selected  for  the  ])urpo.se  without  the  waUs  of  the  city.  Ihose 
.irat'tSd  an'L^o  de  ^'U/e  not,  therefore,  neces^nly  as  -  comn;;^^^^ 
imamned  spectators  of  the  tragic  scene  that  concluded  it.  ihe  great  boay  oi 
tl.^  We^nd  nSi^^  of  higher  rank,  no  doubt,  followed  to  the  pla^e  of 
execK  On  this  c^casion^here  is  reason  to  think  from  the  lanjruage- 
somewhat  equivocal,  it  is  true-of  Philip's  biographer,  that  the  nicnmrch  cW 
to  testify  his  devotion  to  the  Inquisition  yy':!'f'^^\'^J^l'f^^^^^^ 
close  of  the  drama ;  while  his  guards  mingled  with  the  menials  of  the  Holy 
Office  and  heaped  up  the  fagots  round  their  victims.  v 

y  Bevero  respondio,  Yo  trahere  la  lefia  para  \^ 


"  *'  Nous  recommandons  de  le  traitor  avec 
bont^et  mlsericonle."  I.lorente,  Imiuisillon 
d'Espagne,  torn.  ii.  p.  253. 


"  Colmenarps,  HistoHa  de  ReRovia,  cap. 
xUI.  sec.  3.— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib. 
V.  cap.  3. 


lilorente,  Inquisition   d'Espagne,  torn. 

Ii.  p.  236.  ^      ,^  , 

'^  The  anedote  is  well  attested.  (Cabrera, 
Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  v.  cap.  3.)  Fatlier 
Agustin  Davila  notices  what  lie  styles  tins 
senlencia  famom  in  his  funeral  discourse  on 
Philip,  deiiver«-d  at  Valladolid  soon  after  that 
monarch's  death,  (Scrmones  funerales,  en 
las  Honras  del  Rey  Don  Felipe  II.,  fol.  77.) 
Colmenares  still  more  emphatically  eulogizes 
the  w<.rd8  thus  uttered  in  the  cause  of  the 
true  faith,  as  worthy  of  such  a  pnnre  :  *  W 
primer  -enteiiciado  al  fu<'go  en  este  Auto  lu6 
I)on  Carl.m  de  's^so  de  wangre  noble,  que  oso 
dezir  al  Rey,  comoconsentiaque  lequemasen, 


quemar  6  mi  hijo.  si  fuere  tan  malocomo  v-os^^*-* 
Accioii  y  palabras  dignas  de  tal  Rey  en  caiffa 
de  la  suprema  religion."    Uistoria  de  Segovia, 

cap  xlii.  sec.  3. 

*  Llorcnte,  Inquisition  d'Espagne,  torn.  ii. 

P-237.  ,  ,  ,..,, 

'«  Montaiiu^,  Discovery  of  sundry  subtill 

Practises  of  th**  Inqui^tion,  p.  52.— Llorcnte, 

Inquisition  d'Espagne,   torn.  ii.  p.  239.— Se- 

pulveda.  Opera,  torn.  lii.  p.  58. 

"  Puigblanch,  The  Inquisition  Unmasked 

(London,  1816),  vol.  i.  p.  336. 

'"  "  Hallo-e  por  esto  presente  a  v<r  Uevar 

1    entregar    al  fuego  muchos  delinquentts 


^ 


PROTESTANTISM  IN  SPAIN. 


72 

Snrh  was  the  cmel  exhibition  which,  under  the  jrarh  of  a  religions  festival, 

V^!.nlt  thP  inn^^^^  ceremonial  for  welconnn-  the  Catholic  monarch 

rhis  donani^s !    DuSe^^^^^^^    time  of  its  duration  in  the  public  smiar^ 

W  six     Thrmornhig  till  two  in  the  afternoon,  "O  syniptoni  of  in.imtience 

S&  m^^^^^^^     anXtning  the  sensibilities  of  a  natio;v» 
^uTde  thrroyal  sanction,  the  work  of  persecution  now  ^^^  «  ^'^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
WW  V  than  ever^'     No  calling  was  too  sacred,  no  rank  too  high,  to  escape 
fi?.  Sftfof  the^nformer     In  the  course  of  a  few  years,  no  less  than  nine 

rhnrchffter  the  K^    The  proceedings  against  this  prelate,  on  the 
whZ  excked  n'ore'^hOerest  throu,llo«t  Clnnstendom  than  any  other  case  that 

'''"C^rl;^:^  who^-^flu^SrSiH^  fan.ily,  had  early  entered  a 


aconpafiados  de  pus  guardas  de  a  pie  i  de  a 
cavallo.  que  ayudaruu  a  la  execucio...      Ca- 
brera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  v.  cap.  J.    it  may 
be  doubted  whether  the  historian  means  any 
thine  more  than  tliat  Philip  saw  the  unior- 
tunate  men  led  to  execution,  at  which  his 
own  guards  assisted.     Davila,  the  friar  who, 
as  I  have  noticed,  pronouno  d  a  funeral  ora- 
tion on  the  king,  speaks  of  him  sirnply  as 
having  assisted  at  this  act  of  faith,—   as- 
sistir  a  los  actos  de  Fe,  como  se  vio  en  esta 
Ciudad."      (Sermones    funerales,    fol.    77.) 
Could  the  worthy  father  have  ventured  to 
Rive  Philip  cretiit  for  being  present  at  the 
death,  he  would  not  have  failed  to  do  so. 
Leti,  le:.8  scrupulous,  tells  us  that   Philip 
saw  the  execution  from  the  windows  of  his 
palace,  heard  the  cries  of  the  dying  martyrs, 
and  enjoyed  the  spectacle!     The  picture  he 
eives  of  the  scene  loses  nothing  for  want  or 
colouring.     Vita  dl  Filippo  II.,  torn.  1.  p.  ;U2. 
"  How  little  sympathy,  may  be  infemd 
from  the  savage  satisfaction  with  which  a 
wise  and  temperate  historian  of  the  time  dis- 
misses to  everlasting  punishment  one  of  the 
martyrs   of  the   first   auto    at  \alladolid: 
••  Jureque  vivus  flammis  corpore  cruciaius  nn- 
serriraam  aniraam  efflavit  ad  supplicia  sem- 
pitenia."    Sepulveda.  Opera,  tom.  iii.  p.  5><. 

^"  Balmes,    one    of    the    most    successtul 
champions  of  the  Romish  faith  in  our  time, 
finds  in   the  terrible  apathy  thus  shown  to 
the  suiTerings  of  the  martyrs  a  proof  ol  a 
more  vital  religious  sentiment  than  exists  at 
the  present  day :  "  We  feel  our  hair  grow 
stiff  on  or.r  heads  at  the  mere  i«lea  of  burning 
a  man  alive.     Placed  in   society  x^here  the 
religious   sentiment  is  considerably    dimin- 
ished,  accustomed    to  live  among  men  vxho 
have    a   different    religion,    and    sometimes 
none  at  all,  we  cannot  bring  ourselves  to  be- 
lieve that  it  could  be.  at  that  time,  quite  an 
onlinary  thing  to  see  heretics  or  the  impious 
led  to  punishment."    Protestantism  and  Ca- 


tholicity compared  in  their  Effects  on  the 
Glvilizjition  of  Europe,  Kng.  trans  C'W.lti- 
more.  1851),  p.  217.— .According  to  this  view 
of  the  matter,  the  more  religion  there  is 
among  men,  the  harder  will  be  thoir  hearts. 

-'  The  zeal  of  the  king  and  the  Inquisition 
together  in  the  work  of  persecution  had  well- 
nigh  got  the  nation  into  more  than  one  diffi- 
culty   with    foreign    countries.     Mann,    the 
English  minister,  was  obliged  to  remonstrate 
against  the  manner  in  which  the  indepmd- 
ence  of  his  own  household  was  violateil  by 
the  agents  of  the  Holy  Office.    The  cm- 
plaintsof  St.-Sulpice.  the  French  ambassador, 
notwithstanding  the  gravity  of  the  subject., 
are  told  in  a  vein  of  caustic  humour  that  may 
provoke  a  smile  in  the  reader  :  "  I  have  com- 
plained to  the  king  of  the  manner  in  which 
the  iMarseillese,  and  other   Frenchmen,  are 
maltreated  by  the  Inquisition.     He  excused 
himself  by  saying  that  he  had  little  power  or 
authority  in  matters  which  depended  on  that 
body  ;  he  couhl  do  nothing  further  than  re- 
commend the  grand  inquisitor  to  cause  good 
and  speedy  justice  to  be  done  to  the  parties. 
The    grand   inquisitor  promised    that   th'y 
should  be  treated  no  worse  than  born  Cas- 
tilians,  and  the  'good  and  speedy  justice' 
came  to  this,  that  they  were  burnt  alive  in 
the  king's  presence."     Raumer,   Sixteenth 
and  Seventeenth  Centuries,  vol.  I.  p.  HI. 

"  The  archbisht>p  of  Toledo,  according  to 
Lucio  Marineo  Siculo.  who  wrote  a  few  years 
before  this  period,  had  jurisdiction  over  more 
than  fifteen  large  towns,  besides  smaller 
places,  which  of  course  made  the  number  of 
his  vassals  enormous.  His  revenues,  also, 
amounting  to  eighty  thousand  ducats,  ex- 
cee<led  those  of  any  grandee  in  the  kingdom. 
The  yearly  revenues  of  the  subordinate  bene- 
ficiaries of  his  church  were  together  not  less 
than  a  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  ducats. 
Cosas  memorables  de  Espafia  C^lcali  <to 
Uenares,  1539),  fol.  13. 


PROSECUTION  OF  CARRANZA. 


173 


Dominican  convent  in  the  suburbs  of  G-dalajai^.  ^  His^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

his  great  parts  and  learning,  /^^^^^"^^/f^^^^^^^  alsQ  sent 

Fifth,  who  appointed  hnn  confessor  to  his  son  riiiiip.    >^        j^  ^    ^^^  ^i^, 

him  to  the  ciuncil  of  Trent,  ^vhe^^  1^^^^,^  f^^^^^^  Ss  XSy  of  benefices, 
quence,  as  well  as  by.  a  tract  which  h^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^,^^,, 

which,  however,  excited  no  ^^^^'«Xf  rVrraSScompan^^^  his  master,  and 
visit  to  England  to  marry  9"^,^"  ^S^S^  and  ability  with 

while  in  that  country  he  ^''^^'".^'"'^.f  fiVrProti^s^^^^^^      The  alacrity,  more- 
^vhich  he  controverted  the/octrmes  of  ^^^^^  \^   ^^^^  ^.^^^rally 

over,  which  he  manifested  in  ,  ^^^^^^^  f  ,^^  appropriate, 

odious  under  the  name  of  the     *^^*^<^^JX^  to  the  garb  of  his  order. 

a^  it  applied  not  less  ^o  his  swarthy  c^^^  ^  ^^^^^rc,  was 

On  Philip's  return  tot  landers  Carrau^^^^^  part-to  the  archi- 

raised-not  without  f  «»S,  f.l^^H^^^^^^  to 

episcopal  see  of  Toledo.    ^,b,^^^X 'f weff        if  it  had  been  effectual, 
have  been  sincere.    It  would  have  been  well  10[  f^J™    ^^  j^.   ^^^^^les. 
Carranza's  elevation  to  the  pnmacy  was  the  source  01  a^^^^^  ^^ 

"^"^The  hatred  of  theologians  has  P^^"^^ 

certainly  seem  to  be  .« Vw  n^LS  su^^^ 

Aiuong  the  enemies  raised  by  to^  ^^^^^  JJl  brook  that  a 

grand  incpusitor,  Va  des     ,V'?husrSd  from  the  cloister  over  the  heads  of 
tumble  Dominican  should  be  thus  ^^ised^  Yed  such  as  hate  only  could 

the  proud  prelacy  of^^RJl'^-.^ri^  V^S^         the  orthodoxy  of  the  new 
induce,  he  sought  out  whatever  could  ^ai^e  a^aiii^^^^^^  plausible  ground 

prelat^  whether  in  his  writings  or  lis  com ers^tim  ^^^^^  ^.^^ 

IZ  attbrded  for  this  from  the  ^^  ^^^^^^^^^^^^^  residence 

had  shown,  was  devoted  to  the  R^man  C^^^^^^^^^  ^^^^^    ^^^    • 

in  Protestant  countries,  a"d  h\s  famiteitX^i^^^^^  resembled  that  of  the 

a  colouring  to  his  language,  ^V'^J^^,;  to  C  been  much  of  the  same  way  of 
Reformers.    Indeed  Carranm  ,f^^"^^ j^_„^^^  Romanists,  whose 

thinking  with  Pole,  ^.o/^^^^"^^' ^,1^'?,^?/^^^^^^  to  sanction  more  than 

Uberal  natures  and  wide  range  of  study  had  led  tnem  .^^^^^^  ^y  the 

one  of  the  Lutheran  dogmas  which  were  suDserpe     y  y      ^^^^  ^^^  ^.^ 
Council  of  Trent.  . ^f /^''S^^f  ?l^^^^  In  support  of  this, 

assent  to  the  heretica  doctrine  of  J^^r  miv  rem^^^^  Chaises  the  Fifth, 

Father  R^gla,the  ^^f^'^J^'^l't'M  ^^P^^^'^  ^^ 

and  a  worUiy  coadjutor  of  Valdes,q^^^^^  emperor."  .     ^ 

Carranza,  n  his  presence,  at  the  ^eatn  oea  oi  ui        i  gnem  es  to  pro- 

The  exklted  rank  of  the  accused  made  i^^^^^^^^^  ^^^  Inquisition 

ceed  with  the  greatest  caiition    N^v^^^^^^^^^^  authority,  the  prelate 

been  set  on  so  noble  a  ^l^^J^^^-    ConMenW  .  ^^^  ^^^  it  was  an 

had  little  reason  for  distrust     ^^e  ^'Ki  noij^t  j^.^     ^    ^^^ 

invisible  arm  stronger  than  his  own  that  was  rai^  ^^^^  ^^^^^  ^^^ 

twenty-second  of  August,  1559,  ^he  emissa^^^^^^^^  episcopal  palace  were  thrown 
primate's  town  oj  Torre  aguna^T^^^  tXnaL  The  prelate  was  dragged  from 
open  to  the  ministers  of  the  tembk  ^      I       ^^  inhabitants  were 

no  attempt  was  made  at  a  rescue.  ^-F^naime 

.,»  »  -^  i-raa^         q«o  et  seo.—Uorcnte,  Inquisition  d  Espagne, 
«  Salazar,  Vidade  Cavran .a  Madrid^  1788),        S^J^;*  ««;»•, ^3^  ,,^.  ui.  p.  183,  et  seq. 
cap.  1-11.— Documentos  ineditos,  tom.  v.  p.        w  1 


174  PROTESTANTISM  IN  SPAIN. 

The  primate  would  have  appealed  from  the  Holy  Office  to  the  pope,  as  the 
only  power  competent  to  jndge  him.  But  he  ^vas  un^vIlllng  to  give  umhrage 
to  Philip,  who  had  told  him  in  any  extremity  to  re  y  on  him  The  king,  how- 
ever,  w^  still  in  the  Netherlands,  where  his  "^»f  .^^^.^^^^^  P^^^^v^ 
through  the  archbishop's  enemies,  with  rumours  of  his  defection.  And  the 
nSi%utatiou  of  heresy,  in  this  dangerous  crisis,  and  especially  in  one  whom 
he  L  so  rec^^^^  raised  to  the  higliest  post  in  the.Spaansh  church,  was 
eno  ff  not  only  to  efface  the  recollection  of  past  services  from  the  mmd  of 
P  S  but  to  turn  his  favour  into  aversion.  For  two  years  Carranza  wa^ 
futtired  to  languish  in  confinement,  exposed  to  all  the  annovances  which  the 
malice  of  hs  enemies  could  devise.  So  completely  was  he  dead  to  the  world 
Sat  he  knew  nothing  of  a  conflagration  which  consumed  more  than  four 
hundr^  oTJhrprinSpal  houses  In  Valladolid,  till  some  years  after  the 

""TtTenlth  the  Council  of  Trent,  sharing  the  indignation  of  the  rest  of 
Christenfom  at  the  archbishop's  protracted  imprisonment,  called  on  Ph  P  to 
interpose  in  his  behalf  and  to  remove  the  cause  to  another  tnb""«:^-  ,^t  the 
king  gave  little  heed  to  the  remonstrance,  which  the  inquisitors  treated  as  a 
presumptuous  interference  with  their  authority.  „„„..  ^* 

In  1566,  Pius  the  Fifth  ascended  the  pontifical  throne.  He  was  a  man  of 
austere  morals  and  a  most  inflexible  will.  A  Domimcan,  like  ^^rr.*"^' ^^^^  was 
greatly  scandalized  by  the  treatment  which  the  primate  had  received,  and  by 
the  shameful  length  to  which  his  process  had  been  protractecL  He  at  once 
sent  his  orders  to  Spain  for  the  removal  of  the  grand  inquisitor  Valdes,  from 
office,  summoning,  at  the  same  time,  the  cause  and  the  prisoner  before  his  own 
tribunal  The  bold  inquisitor,  loath  to  lose  his  prey  would  have  defied  the 
power  of  Rome,  as  he  hid  done  that  of  the  Council  of  Trent.  Phihp  remon- 
strated;  but  Pius  was  firm,  and  menaced  both  king  and  inquisitor  with  ex- 
communication. Philip  had  no  mind  for  a  second  collision  with  the  papal 
court.  In  imagination  he  already  heard  the  thunders  of  the  Vatican  rolling 
in  the  distance  and  threatening  soon  to  break  upon  his  head.  After  a  con- 
finement of  now  more  than  seven  years'  duration,  the  archbishop  was  sent 
under  a  guard  to  Rome.  He  was  kindly  received  by  the  pontiff,  and  honour- 
ably lodged  in  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  in  apartments  formeriy  occupied  by 
the  pope's  themselves.    But  he  was  still  a  prisoner. 

plus  now  set  seriously  about  the  examination  of  Carranzas  process  It  was 
a  tedious  business,  requiring  his  holiness  to  wade  through  an  ocean  of  papers, 
while  the  progress  of  the  suit  was  perpetually  impeded  by  embarrassments 
thrown  in  his  way  by  the  industrious  malice  of  the  inouisitors.  At  the  end 
of  six  years  more,  Pius  was  preparing  to  give  his  judgment,  which  it  was 
understood  would  be  favourable  to  Carranza,  when,  unhappily  for  the  primate, 

**^TErHoly  Office,  stung  by  the  prospect  of  its  failure,  now  strained  every 
nerve  to  influence  the  mind  of  the  new  pope,  Gregory  the  Thirteenth,  to  a 
contrary  decision.  New  testimony  was  collected,  new  glosses  were  put  on  the 
nrimate's  text,  and  the  sanction  of  the  most  learned  Spanish  theologians  was 
brought  in  support  of  them.  At  length,  at  the  end  of  three  years  further, 
the  holy  father  announced  his  purpose  of  giving  his  final  decision.  It  was 
done  with  great  circumstance.  The  pope  was  seated  on  his  pontifical  throne, 
surrounded  by  all  his  cardinals,  prelates,  and  functionaries  of  the  apostolic 

Arzobispo,  pero  ni  lo  supo  hasta  mtichos  afios 
dpppnps  dp  pstar  en  Uoina."  Salazar,  Vida 
de  Carranza,  cap.  15. 


PROSECUTION  OF  CARRANZA. 


175 


t 


chamber.  Before  this  a^^^-^ vl^^l  to  S"J^°'hi-"5M"Tas 
unsupported  and  alone,  while  no  0"«;f"*  X„J?t„  „ore  than  by  years  ;  and 
bare.  'iHis  once  ^°^»^ }<''"' ff^^^ll^,ZlZZ  S  from  hope  deferred, 
his  careworn  features  told  of  th»' ^'*n«^^^^^  in  this  humWe  attitude 

He  knelt  down  at  some  distance  from  the  pope,  anu 

received  his  sentence.  .  nprnicious  doctrines  of  Luther.    The 

He  was  declared  t«  have  imbibed  *«  Pf™yu:°^J^hism  was  confirmed, 
decree  of  the  Inquisition  Prohibiting  the  use  of  h  s  catecnu^m  ^^^  .^^ 
He  was  to  abjure  sixteen  I?ropositions  found  in  ms  wnui  fc,  ^ 

from  the  exercise  of  his  «P'^P»' f ""f^ZK  >»« 

I'JTe^^S^  rvi^f  srv^TtSVlcfpe^UhuJJhes  in  Rome  and  perform 

■"^^^i^rKd^reSen  y'^XfJ.^^^^^^^^^!  SSTtt 
The  tears  streamed  down  t^ /*««  «  «^f  '  "^aPPy  "»"•  f^  J?  ,„  jo^.  The 
sentence  ;  but  he  bowed  in  silent  ?« h"'''s^'»n  ^,,\nata"e  could  go  no  further ; 
very  next  d'vy  he  bega..  his  work  of  pananc^^  aft  r  te  Itence  W  been  pro- 

roir.^*Ca~1iS'of™Urffi  The  triumph  of  the  Inquisition 
was  complete.  ,    momnrv  of  the  nrimate,  with  a  pompous 

The  pope  raised  a  ™«""Sil  to  his^^^^^^^^^^  ^V^^l'JS 

inscription,  paying  a  just  tnbute  to  his  toienis  ^  particularly  commending  the 

^™„t^'iy^Hn^;';\?^h^t^d^s^£^^^^^  trults  re^K^ed  in  him 

%K*t&  of  Oarranf  Per..^-;--^^^^^^^^^^ 

afMuroi'^^ifgHSi;^^^^^^^ 

SK  thSSKhe^dStuSthe  nifasur^  which  he  had 
meted  out  to  others.*  p^,.^^^™  was  troinc  on,  the  fires  lighted  for  the 


«  Salazar,  Vida  de  Carranza.  cap.  12-35. 

Documcntos  ineditos,  torn.  v.  pp.  f^-^-*^^--' 

Uorente,  Inquisition  dEspagne.  torn.  in.  p. 

^^"  The^ereecution  of  Carranza  has  occu- 
pied thl  Sns  of  several  CastiUan  writers, 
ffi  mSst^mple  biographical  notice  of  h.m 
is  bv  the  Doctor  Salazar  de  Miranda,  who 
der^'^d' Ws  Streful  and  trustworthy  namt^ve 
from  the  host  original  sources.  Llorente  haa 
thP  .ulvantatre  of  access  to  the  voluminous 
lemids  of  the  Holy  OflRce,  of  which  he  was 
ir^crlr'/;  and'in  his  tbir<i;ol"- J^^ 
has  devoted  a  large  space  *« Jbe  Pr^^  m 
Carranza,  which,  with  the  whole  mass  ot 


74     4t 


'  En  que  se  quemaron  mas  de  400  casas 
principalcs,  y  rkas,  y  algunas  en  aquol  harrlo 
donde  el  estaba;  no  solo  no  lo  entendio  el 


ki.l 


•  rThere  is.  however,  this  distinction  to  be 
made  the  Protestants  were  condemned  for 
hThng  opinions  which  they  professed  and 
grone<f  in ;  while  Carranza  was  "^cused^ 
promtilcating  doctrines  which  he  d'sa)^'!^ 
Sni  repudiate.    The  papal  .sentence  ordered 


legal  documents   growing   "«*  ^^^/^/^.j;,"; 
trScted  prosecution.  an\«""^A  ^^,,'^' .  '^^^i^^^^ 
us  to  no  less  than  twenty-six  thousand  iea%e8 
of  manuscript.    This  enormous  m^issof^.^^^^^^^ 
mony  leads  one  to  suspect  that  the  object  oi 
U^inquisitlon  was  nut  «>  ^HJ^^^iear^ 
the  truth  as  to  cover  '\"P.    •f,^^,\!''u"!r 
editors  of  the  "Docuraentos  ined^os     have 
nrofited  bv  both  these  works,  as  well  a<  i>y 
Lme  unpTibUshed  manuscnpts  of  that  dy 
relating  to  the  affair,  to  exhibit  it  fully  and 
fa  rl7u>  the  Castillan  reader   who  in  this 
brief  history  may  learn  the  value  of  the  m- 
Btitutioas  under  which  his  fathers  lived. 


only  that  he  should  abjure  certain  proposi- 
uins  which  he  was  '•  suspected  "  of  ho^^^^^^' 
Tlie  persecution  he  underwent  was  the  work, 
not  of  fanaticism,  but  of  personal  enmity  ana 
intrigue.— Ed.] 


i 


176 


PROTESTANTISM  IN  SPAIN. 


fe  in  which  the  Lutherans  played  a  conspicuous  part    The  subsequent  cele- 
brations were  devoted  chietiy  to  relapsed  Jews  and  Mahometaus  ;  and  if  a 
Protestant  heretic  was  sometimes  added  to  this  hst,  it  waci     but  as  the  glean- 
ing of  graijes  after  the  vintage  is  done."  '\  ,  .  ,  ^,  , , ,     ^,  ^ 
Never  was  there  a  persecution  which  did  its  work  more  thoroughly.     Ihe 
blood  of  the  martyr  is  commonly  said  to  be  the  seed  of  the  church.    I^"t  the 
storm  of  persecution  fell  as  heavily  on  the  Spanish  Protestants  as  it  did  on 
the  Albigenses  in  the  thirteenth  century,  blighting  every  living  thing,  so  that 
no  iierm  remained  for  future  harvests.    Spain  might  now  boast  that  the  stain 
of  heresy  no  longer  defiled  the  hem  of  her  garment     But  at  what  a  price  was 
this  purchased  !    Not  merely  by  the  sacritice  of  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  a 
few  thousands  of  the  existing  generation,  but  by  the  disastrous  consequences 
y^iitailed  for  ever  on  the  country.    Folded  under  the  dark  wing  of  the  Inqui- 
ysition,  Sj)ain  was  shut  out  from  the  light  which  m  the  sixteenth  century 
/    broke  over  the  rest  of  Europe,  stimulating  the  nations  to  greater  enterprise  m 
\       every  department  of  knowledge.    The  genius  of  the  people  was  rebuked,  and 
i     .         \      their  spirit  (nienched,  under  the  malignant  influence  of  an  eye  that  never 
LJ          \     sluml)ered,  ot  an  unseen  arm  ever  raised  to  strike.     How  could  there  be 
\     freedom  of  thought,  where  there  was  no  freedom  of  utterance?    Or  fieedom 
\    of  utterance,  where  it  was  as  dangerous  to  say  too  little  as  too  nmcli  f 
\   Freedom  cannot  go  along  with  fear.    Every  way  the  mind  of  the  Spaniard 

was  in  fetters.  ,     ,,  •  j    j     ^4.  v„  +u«:- 

Ilis  moral  sense  was  miserably  perverted.  Men  were  judged,  not  by  their 
practice,  but  by  their  professions.  Creed  l^ecame  a  substitute  for  coiiduct. 
Difference  of  faith  wade  a  wider  gulf  of  separation  than  diflerence  of  race, 
language,  or  even  interest.  Spain  no  longer  formed  one  of  the  great  brother- 
iroM  of  Cliristian  nations.  An  immeasurable  barrier  was  raised  between  that 
kingdom  and  the  Protestant  states  of  Europe.  The  early  condition  of  per- 
petual wai-fare  with  the  Arabs  who  overran  the  country  had  led  the  Spaniards 
to  mingle  religion  strangely  with  their  poHtics.  The  eftect  continued  when 
the  cause  had  ceased.  Their  wars  with  the  European  nations  becanie  religious 
wars.  In  fighting  England  or  the  Netherlands,  they  wers-^iightmff  the 
enemies-orxfer.  It  was  the  same  everywhere.  In  the;r  contest  with  the 
ufioEendrng  natives  of  the  New  World  they  were  still  battling  with  the  enemies 
of  God.  Their  wars  took  the  character  of  a  perpetual  cnisade,  and  were  con- 
ducted with  all  the  ferocity  which  fanaticism  could  inspire. 

The  same  dark  spirit  of  fanaticism  seems  to  brood  over  the  national  litera- 
ture,—even  that  lighter  literature  which  in  other  nations  is  made  up  of  the 
festive  sallies  of  wit  or  the  tender  expression  of  sentiment.  The  greatest 
geniuses  of  the  nation,  the  masters  of  the  drama  and  of  the  ode,  while  they 
astonish  us  by  their  miracles  of  invention,  sliow  that  they  have  too  often 
kindled  their  inspiration  at  the  altars  of  the  Incjuisition  ^ 

Debarred  as  he  was  from  freedom  of  speculation,  the  domain  of  science  was 
closed  against  the  Spaniard.  Science  looks  to  perpetual  change.  It  turns  to 
the  past  to  gather  warning,  as  well  as  instruction,  for  the  future.  Its  province 
is  to  remove  old  abuses,  to  explode  old  errors,  to  unfold  new  truths.  Its  con- 
dition, in  short,  is  that  of  progress.  But  in  Spain,  everything  not  only  looked 
to  the  past,  but  rested  on  the  past.    Old  abuses  gathered  respect  from  their 


"  So  sayp  McCrk»,  whose  volume  on  the 
Reformation  in  Spain  presents  in  a  reason- 
able compass  a"  very  accurate  view  of  that 
interesting  movement.  The  historian  does 
not  appear  to  have  had  access  to  any  rare  or 


recondite  materials ;  but  he  has  profited  well 
by  those  at  his  command,  comprehending  the 
bept  published  works,  and  has  digested  them 
into  a  narrative  distinguished  for  its  tem- 
perance and  truth. 


ISABELLA  ARRIVES  IN  SPAIN. 


177 


^ 


antiquity.  Reform  was  innovation,  and  innovation  was  a  cnme.  Far  from 
progress,  all  was  stationary.  The  hand  of  the  Inquisition  drew  the  line  which 
said,  "  No  further  ! "    This  was  the  limit  of  human  intelligence  in  Spam. 

The  effect  was  visible  in  every  department  of  science,— not  in  the  specula- 
tive alone,  but  in  the  physical  and  the  practical ;  in  the  declamatory  rant  of 
its  theology  and  ethics,  in  the  childish  and  chimerical  schemes  of  its  political 
economists.  In  every  walk  were  to  be  seen  the  symptoms  of  premature 
decrepitude,  as  the  nation  clung  to  the  antiquated  systems  which  the  marcii 
of  civilization  in  other  countries  had  long  since  eftaced.  Hence  those  frantic 
experiments,  so  often  repeated,  in  the  financial  administration  of  the  kingdom, 
which  made  Spain  the  byword  of  the  nations,  and  which  ended  m  the  rmn  of 
trade,  the  prostration  of  credit,  and  finally  the  bankruptcy  of  the  state.  But 
we  willingly  turn  from  this  sad  picture  of  the  destmies  of  the  country  to  a 
more  cheerful  scene  in  the  history  of  Pliilip. 


CHAPTER  IV. 
Philip's  third  marriage. 

Eeception  of  Isabella-Marriage  Festivities— The  Queen's  Mode  of  Xife-The  Court 

removed  to  Madrid. 

1660. 

So  soon  as  Philip  should  be  settled  in  Spain,  it  had  been  arranged  that  his 
vounir  bride,  Elizabeth  of  France,  should  cross  the  Pyrenees.  Early  in  Janu- 
ary, 1560,  Elizabeth,-or  Isabella,  to  use  the  corresponding  name  by  which 
she  was  known  to  the  Spaniards,-under  the  protection  of  the  Oaijdmal  de 
Bourbon  and  some  of  the  French  nobility,  reached  the  borders  of  Navarre, 
where  she  was  met  by  the  duke  of  Infantado,  who  was  to  take  cliarge  of  the 

princess  and  escort  her  to  Castile.  i.  t  ^    i.  j  ^.i     v,^«^  /^*  +»,.» 

Inico  Lopez  de  Mendoza,  fourth  duke  of  Infantado,  was  the  head  of  the 
most  illustrious  house  in  Castile.  He  was  at  this  time  near  seventy  years  of 
age,  having  passed  most  of  his  Ufe  m  attendance  at  court,  where  he  had 
always  occupied  the  position  suited  to  his  hiab  birth  and  his  extensive  property, 
whicb,as  his  title  iirmated, lay chiefiy  in  tSe  north  He  was  a  fine  ^l^^imen 
of  the  old  Cjvstilian  hidalgo,  and  displayed  a  magnificence  m  his  way  of  living 
that  became  his  station.  He  was  well  educated,  for  the  time ;  and  his  fond- 
ness  for  books  did  not  prevent  his  excelling  m  all  knightly  exercises.  He 
was  said  to  have  the  best  library  and  the  best  stud  of  any  gentleman  m 

%^e  appeared  on  this  occasion  in  great  state,  accompanied  by  his  household 
and  his  kinsmen,  the  heads  of  the  noblest  families  m  Spam.  ^.  The  duke  was 
n  ttPnded  bv  some  fifty  pages,  who,  in  their  rich  dresses  of  satm  and  brocade, 
d  sly^  tL  g^y  coK  of  the  house  of  Mendoza.  The  nobles  in  his  train, 
all  suitably  mounted,  were  followed  by  twenty-five  hundred  gentlemen,  well 


»  A  fuU  account  of  this  duke  of  Infantado 
is  to  be  found  in  the  extremely  rare  work  of 
Nufiez  de  Castro,  Historia  » cclesiastica  y 
seglar  de  Guadahijara  (Madrid,  1653),  p.  180, 
et  seq.    Oviedo,  iu  his  curious  volumes  on 


the  Castilian  aristocracy,  which  he  brings 
down  to  1556,  speaks  of  the  dukes  of  Infan- 
tado as  having  a  body-guard  of  two  hundred 
men,  and  of  being  able  to  muster  a  force  of 
thirty  thousand !    Quiucuagenas,  MS. 


178 


PHILIP'S  THIRD  MARRIAGE. 


MARRIAGE  FESTIVITIES. 


170 


eanipped,  like  t WeWes.    So  lav^h  were  the  C-Wian^^f  that  ^ay  in^the 


they  were  garnished,  to  have  cost  no  tes 
toni;;"  thoWna  ducat,  ! '    The  sa'me  taste,  is  visible  at  th._sda^.n^_the,r 


than  two  thousand  ^^<^''^'^"^'^"^  ^^j  in  Mexico  where  tJie  love  of 
S;t:^rnSt^  'L'Cl^P  -^ri"sons  01  their  steeds  is  con- 

presentation  of  the  dnke  and  his  followers  to  the  pnn^^^^  ^^^ 

'with  the  Smnish  h.dalKO.    Whe"  a    l«^g*  Jj^by  Xmal  Ld  r^^^^^^ 

Burgos.    Alter  P®"^^'""!^ .y^^„-_i  ^Uoa  in  which  the  marriage-ceremony 

flSne^TL^XrwherrPMU^,  at^ndS  by^rson,  was  awaiting  his 

"'it  was  the  first  time  that  Isabella  had  seen  her  «jl  l^-^jj  ^^^ ^^ 
ga^d  0^  him  so  intently  that  he  f~dh«monredW  asked  h^^^^^^^^^^^ 
Kng  to  see  if  he  Wany  gray  ha.rs  m  h  s  h^A    Jhe  b^^^^^ 
q,,estion  somewhat  ^'"^^'J^rted  J^^' „ ^  fe^^™      on  his  father's 
fcU'  t'^'the  di'J^lTc?  ^t^eenthe  ^es  of  'tSTparties  in  the  present 


'  "  Avia  gualdrapas  de  diis  mil  ducados  de 
co«U  sin  conputar  valor  de  piedras. '  Ca- 
brera, Filipe  S^Kundo,  lib.  v.  cap.  7. 

^  "  Elle  repondit  d'un  air  riant,  et  avec  des 
terraeB  pleinn  tout  ensemblr  de  douceur  et  de 
majeste."    De  Thou,  torn.  iii.  p.  426 

*  We  have  a  nnnute  account  of  this  inter- 
view from  the  pens  of  two  of  Isabella's  tram, 
who  aca.mpau.ed  her  to  <  astile.  and  whose 
letters  to  the  cardinal  of  Lorraine  are  to  bo 
found  in  the  valuable  collection  of  hi^toncal 
d^KumentH  the  publication  of  wl-ich  was 
^gun  under  the  auspices  of  l>ouis  Philippe. 
DiKuments  ine^iits  sur  I'Histoire  de  France. 
Negoriations,  etc.,  relatives  au  Regne  de 
Francois  II.,  p.  171,  et  seq. 


"  Luclo  Marineo,  in  his  curious  farrago  of 
notable  matters,  speaks  of  the  sumptuous 
residence  of  the  dukes  of  Infantadoin  Gua- 
dalajara: "Los  muy  magnificos  y  sumptt- 
cosoB  pab.cios  que  alll  estan  de  los  muy  illus- 
tres  duques  de  la  casa  muy  antigua  de  los 
Mcndocas,"    Cosas  m»  morables,  fol.  13. 

•  "  J 'ay  ouy  conter  k  une  de  ses  dames  que 
la  premiere  fois  qu'elle  vist  son  mary.  elle  se 
mit  a  Ic  contempler  si  fixement.  que  le  Roy, 
ne  le  trouvant  pas  bon,  luy  d^manda:  <?u« 
mirais,  si  tevgo  canasr  c'cht-a-dire.  Que 
regardez-vous,  si  j'ai  les  cheveux  blancs  ? 
O*  mots  luy  toucherent  si  fort  au  cceur  que 
df  puis  on  augura  mal  pour  elle."  Brwitome, 
CEuvres,  torn.  v.  p.  131. 


Instance  was  not  greater  than  often  happens  in  a  royal  union.    Isabclh  was 
in  hpr  fifteenth  vear,"  and  Phihp  m  his  thirty -tourtti. 
"  From  aT!i^ort4  the  lady's  Whwa.  her  least  re^mmendato^^^^^^^^ 
hPth  de  Valois  "  savs  Brantome,  who  knew  her  well,     was  a  tiue  ctaumiier  oi 
Krance-^screer  witty?  beautiful,  and  good,  if  ever  woman  was  so.^»    &he 
IT:1\\  mX-d"'u{l'  of  staturl,  and  on  th;^,^co"„t  U^,  ■""g^r'^er: 

iTk:d'ijirtx=rLroi'tsrre''ii^^^^^^^ 

wPrP  deliSv  fair »    There  was  sweetness    mmgled  with   dignity  in    her 

^Snme  of  the  chroniclers  notice  a  shade  of  melancholy  as  visible  on  Isabella's 
f pfturS  UichTerS  to  the  comparison  the  young  bride  was  naturally 

Svt  Ms  fathe^h^his/oS^M  though  in fhis  respect,  since  he  was  but  a  boy 
nr/nnrt  Jifhe  mkht  b^^^^  to  fall  as  much  too  short  of  the.  suitable  age 

«.  Z  ^  Lr  exSed  it^^^^^^^^  also  intimated  by  the  same  gossiping  writers 

^Xt;:^  1^«  ttWe^o^pi^^dal^^^^ 
"^^^^^^^  s^r'^S^^'^^  ehfer,  and  freily  open  to  all     In 

^  In  this  statement  I  conform  to  Sismondi's        au  roy  son  mary,  et  par   -"sequent  eux 


account.  In  the  present  instance,  however, 
there  is  even  more  uncertainty  than  is  usual 
in  regard  to  a  lady's  age.  Accordmg  to  Ca- 
brera Isabella  w.s  eighteen  at  the  time  of 
her  marriage;  while  De  Thou  makes  her 
SnlyTleven  w-hen  the  terms  of  the  alliance 
were  arranged  by  the  commissioners  at  Ca- 
teau-Cambrlsis.  These  are  the  extremes, 
but  within  thorn  there  is  no  agreement  among 
the  authorities  I  have  consulted. 

•  "  Elizabeth  de  France,  et  vraye  fille  de 
France,  en  tout  belle,  sage,  vertueuse,  spiritu- 
elle  et  bonne,  s'il  en  fust  oncques.  Bian- 
tOroe,  CEuvres,  tom.  v.  p.  126.  „k.„^„v 

»  "Son  visage  estoit  beau,  et  ses  cheveux 

et  veux  noirs.  qui  adombroient  son  teint 

Sa  taille  eetoit  tres  belle,  et  plus  grande  q-.e 
toutes  ses  steurs,  qui  la  rendoit  fort  admirable 
en  E.spagne.  d'autant  que  les  tallies  hautes  y 
Bont  rares,  et  pour  ce  fort  estimables.     Ibid., 

^*  ">  "'Les  seigneurs  ne  I'owient  regarder  de 
peur  d'en  estre  espris,  et  en  causer  jalousie 


courir  fortune  de  la  vie."    Ibid.,  p.  128. 

"  "La  regina  istessa  parue  non  so  come 
Borpressa  da  vn  sentiniento  dl  n.alinconica 
passione,  uel  vedersi  abbracciare  da  vn  re  di 
33  anni,  di  garbo  ordinario  alia  prestnza  d 
vn  giouine  prencipe  molto  ben  fatto,  e  che 
prima  dell'  altro  I'  era  stato  promesso  in 
eposu."    Let!,  Vita  di  Filippo  II.,  torn.  i.  p. 

'»'  Brantome,  who  was  certainly  one  of 
those  who  believed  in  the  jealousy  of  Philip, 
if  not  in  the  passion  of  Isabella,  states  the 
circumstance  of  the  king's  supplanting  his 
son  in  a  manner  sufPciently  naive :  "  iMais  le 
roy  d'Espagne  son  pere,  venant  a  estre  veut 
par  le  trespas  de  la  reyne  d'Angleterre  sa 
femme  et  sa  cousine  germaine,  ayant  veu  le 
pourtraict  de  madame  Elizabeth,  et  la  trou- 
vant fort  belle  et  fort  a  .^n  gre,  en  coupa 
I'herbe  sonbs  le  pied  a  son  fils,  et  la  prit  pour 
luy,  commenQant  cette  charity  a  soy  mesme. 
(ICuvres,  torn.  v.  p.  127. 


jgO  PHILIP'S  THIRD  MARRIAGE. 

the  evening,  the  -^^''^-^t^kL^Sl^iln  Tte/  le'ltsed'in'E 
sented  themselves  before  the  •^"f^r.^'Seach  one  of  these fiinrt^^ 

pudy  liveries  of  "'."'^""^.^h'^^^re  ^  rted  a  ^^^^^  >'« 

Bore  a  napkin  on  his  ai  m  ^\n  '^  "^,X '  of  the  court.  The  following  niorn- 
pre.^ented  to  the  royal  Pa>r  a""  ™e  ladies  otM^^^  Guadalajara  and  set  out 
fng  Philip  and  his  consort  kft  the  ho^P'^^'?  ™i  °^^^^^  made 

with  their  whole  suite  or  Toledo     ^t  par  ins,  the  duke  otin^^  ^^ 

tsHndTht  ^ov^ei:^  t=ave\ft,l^;S  SSsl  well  pleased  with  the 

inTstytwVth/of  the  renqw^  of  that  anc^ei^  ajp.^^  l^'^^i  fillfantry 
the  broad  vega  Wore  the  city,  three  thousand  ottne  o^    i 

K>r'orrVp^^: -HL^&        —dance  of  the 

swords."**  i-u^  ^«„oi  r^QiV  wprp  welcomed  bv  the  municipality  of 

On  entering  the  B^t^Mj'^'^f^'nXJf  go  dTver  tL  heads  of  the  king 

the  city,  who  «"fP»rt«^  »ijnh'ok  cipto  A  procession  was  formed,  consist- 
and  queen,  enibfazoned  with  their  ciDnere.n.  I.  military  orders,  the 

ing  of  the >»"P?'  ?:*«'''*f'?,'f 'i^o  „^^^  stations  of  the 

officers  of  the  Inquisition  .-for  loleao  ^^^  °";"V  *^  i  ^  j,,  the  cavalcade 
secret  tribunal,-and  tetly,  the  '^  ««  "*  es  "f  the  cm.r^      ui 

might  be  discerned  the  iron  f"™' oVMelfto  Se  two  nobles  highest  in  the 
"^''f  ?rfideZ''  'TrilphTtt!'orn°an7enred  "^^  and 

sLsS"fiV  f ?V  mfe'  Ta;''rXoTCer:,a 


■>  Cabrera.  Filipe  Sepnndo,  "l^- 7 •  c»P- f  •- 

5'Sida  presento  el  Duque  del  Ynfantado 
al  Rev,  Reyna,  Damas,  Duefias  de  honor,  y 
&  las  de  la  Camara  ricas  joyas  de  oro  y  plata, 
telas,  puanU'H,  y  otras  preseas  tan  ricas  pur 
la  prolixidad  del  arte,  cmo  por  lo  procioso 
de  la  materia."    De  Castro  Hist,  de  Ouada- 

'^"'^ "  /Jancas  de  hermosisimaa  donzellas  de 
la  Saera,  i  las  de  espadas  antigiia  invencum 
de  Eepafloles."    Cabrera.  Filipe  S«'guiido,  lib. 

V.  cap.  6.  „ 

'»  "  For  la  mucha  hermosura  que  avia  en 
lasdamasde  la  ciuda<l  i  Corte,  el  adoino  de 
lo!*  miradores  i  calles,  las  libreas  co>t^o8a5.  I 
varias  i  mucbas,  que  todo  hazia  un  florido 
cainpo  o  lieugo  de  Flandres."  Ibid.,  ubi 
supra. 


-  The  royal  nuptials  were  commemorated 
in  a  l^tin  poem,  in  two  books,  "  De  Pace  et 
Nuptiis  Philippi  et  Isabella;."    It  was  the 
work  of  Fernando  Ruiz  de  Villegas,  an  emi- 
nent scholar  of  that  day,  whose  writings  did 
not  make  their  appearance  in  print  till  nearly 
two  centuries  later,— and  then  not  in  his  own 
land,  but  in  luly.    In  this  epithalamium,  if 
it  may  be  so  called,  the  poet  represents  Juno 
as  Invoking  Jupiter  to  interfere  in  behalf  of 
the  French  monarchy,  that  it  may  not  he. 
crushed  by  the  arras  of  Spain.    Venus,  under 
the  form  of  the  duke  of  Alva,-as  effectual  a 
disguise  as  could   be  lmagincd,-takes  her 
seat  in  the  royal  council,  and  implores  Philip 
to  admit  France  to  terms,  and  to  accept  the 
hand  of  Isabella  as  the  pledge  of  peace  be- 
tween the  nations.   Philip  graciously  relents ; 
peace  is  proclaimed ;  the  marriage  between  the 


I 


MARRIAGE  FESTIVITIES. 


181 


the  vounff  queen ;  the  bull-fight,  the  Moorish  sport  of  the  canas,ot  tilt  of 
;eeds,Zr  tournarlients  on  liorseback  and  on  foot  in  b9th  of  which  Phihp  often 
showed  himself  armed  cap-d-pie  in  the  lists  and  did  his^^^^^.l^  the  presence 
of  his  fair  bride,  as  became  aloyal  knight.  .  Another  show  which  might  have 
been  better  reserved  for  a  less  joyous  occasion ,_  was  f  ^hibited  to  Isabd^  As 
the  court  and  the  cortes  were  drawn  together  m  Toledo,  the  Holy  O^ce  took 
the  occasion  to  celebrate  an  auto  defe,  which,  from  the  "^n^be^/  the  ^ict^^^^ 
and  quality  of  the  spectators,  was  the  most  imposing  spectacle  of  the  kma  ever 

witnessed  in  that  capital.  .    ,.  .,     v.         o  «•.,     ot./x«,»  «^r^f 

No  country  in  Europe  has  so  distinct  an  individuality  as  Spain  ;  shown  not 
merely  in  the  character  of  the  inhabitants,  but  m  the  smallest  details  of  life,- 
in  their  national  games,  their  dress,  their  social  usages.    The  tei^^^  with 
which  the  people  have  clung  to  these  amidst  all  the  clianges  of  dyna^^i^  and 
laws  is  truly  admirable.    Sedated  by.theirmountam-barrier  from  h^^^ 
and  eastern  parts  of  Europe,  and  dnnng  the  greater  P^rt  ^^  ^j^^e^^^^^^^^^^^ 
brought  into  contact  with  Oriental  forms  of  civili^tion,  the  Spaniards  have 
been  but  little  exposed  to  those  influences  which  have  given  a  honiogeneous 
XlexUfto%'hTother  nations  of  Christendom     Th^  system  i^^^^^^^^^^^ 
they  have  been  trained  is  too  peculiar  to  be  much  affected  by  these  mtluences, 
an  J  the  ideas  transmitted  from  their  ancestors  are  too  ^f  PV  f  tt^^"^^^l?^ 
minds  to  be  easily  disturbed.  ^  The  present  in  Spain  is  bf  the  m  ^r  of  ^^^^ 
past.    In  other  countries  fashions  become  antiquated,  old  ejror.  exploded, 
Lly  tastes  reformed.    Not  so  in  the  Peninsula,   .'l^e  tmve^ler  h^^^^^^^^^ 
cross  the  Pyrenees  to  find  himself  a  contemporary  of  the  sixteenth  cei^^tury^, 

The  festivities  of  the  court  were  ?"ddenly  terminated  by  the  11^^^^^^^^ 
Isabella,  who  was  attacked  bv  the  smallpox.  Her  hfe  was  in  no  dang^^^^^  but 
ereat  fekrs  were  entertained  lest  the  envious  disea.se  should  prove  /atal  to  her 
K  Her  mother,  Catherine  de  Medicis,  had  great  ?PP[f,^en^ons  on 
point ;  and  couriers  crossed  the  Pyrenees  frequently,  during  the  qiief" /  "J^^^^^^^ 
fenging  prescriptions-some  of  them  rather  f  traoidinary-from  French 
doctorslor  preventing  the  ravages  of  the  disorder."  Miether  itj^as  by 
reason  of  these  nostrums,  or  her  own  excellent  constitution,  the  queen  was 
fortunate  enough  to  escape  from  the  sick-room  without  a  scar 

Philip  seems  to  have  had  much  reason  to  be  contented  not  only  ^th  the 
person  tut  the  disposition  of  his  wife.  As  her  marriage  had  ^oi-nj^d  on^f  the 
^ticles  in  theto^y  with  France,^sh_e  w^^^^^ 

Paz,— 
her 


icles  in  the  treaty  with  France,  she  was  called  by  the  ^V^^^^^^'ff'T.^ 

r-"  Isabella  of  the  Peace."    Her  own  countrymen  no  le^s  fondly  styled 

« the  OHve^ranch  of  Peace,"-intimatmg  the  sweetness  of  her  disposition.- 


parties  is  solemnized,  with  the  proper  Chris- 
tian rites;  and  Venus  appears,  in  her  own 
proper  shape,  to  bless  the  nuptials !  One 
might  have  feared  that  this  jumble  of  Chris- 
tian rites  and  heathen  mythology  would  have 
scandal'zed  the  Holy  Office  and  exposed  its 
ingenious  author  to  the  honours  of  a  tan 
benUo.  But  the  poet  wore  his  laurels  un- 
scathed, and,  for  aught  1  know  to  the  con- 
trary, died  quietly  in  his  b-d.  See  Opera 
Ferdinandi  Ruizii  Villegatis  (Venetils,  1736), 
pp.  30-70.  ^,       ^    .,  ^ 

»'  The  sovereign  remedy,  according  to  the 


•  [The  qualifications  which  this  remark 
would  require,  if  meant  to  be  taken  literally, 
will  o.cur  to  most  rea.h rs,  even  among  those 
who  have  never  crossed  what  is  somewhat 


curious  Brantorae,  was  new-laid  eggs.  It  is 
a  pity  the  prescription  should  be  lost :  Un 
luy  seconrust  son  visage  si  bien  par  des 
sueurs  d'oiufs  frais,  chi)se  fort  propre  pour 
cela,  qu'il  n'y  parut  rien ;  dont  j  en  vis  ia 
Reyne  sa  mere  fort  curieuse  a  luy  envoyer 
par  force  couriers  beaucoup  de  remedes,  mais 
cel.d  de  la  sueurd'oeufenestoit  lesouverain. 
(Euvres.  torn.  v.  p.  129. 

•'  "Aussi  I'appelloit-on  la  Reyna  Oe  la 
fMzydr  la  bondad,  c'est-a-dire  la  Reyne  de 
iTpaix  et  de  la  bonte ;  et  nos  Francois  I  ap- 
pellurent  I'olive  de  paix."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

curiously  described  as  the  mountain-barrier 
separating  Spain  from  "the  central  and 
eastern  parts  of  Europe."— tD.J 


189  PHILIP'S  THIRD  MARRIAGE. 

the  time,  and  was  fond  of  reading,  especially  poetry    She  had  ^^^^W^a^^^^ 

her  prommSon  the  more  interesting.  She  accommodated  he^ef  so  »ell  to 
theT^esof  her  adoptal  nation  that  she  soon  ''"P  t^e  ^earts  of  the^^^^^ 
lank  °'  No  aueeii  of  Castile,"  says  the  loyal  Brantome,  with  due  a««r«"fe 
to  fehella  thrCatholic,  was  ev;erio  popular  in  the  ^untry;'  ^V^'e^^^f^^j^r 
ahrnn..!  it  was  usuallv  with  her  face  uncovered,  after  the  manner  oi  nei 
rSiwonren  The  pre^s  was  always  great  around  her  whenever  she  appeared 
inl!X,rd  happy Tas  the  manUo  could  approach  so  near  as  to  get  a 
ghmpse  of  her  beautiful  countenance  "  country- 

^  Yet  Isabella  never  forgot  the  land  of  her  birth  ^  f  ^^f  ^^.P  1\'^^^^^ 
men  as  visited  the  Castliian  court  were  ^^^ceived  by  her  w  th  d^^^^^^^ 
onnrfpsv  She  brouffht  a bng  with  her  in  her  tram  to  tastUe  seveiai  rienui 
LdS'  rank  ^er  maids  of  honour.  But  a  rivalry  soon  grew  up  between 
them  andX  S^aiSsh  ladies  in  the  palace,  which  compelled  the  q^een  after 
Kac^^in  vain  attempted  to  reconcile  the  parties,  to  send  back  most  of  to 
own  countryTmen.  In  doing  so,  she  was  careful  to  provide  them  with  generous 

"' The^oX'Sained  great  state  in  her  household,  as  wasPhilip's  wish 
who  "ee^^o  havek^^^  his  lovely  consort  ^^<>%^''^^''^'^' p'J^fh 

the  unfortunate  Marv  Tudor  had  pined  in  va.n.  ^'^^.^^'^;^^^'^^^^^ 
jewels,  Isabella's  wardrobe  was  exceedingly  rich.  J^n.^ Sor  ,hf  tTm^   Like 
thin  three  or  four  hundred  crowns  each,-a  great  sum  for  the  time.    i-iKe 
hernameLke  and  contemporary,  Elizabeth  of  En^lan^^^  .f  HeTattnt^  - 
RaniP  drpss  twice     But  she  gave  away  the  discarded  suit  to  her  attenaanLs, 
Se  Hhirto  theXgllAueen,  wL  hoarded  up  her  wardrobe  so  carefully 
^t  ^t  herde^th  it  mu'st  hale  displayed  every  fashion  of  her  r^^i^   Br^^^ 
tome,  who,  both  as  a  Frenchman  and  as  one  who  t^^d  «f  ^^  J^f,  ^^S 
in  the  court  of  Castile,  may  be  considered  a  judge  in  the  matter,  d^^  ells  with 
rapture  of^^^^  elT^nce  of^her  costume,  the  matchless  taste  m  its  arrange- 
ment and  the  perfection  of  her  coiffure.  .  ^„^*;o„ior«  ro 
A  manuscript  of  the  time,  by  an  eye-witness,  gives  a  few  particulars  re- 
spfctiTher  manner  of  hving,  L  which  some  readers  may  take  an  interest. 


»•  ''Et  bien  heureux  et  heureuse  eetoit 
celuy  ou  celle  qui  pouvoit  le  soirdire  *  J'ay 
veu  la  Reyne.' "    Brautome,  GEuvres,  loin.  v. 

■»  The  difficulty  began  bo  soon  as  Isabella 
had  crossed  tlie  borders.  The  countess  of 
Urefia,  sister  of  the  duke  of  Albuquerque,  one 
of  the  train  of  the  duke  of  Infautailo.  claimed 
precedence  of  the  countestj  of  Rieux  and 
Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier.  kinswomen  of 
the  queen.  The  latttr  would  have  averted 
the  discussion  by  giving  the  CastiUan  dame  a 
seat  in  her  carriage ;  but  the  haughty  countess 
chose  to  take  the  affair  into  her  own  hands ; 
and  her  servants  came  into  collision  with 
those  of  the  French  ladies,  as  they  endeavoured 
to  secure  a  place  for  their  mistress's  litter 
near  the  queen.    Isabella,  with  all  her  desire 


to  accommodate  matters,  had  the  spirit  to 
decide  in  favour  of  her  own  followers,  and  the 
aspiring  lady  was  compelled— with  an  ill 
grace— lo  give  way  to  the  blood  royal  of 
France.  It  was  easier,  as  Isabella,  or  rather 
as  her  husband,  afterwards  found,  to  settle 
disputes  betwten  rival  states  than  between 
the  rival  beauties  of  a  court.  The  affair  Is 
told  by  Lansac,  Negociations  relatives  au 
Regne  de  Fraii9ois  II.,  p.  17 1. 

="  "Elle  ne  porta  jamais  une  robe  deux 
fois.  et  puis  la  donu'.it  a  ses  femmes  et  sea 
filles :  et  Dieu  S9ait  quelles  robbes.  Pi  riches 
et  si  superbes,  que  la  moindre  estoit  de  trois 
ou  quatre  cens  escus ;  car  le  Roy  son  mary 
I'entretenoit  fort  superbement  de  ces  choses 
U."    Brantome,  (Euvres,  torn.  v.  p.  140. 


THE  QUEEN'S  MODE  OF  LIFE. 


1£3 


\ 


Among  the  persons  connected  with  the  queen's  ^stablishnient,  t^^^^^^^ 

lept  their  heads  «.vered  d"';£*^W}%  Jl^^,  ^'j^^^^^ 

*l.^f  is'Jhe  ^S']jffle"Ctemporaries  have  left  us  of  Elizabeth  of 

Urgin.  »"d  emWlishn^  *e  oW^^^  ^^^     andjalleries 

carved.  The  walls  were  "^5%.?fv;\.oTnfinfvs  2nianv  of  them  the  productions 
decorated  with  sculpture  and  ^'»*^  Pf  f  "gJ^TS  was  one  day  to  rival  the 
of  native  -tist^he  first  di^^^^^^^^ 

great  masters  of  Italy.  ,*''''*'!^'l'j,.5{";'  ^imp  came  to  be  covered  with  a 
palace,  and  a  park  was  formed  jhichm  time  came  «  M  co^  .^ 

^owth  of  noble  trees,  »"<!.;«"  ^.X^verff™  of  Spain.  Indml,  if  we 
proved,  became  a  fitting  residence  for  t»e«'^«f2arv  it  was  "allowed  by 
Siay  tmt  the  magn.hcent  ™unt  of  a  »  teu^^H'^  "  »^  ^  ^^ 

dSo^  »  'it  J^I^uK  Si  t^e  a'de'SXlpaLh  Wes  until, 

^  ..     .__    J .^^  nna  oo  rnnsiilpradas  todaa 


«  The  MS.,  which  Is  in  Italian,  is  in  the 
Royal  Library  at  Paris.  See  the  extracts  from 
It  fn  Raumer's  Sixteonth  and  Seventeenth 
Centuries,  vol.  i.  p.  104,  et  seq. 

»'  "  Don  Felipe  Sf  gundo  nuestro  senor,  ei 
cual  con  muv  suntuosas,  y  exquisitas  fubncas 
diguas  dc  tan  grande  Principe,  de  nuevo  le 


ilustra,  de  manera  que  es,  consideradas  todaa 
BUS  calidades.  la  mas  rara  casa  que  nmgun 
IMncipe  tiene  en  el  mundo,  &  dicho  de  los 

estrangeros."  Juan  LoP^"'  *P-  .^"1%*^,'^ 
Antiguedad.  N'.bleza  y  Grandeza  de  hi  VUla 

y  Corte  de  Madrid,  p.  331. 


184  PHILIP'S  THIRD  MARRIAGE. 

in  17^4  in  the  reiffn  of  Philip  the  Fifth,  the  building  was  destroyed  by  a  fir^ 
i^h  i Jh  li.W  neir  f a  w^^  But  it  rose  Uke  a  phoenix  from  its  ashes  ;  and  a 
new  ml^^^^^  «^  ^^^  ^^^^  «"«'  «^  '^^^  ^'''^''  dunensions 

prese^ftblirthe  S^  of  its  materials  as  well  as  of  its  execution  one  of  the 
Noblest  n^^^^  of  tlie  architecture  of  the  eighteen  h^^^^^^ 

Having  completed  his  arranj^jements,  Philip  established  his  resKlence  ai 
TVlXd  m  1563  The  town  then  containeil  about  twelve  thousand  inhabi- 
S  UndeTthe  forcing  atmosphere  of  a  cotut  the  population  rose  by  the 
Pnd  of  his  long  reign  to  three  hundred  thousand,»-a  number  which  it  has 
f.riablv  not  since  exceeded.    The  accommodations  in  the  capital  kent  pace 

^  ^tt^n'c™of'^^^^^^  ^ry^!^^"^^^^*^^^^Vl"'rS^ 
nf  flin^sv  houses  that  might  serve  for  a  temporary  residence,  the  streets  were 
UnedKrng  and  ubstantial  edifices.  Cnder  the  royal  patronage  pubhc 
wS  on  a  lit^ill  scale  were  executed.  Madrid  was  omauiented  with  bridges 
Tiiedu^ts  S  the  Museum,  the  Armoury, -stately  structures  which 
^en  now  chaUenge  our  admiration,' not  less  by  the  excellence  of  their  designs 
than  by  the  richness  of  their  collections  and  the  enlightened  taste  which  they 

^tn  tt'opinfoi^^^^^^^  indeed  we  may  say  of  the  nation,  Madrid 

surpass^  not  only  every  other  city  in  the  country  but  in  Christendom. 
"Tere  is  but  one  .Madrfd,"  says  the  Spanish  proverb.^^  Yv^'^n^^lJlln 
the  theme  the  world  listens  in  silence  !  '^»^  In  a  similar  key,  the  old  Castihan 
writerTSate  the  glories  of  their  capital,-the  nursery  of  wit  genius,  and 
ga"lantry!--and  expatuite  on  the  temperature  of  a  climate  propitious  aUke  to 
the  beauty  of  the  women  and  the  bravery  of  the  men.  xi,,^„„u 

Yet  with  all  this  lofty  panegyric,  the  foreigner  is  apt  to  see  things  through 
a  very  deferent  inediuni  Tom'tliat  through  which  they  are  seen  by  the  pa- 
triotk  eye  of  the  native.  The  traveller  to  Madrid  finds  little  to  pniije  m  a 
situation  where  the  keen  winds  from  the  momitoins  come  laden  with  dis^, 
and  Avhere  the  subtle  atmosphere,  to  use  one  of  the  national  proverbs  that 
^n  hardly  put  out  a  candle,  will  extinguish  the  life  of  a  man  ;"  where  the 
SpiXinsulated  in  the  midst  of  a  dreary  expanse  of  desert,  seems  to  be  cut 
S^^  from  sympathy,  if  not  from  intercourse,  with  the  provinces  ;  '<»  and  where 
h^ead  of  a  grit  river  that  might  open  to  it  a  commerce  with  distant 


THE  REFORMATION. 


185 


»*  Juan  Lopez,  ap.  Qnintana,  Antiguwiad, 
etc.,  de  Mailri.l,  uhi  supra.  Sylva,  Poblacion 
de  Eapana  (Mailrid.  1675),  cap.  4.— E3trada, 
Poblacion  do  Espafia  (Madrid,  1748),  torn.  i. 

p.  123. 

"1  quote  the  words  of  a  work  now  become 
very  scarce  :  "  l>e  dos  mil  y  quinientas  y 
veiiite  casaa  que  tenia  Madrid  quando  su 
Mage^tad  traxo  desde  Toledo  a  ella  la  Corte, 
en  la8  qual  9  quando  raucho  avria  de  doce 
mil  acatorce  mil  per»onas,  .  .  .  avia  cl  ano 
de  mil  y  quinientos  y  noventa  y  oclio,  repar- 
tldas  en  trece  Parroquias  doce  mil  casas,  y  en 
ellas  trescientas  mil  personas  y  mas."  Quln- 
tana,  Antiguedid  de  Madrid,  p.  331.* 

■"**  "  No  hay  si  no  un  Madrid." 

»'  "  l)onde  Madrid  esti,  calle  el  Mundo." 

»•  "  No  se  conoce  cielo  mas  benevolo,  mas 
apacible  clima,  influxo  mas  favorable,  am 
que  sobresalen  hermosos  rostros.  disposiciones 


callardas,  lucidos  ingenios,  cora^ones  vali- 
eiitcs,  y  geuerosos  animos."  Sylva,  Poblacion 
de  Espafia,  cap.  4. 

■^^  "  El  aire  de  Madrid  es  tan  sotil 

Que  niata  a  un  bombre,  y  no  ftpaga  a  un 
candil." 
="»  Lucio  Marineo  gives  a  very  different 
view  of  tlie  environs  of  Madrid  in  Ferdinand 
and  Isabellas  time.  The  picture,  by  the  hand 
of  a  contemporary,  affords  so  strilcing  a  con- 
trast to  the  present  time  that  It  is  worth 
quoting:  "Corren  per  ella  los  ay  res  muy 
delgados:  por  los  quales  siepre  J>ive  la  gete 
muy  Sana.  Tiene  mas  este  lugar  grades  ter- 
minos  y  campoa  muy  fertiles:  los  quales 
llama  lomos  de  Madrid.  Por  que  cojen  en 
ello'*  mucho  pan  y  vino,  y  otras  cosas  neces- 
tarias  y  matenimientos  muy  sanos."  Cosaa 
memorables  de  E><pafia,  fol.  13. 


•  [There  is  an  obvious  discordancy  in  these 
numbers:    twelve  thousand  huuses   cannot 


have  sheltered  a  population  of  three  hundred 
thousand  p  :rsuus. — En.] 


\ 


fay  well  doubt  whether  the  fanciful  advantage  so  ™»  "^\^,\f  ,^i''| 
thp  Third  to  contemplate  its  removal  to  Seville.    But  it  ^as  too  lare.    ma-miu 

planted  by  Philip  the  Second  continued  to  remam,  as  it  wm  prouduiy  c 
remain,  the  capital  of  the  Spanish  monarchy. 


CHAPTER  V. 

DISCONTENT  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS. 
The  Reformation-Its  Progress  in  the  Netherlands-General  Discontent-William  of  Orange. 

v^cillationZthfee  reign.  Protestantism,  in  the  P«c»%f«™  ™^t    h^ 

^ord^rThetilfflt^e^^T^^^^^^ 

ESkeTe?e%StrT.[i^rrp^-^^ 

of  th  Snlof  Swtorland,and  at  Geneva  its  gf  *  ^iVmnce  tiU  the 
iIL  I  ^norf^r«     His  doctrines  were  widely  circulated  through  i^  ranee,  uu  uie 

and  tokeSd,  aswe  hive  seen,  of  the  middle  and  southern  provinces  o!  the 
^'f  coSemporary  of  the  period,  who  reflected  on  the  onward  march  of  the 


»»  Such  at  least  is  Ford's  opinion.  (See  the 
Handbook  of  Spain,  p.  720,  et  seq.)  His 
clever  and  caustic  remarks  on  the  cl'uiate  ol 
Madrid  will  disenchant  the  traveller  whose 
notions  of  the  capital  have  been  derived  only 


from  the  reports  of  the  natives. 

^^  ♦'  Solo  Madrid  es  corte."— Ford,  who  naa 
certainly  not  ministered  to  the  vanity  of  the 
Madrllefio,  has  strung  together  these  various 
proverbs  with  good  effect. 


V 


186  DISCONTENT  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

new  religion  over  every  obstacle  in  its  path  who  had  seen  it  gather  imder  its 
banners  states  and  nations  once  the  most  loyal  and  potent  ya«f  ^  oJ„?f ';^«' 
would  have  had  little  reason  to  doubt  that  before  the  end  of  the  century  the 
Reform  would  have  extended  its  sway  over  the  whole  of  Chnstendom  1?  ortu- 
nately  for  Catholicism,  the  most  powerful  empire  in  Europe  ^as  in  the  hands 
of  a  prince  who  was  devoted  with  his  whole  soul  to  the  interests  of  the  Church 
Philip  the  Second  understood  the  importance  of  his  position.  His  whol^  Ute 
proves  that  he  felt  it  to  be  his  especial  mission  to  employ  his  great  resources 
to  restore  the  tottering  fortunes  of  Catholicism  and  stay  the  progress  of  the 
torrent  which  was  sweeping  away  every  landmark  of  the  P"»jiJ|7e  ■faith. 

We  have  seen  the  maimer  in  which  he  crushed  the  efforts  of  the  Protestants 
in  Spain.  This  was  the  first  severe  blow  stnick  at  the  Reformation  Its  con- 
sequences cannot  well  be  exaggerated ;  not  the  immediate  results,  which 
wild  have  been  little  without  the  subsequent  reforms  and  mcreased  activity 
of  the  Church  of  Rome  itself.  But  the  moral  intinence  of  such  a  blow,  when 
the  minds  of  men  had  been  depressed  by  a  long  series  of  reverses  is  not  to  be 
estimated.  In  view  of  this,  one  of  the  most  eminent  Roman  Catholic  writera 
does  not  hesitate  to  remark  that  "  the  power  and  abilities  of  Philip  the  Second 
afforded  a  counterpoise  to  the  Protestant  cause,  which  prevented  it  froni 
making  itself  master  of  Europe."  '  The  blow  was  struck  ;  and  from  this  period 
little  beyond  its  present  conquests  was  to  be  gauied  for  the  cause  of  the 

^It  w^^not  to  be  expected  that  Philip,  after  having  exterminated  heresy  in 
one  part  of  his  dominions,  should  tolerate  its  existence  in  any  other,— least  ot 
all  iha  country  so  important  as  the  Netherlands.  Yet  a  little  reflection  might 
have  satisfied  him  that  the  same  system  of  measures  could  hardly  be  applied 
with  a  prospect  of  success  to  two  countries  so  different.y  situated  as  fepam  ana 
the  Netherlands.  The  Romish  faith  may  be  said  to  have  entered  into  the 
being  of  the  Spaniard.  It  was  not  merely  cherished  as  a  form  of  religion,  but 
as  a  principle  of  honour.  It  was  part  of  the  national  j|;story.  For  eight 
centuries  the  Spaniard  had  been  fighting  at  home  the  battles  of  the  Church. 
Nearly  every  inch  of  soil  in  his  own  country  was  won  by  amis  from  the  inhdel. 
His  wars,  as  I  have  more  than  once  had  occasion  to  remark,  were  all  wars  of 
religion.  He  carried  the  same  spirit  across  the  waters.  There  he  was  still 
fighting  the  infidel  His  life  was  one  long  crusade.  How  could  this  champion 
of  the  Church  desert  her  in  her  utmost  need  'i     ...     ^        ^  ... 

With  this  predisposition,  it  was  easy  for  Philip  to  enforce  obedience  in  a 
people  naturally  the  most  loyal  to  their  princes,  to  whom,  moreover,  since  the 
fatal  war  of  the  Comunidades,  they  had  l>een  accustomed  to  pay  an  almost 
Oriental  submission.  Intrenched  behind  the  wall  of  the  Pyrenees,  Spain,  we 
must  bear  in  mind,  felt  little  of  the  great  shock  which  was  convulsing  France 
and  the  other  states  of  Europe  ;  and  with  the  aid  of  so  formidable  an  engine 
as  the  Inquisition  it  was  easy  to  exterminate,  before  they  could  take  root,  such 
seeds  of  heresy  as  had  been  Wme  by  the  storm  across  the  mountains 

The  Netherlands,  on  the  other  hand,  lay  like  a  valley  among  the  hills, 
which  drinks  in  all  the  waters  of  the  siurounding  country.  They  were  a 
common  reservoir  for  the  various  opinions  which  agitated  the  nations  on  their 
borders.  On  the  south  were  the  Lutherans  of  Germany  ;  the  French  Hugue- 
nots pressed  them  on  the  west ;  and  by  the  ocean  they  held  communication 
with  England  and  the  nations  of  the  Baltic.  The  soldier  quartered  on  their 
territory,  the  seaman  who  visited  their  shores,  the  trader  who  trathcked  m 
their  towns,  brought  with  them  ditterent  forms  of  the  new  religion.  Buoks 
'  rulnies,  Piutcstautisni  and  Catholicity  Compared,  p.  215. 


REFORMATION  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS. 


187 


I 


from  France  and  from  Germany  circulated  widely  among  a  people  nearly  all 

^t"';:;rd^\S  re' Sr^d%^y  .^e^  a^^^^^^^^^ 

themselves.    Freedom  of  speculation  on  rehgjous  top'f  .^^spirk  of  fre^ 

Si  those  of  unity  of  government ;  and  men  began  boldly  to  criticize  the 
Netherlands,   When  the  P;»""P«!.  P't^^^f^he  e*ve« 

mafiner  In  which  they  were  executed    Thisj^  still  fur^^^^ 
grand  canal  extending  from  Antwerp  to  1^'^"?^!^',*,*^^  .^^^^^^^ 

SI'S  r^^^^^'^T^^FS^^'^ 

f:?a!:^Kixrt^rM^^^^ 

Eerty-or  li<*nse  as  it  .^  ternjed^^ 

emperor's  reign,  that  the  I^§^?*  j^W:  *Xt  "  she  would  not  continue  to 

te  X.??ihtr;^Vrign rr^  ^^^^^ioJ'm.nnen  had  undergone 

'  .  .   . —   .-^^u   faint   An    crrandes 


«  "II  y  avoit  bien  30.  ana  que  ceux  de 
Brusselles  avoyent  commence,  et  avoyent 
perce  des  col  lines,  des  champs  et  cbenilns, 
desauels  il8  avoient  acbapte  les  fouds  des 

*  rit  would  be  vain  to  conjecture  wbat 
f^veveign  is  here  alluded  to.  Charles  \  .  jaa 
the  first  absentee,  if  even  be  could  be  so 


proprietaires.  on  y  avoit  faict  40  Rrandes 
escluses  .  .  .  et  courU  dix  hu.ts  cent  m  He 
florins."  Metereu,  Hist,  des  Pays-^as.  to^i- 
i.  fol.  26. 


called ;  and  when  he  inherited  tl.e  provinces 
tliey  bad  lieen  united  under  a  common  sceptre 
for  nearly  a  century.— Eu.] 


r^  re 


V 


> 


188  DISCONTENT  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

.,eh  a  cha„ge,-in  whom  respect  for  God  and  man  seemed  no  longer  to 
'^^^osopher  .ho  ^^ojM  have  co^^mplat^l  a^^^^^^^^  oomht.n^ 
thrcOTintry  and  the  civilization  ».*  "^i*  it  haa  am  ^  ^  ^^^  ^^^^^ 
thit  a  system  of  toleration  m  reh^oi^m^^^^^^  j,  tPhiUp 

to  the  genius  of  the  P^P'^  =^"^ft!,™ara  virt ne  not  understood,  at  that  time, 
,fas  no  pMlo^»Ph«>- ;  '">'i,f°'^^,7?;Xlic  Tte  question,  therefore,  is  not 
by  Calvinist  any  more  than  by  tatnoiic.     i        i  ^^  ^^^^  j 

Aether  the  ena  he  PreffVhllin  took  th^  best  mean's  for  eftecting  that 

should  be  criticised.  ,         ,  ^     •  ^  ^  capital  error,  by  com- 

Here,  in  the  outset,  he  seems  t^  ^ave^^  hands  of  a  foreigner - 

mitting  so  large  a  share  in  the  goven  meni  lo  ^^^^  ^^  ^j 

Wllle.    The  country  ^^' ^^'^ ^^^^^^^^^^ 

Sghest  birth,  ^^ose  ancestois  were  as^iaiea  ^  countrymen  by  their 

recollections,  and  who  ^f  ^,«?^!^f ^jX  m^^^^^^^^^  under  no  slight  obliga- 

own  services.    To  several  of  ^^ese  I'iniip  nim  e  _q,^  the  fields  of 

tions  for  the  aid  they  had  f'^^^^^f^^t  treaty  which  closed 

Gravelines  and  St  Qj^entm,  ^f  ^  "^^he  nego  ^^    cted  that  these  proud 

tt",^n'graTan'Vfcna,X^rte£  indebted  for  his  elevation  to 

the  royai  favour.  numerous  aristocracy,  inferior  nobles 

Besides  these  great  lords,  there  ^f  */3;,  ^he  standard  of  Charles  m  his 
and  cavaliers,  many  of  ^^om  had  served  vmOer  me  ^^  ordonnance 

long  wars.    They  there  formed  those  {omKiaD  e  co    y  ^^^  .^^  ^^^j 

^.hose  fame  perhaps  stood  higher  han  that  ^^^y^'^^'a,  with  their  roving 
cavalry,    ^e  situation  of  tW  ^^^^n,  n«^^^^^^^  been  compared  by  a 

military  l^^W^P^M^^^^  Bourbons  was  occimied 

modern  author  to  that  which  on  the  accession  ui  ,    ,p     ^^  ^o  their 

by  the  soldiers  whom  Napoleon  had  so  oft^^^^  ^^^^o  [.  ^^^^^^^^^d 

restlessness,  many  of  .t^^.^^  .^^^,«"  ^  j'^,^^^^^  bft^  ambitious  expenditure  at 
by  debts  contracted  in  their  campaigns,  or  Dyww  am  u  ^^^      Flemish 

hLie,  especially  i-.^valry  mth  the^p^^^^^^^^  oppr^.by 

nobles,"  says  a  writer  of  the  t"«e,   ^e^m  Ji^^L^^  ^^ 

heaiyiebt*  and  the  .payment  ^[^^f^^^^^^^^  trobps^f  retainers, 

much  as  they  were  worth  on  th^JJ  Pj,^^.^^'  5^^  of  every  descnp- 

costly  Uveries,  their  banquets  and^^^^^^^  ^^^^1^  l^' devisejl. 

terscrteS  '^^Jr^JJ^r^^^^^  comW,  and  men  anxiously 
looked  forward  to  some  change.  ^^  ^^^ 

S?M  que  doble  de  lo  que  tenian  en  ediflcio., 

mneuS,  festlnes.  danzas,  maBcavadas,  luegos 

d^  dadS  naip«.  vestidos,  libreas,  seguimiento 

de  crSs  y  ?e;'eralmente  en  todas  Buertes  de 

delevtes.  luxuTia,  y  superfluidad,  lo  que  Be 

av ia  comenzado  anWB  de  la  yda  de  su  mage^tad 

d  EspHfta.     Y  desde  entono  8  uvo  un  d.  Hcon- 

tento  rasJ  general  en  el  pals  y  esperanza  de 

eBrgente%8i  alborotada  de  veer  en  poco 

JionipL  una  tnudanza."    Renom  de  traucla, 

Alborolos  de  Flaudes,  MS. 


C 


•  "  Je  vols  une  grande  Jeunesse  en  cespays, 
avec  les  moeurs  desquelz  ne  me  Btjaurois  ny  ne 
t'oS^?8  accommoder;  la  fidellte  du  monde 
Pt  resnect  envers  Dieu  et  son  pnnce  si  corrom- 
pu/T^  .  que  ne  dewrerois  pas  seuUement  de 
lespasgouverner,  .  .  .  mals  aussy  me  faBche 
dple  viir  congnoistreetdevivre  .  .  .  entre 
JelleBTen; '^Tapiers  d'fitat  d£  Gran^elle. 

^"b^rircht!  HiBtolre  du  Eoyaume  des  Pays- 
Bas  (Hruxellee,  1842).  torn,  i  p.  1\. 
^  "  Es  menester  ver  como  la  nobleza  se  ha 
dcsde  mucho  tiempo  desmandada  y  cmpefiada 


11 


WILLIAM  OF  ORANGE. 


189 


■I 


monarcn  wnose.,  s^iiii?rt^»M^  \**j  • 

CtMni!^  '^^^'if^^^^^^^^^      fear  f 

nLs  traits  at  home-  ^emed  desir^^^^^^^  '^SuS  .Cne",  assuniing 

,v..s  their  <1«««"X  t»  "^5^X4  of  tSj^^^^lXS^  Brought 
a-,  enemies,  wejinrt  the  W'^TTSf.^^-J~rSi^^  sceptre,  a 

r;?:it^^rr paSsSS^r^i^^^^^^^^^  ^^  «--^  --- "' 

"te  Scnlty  wa.  still  further  incr-ed  b^^^^^^^^^  t^^t^t 

ing  countries,  where  the  ""'''/ "/XinlSrrtheaLosphereselined 
stfte  of  fermentetion  >"  "^^t^,  «  ,  S  conditio;^;hicha-.i^^h«  «»m«g 
everywhere  to  be  in  tnat  nigmy  ^•^\^;''^'*-f.  ,.,««  rIpAr  that  it  was  only  by  a 

^V\::^.^7\^^:^:^^^^  '.SSed  to  the  ^ar  of  the 
'^felu-ready.seen  that  Philip  on  ^aving^^t^  T  t&'u'^i  t 

Granvelle,  Comit  Ikrlaimont,  and  the  learne^^  ^  ^^^^^ 

were  altogether  devoted  to  Granvelle  and  the  re^^^^^^^  ^^ 

country,  taking  into  '■«"  *e'r  yank,  fortn^ie^^a^^^^^^  „f  j^e 

Egmont  and  the  pnnce  of  Orange  LZ^'Lutmrt.  which  he  took  in  the  great 
fomier,  and  the  reader  has/een  tl^e  impoitent  part^^^^^^^^  Philip  had 

victories  of  Gravelines  and  St.  Q"*'!*'"- „l°i?f /[u"  * ^  and  still  more  for 
also  been  indebted  for  his  ^If  f '  "' ^«"  ^  f  for  pS  It  wUl  be  proper, 
i;jU%t:^fttr,r^^eTh'e'^^rrr^^^^^^^  of  this  celebrated 
mln.  «fe°'grlat  leaded  in  the  -^  »«  ^^^^  ^pther^nd.  ^, 

William,  prince  of  prance,  was  born  at  Uillenourg,  ^^^^^  ^  ^^^^^^ 

Nassau,  on  the  twenty-htth  of  April,  lo-w-    ""f," ■*,  '      .  ^nd  William's  own 

one  of  whose  branches  had  given  *"  «"'Svment"  thev 'hThe Id,  and  the 
ancestors  were  distiugnished  by  the  emp^05mente^^  ^^^^^ 

™^  So?  {i^,f JSJ-p^nV- SKl^ollUns  to  him  than  he 


190  DISCONTENT  IN  THK  NETHERLANDS. 

to  Philip,  and  that  but  for  the  house  of  l-f^^^^l^^H^l.^"^  "°"''^  ™' 

'TmlLmfp^"^^^^^^^^  Lutherans,  and  in  their  faith  he  v^as  educated 

T^,^  Ses  s^w  with  d^  the  false  direction  thus  given  to  one  who  at 

^fut'u'r^tyTas'to  oVupy  -  .^i^tingvushed  a  P^^^^^^^^ 
vassals.    With  the  consent  of  his  parents,  the  child,  in  ^^^^tweiiin  y^r^  «^ 
r^^ed  to  Brussels,  to  be  brought  up  in  the  family  ^^/he  emperor's  s^^^^^ 
fha  R^pnt  Marv  of  Huncarv.    However  their  consent  to  this  step  may  oe 
explS?  t^^^^^^^^^^^  t'hat  their  zeaUor  the  ^Pfritual  welfare  of    he^ 

tn  hP  nlaced  in  an  attit\ide  of  such  bitter  hostility.  .,„^u«i^ 

When  Mteen  ykrsof  age,  the  prince  was  taken  into  the  imperial  ^ouseho Id, 

rei3abirproof  of  his  confidence  in  his  capacity,  by  r*}^^"?^^".'?  ^,,^,^^,^^5 
Stwentv  two  over  the  heads  of  veteran  officers  and  giving  hini  the  command 
0    t^mUnal  forces  ei^  in  the  siege  of  Mari^nburg.  .  I>\"?"f^  the/ix 

InthsE  William  was  in  command  they  were  f "  l^"P;^^,^,;^^erf  ^  T^^^^^^^ 
and  with  the  construction  of  a  fortress  for  the  protection  of  ^^nders.  ihere 
t^  tie  room  for  military  display.  But  the  troops  wer^mwa^^^^^^^ 
of  money,  and  their  young  commander's  conduct  under  these  en  barras^^^^^^ 
wVs  such  as  to  vindicate  ttie  wisdom  of  his  appointment.  Charles  afterward^ 
emuloved  him  on  several  diplomatic  missions,-a  more  congenial  field  for  the 
exeKf  W^  to  have  been  better  smted  to  civil  than  to 

"'?he'ei~^   regard  for  the  prince  seems  to  have  increased  with  his  years 
and  he  Xe  DubK       of  it,  in  the  last  hour  of  his  reign,  by  leaning  on 
W  liamfsh^^^^^^^^^^^^^  time  of  his  abdication,  when  he  made  h^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

Address  to  the  states  of  the  Netherlands.    H^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
selecting  him  for  the  honourable  mis^on  of  beanng  the  impenai  crown  w 

^  On  "hi^^abdication,  Charles  earnestly  commended  WilHam  to  his  succa^^^^^ 
PlX  profited  by  his  services  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  when  the  pnnce  of 
Om  ge%ho  had  followed  him  in  the  French  war,  was  made  one  of  the  four 


WILLIAM  OF  ORANGE. 


191 


•  ApologiedeGuiUaume  IX.  Prince  d'Orange 
centre  la  I'roscription  de  I'hilippe  II.  Roi 
d'h^pagn«»  presentee  aux  Etats  Generaux  des 
Pays-l^ia,  le  13  Decembre,  1580,  up.  Dumont, 
Cori)8  diplomatique,  torn.  v.  p.  384. 

'  M  Groen  Van  I'rinsterer  has  taken  some 
pains  to  explain  the  conduct  of  William's 
parents,  on  the  ground,  cliiefly,  that  they  liad 
reason  to  think  their  son,  aRer  all.  might  be 
allowed  to  worship  according  to  the  way  m 


which  he  had  been  educated  (p.  195).  But, 
■whatever  concessions  to  tlie  Protestants  may 
have  been  wrung  from  Charles  by  considera- 
tions of  public  policy,  we  suspect  few  who 
have  studied  his  character  will  l)elieve  that 
he  would  ever  have  consented  to  allow  one  of 
his  own  household,  one  to  whom  he  stood  m 
the  relation  of  a  guardian,  to  be  nurtured  in 
the  faith  of  heretics. 


tl 


plenipotentiaries  for  negotiating  the  treaty  of  Cateau-Carabresis,  for  the  exe- 
cution of  which  he  remained  as  one  of  the  hostages  in  h  ranee.  ^^„«^ 
While  at  the  court  of  Henry  the  Second,  it  will  be  remembered,  the  pnnce 
became  acquainted  with  the  secret  designs  of  the  French  and  Spanish  «»oi«jrelis 
against  the  Protestants  in  their  dominions ;  and  oe  resolved  ^rom  that  hour  tx) 
devote  all  his  strength  to  expel  the  "  Spanish  vermin  »  from  the  Netherlands. 
One  must  not  infer  from  this,  however,  that  William  at  this  early  period  medi- 
tated the  design  of  shaking  off  the  rule  of  Spain  altogether,  ihe  object  ne 
had  in  view  went  no  further  than  to  relieve  the  country  from  the  odious  pre- 
sence of  the  Spanish  troops  and  to  place  the  admiiiLstration  in  those  hands  to 
which  it  rightfully  belonged.  They,  however  who  set  a  revolution  in  motion 
have  not  always  the  power  to  stop  it  If  thev  can  succeed  i»  fj^mf  ^f  a 
direction,  they  will  probably  be  carried  forward  by  it  beyond  their  inte^riM 
limits,  uitil,  gathering  confidence  with  success,  they  aim  at  an  end  tar  higher 
than  that  which  theyW  originally  proposed.    Such,  doubtless,  was  the  case 

with  William  of  Orange.  ,    .       .i        •         r  a^„„„«»  -m«o 

Notwithstanding  the  emperor's  recommendation,  the  pnnce  of  Urange  vras 
not  the  man  whoni  Philip  selected  for  his  confidence,  ^or  wa^  it  possible  or 
William  to  regard  the  king  with  the  same  feelings  which  ^e  had  entertained 
for  the  emperor.  To  Charles  the  prince  was  under  obvious  obligations  for  his 
nurture  in^arly  life.  His  national  pride,  too,  was  not  wounded  by  having  a 
SpSdfor  a  sovereign,  since  Charles  was  not  by  birth  much  less  in  heart 
a  Spaniard.  All  this  was  reversed  in  PhiUp,  in  whom  William  saw  only  the 
?ep^entative  of  a  detested  race.  The  prudent  reserve  which  inarked  the 
character  of  each,  no  doubt,  prevented  tk  outward  demons  rai^^^^^^^^ 
sentiments  ;  but  from  their  actions  we  may  readily  infer  the  instinctive  aver- 
sion which  the  two  parties  entertained  for  each  other. 

At  the  early  age  of  eighteen,  William  married  Anne  of  Egmont,  daughter  of 
thf  count  of  Bu?en.  The  connection  was  a  happy  one  if  we  may  trust  the 
lovinrtone  of  their  correspondence.  Unhappily,  in  a  few  years  their  union 
w^lisso  ved  by  the  lady's  Seath.  The  prince  did  not  long  remain  a  widower 
before  he  made  proposal^  to  the  daughter  of  the  diic\ess  of  Lorra^^^^^^^  The 
prospect  of  such  a  match  gave  great  dissatis  action  to  P|^l^^P',^/^^o Jia^ '^^^^^^ 
to  s^his  Flemish  vassal  allied  with  the  family  of  a  great  feudatory  of  France  * 
Disapr>ointed  in  this  quarter,  William  next  paid  his  f^JX^^.^^nt 
Saxony,  an  heiress  whose  large  nossessions  made  her  one  of  the  most  br^^^^^ 
matches  in  Germany.    William^  passion  and  his  mterest,  it  was  remaikeu, 

%e'cour::"  fW^^^^        was  not  destined  to  nin  sm(X)thly  on  the  preseivt 
occasfon     Anne  was  the  daughter  of  Maurice,  the  great  Lutheran  champicni 

?hfimpiacfble  enemy  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  Left  f  ^ly/^'^^Hi^he  strictei 
been  r^red  in  the  family  of  her  uncle,  the  elector  of  Saxony,  m  the  stnctest 
SsTthe  Lutheran  Lth.  Such  a  connection  was,  of  course,  every  wa,y 
dStehil  to  Philip  to  whom  William  was  wiHing  so  iar  to  de  er  a.  to  solia 
his  approbation,  though  he  did  not  mean  to  be  controlled  ^y  t  ,  The  corre^ 
sDondence  on  the  subject,  in  which  both  the  regent  and  Granvelle  took  an 
Sive  part,^^^^^^^^^^^^  a^  mi'ich  space  in  collections  of  the  penoj^^y  rno^^^^^^^^^^ 
tant  negotiations.    The  prince  endeavoured  to  silence  the  king's  scruples  by 

•  See  particularly  Margaret's  letter  to  the  king,  of  March  13th.  1560.  Correspondance  de 
Marguerite  d'Autriche,  p.  260,  et  seq. 


*  [As  Lorraine  was  a  fief,  not  of  France, 
but  of  the  Empire,  this  cannot  have  been  the 
ground  of  Philip's  opposition  to  the  match, 


the  fact  of  which,  indeed,  though  probable 
enough  in  itself,  rests  on  no  certain  evidence. 
—Ed] 


1 


192  DISCONTENT  IN  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

declaring  that  he  was  too  much  a  Catholic  at  ^^^^  to  mar^any  w^anj^^ 

iell^on^  Tht  dSSng  leaves  a  disagreeable  impression  in  regard  to 
W  l!^am\  character  Yet  it  does  not  seem,  to  judge  from  h  s  later  life,  to  be 
\y  illiam  s  cp^racier.     X  et  lu  u     , ,    ,  .       |-  •   ^^^  author  whom  he  is  said  to 

Of  August,  iDbi.     ine  King  "' J^  '.  .i^    j^ow  Countries,  were  invited 

Srtlfere  hfwl    surrou^^^^^^^  and  caviuers  and  a  nun.erqus 

re^^^eVmenial^'    He  lived  in  grwt  sUte,  display.ngaprofu.se  n.agmh- 

r.t^^  r.ra^Tvelle's  word  to  nine  hundred  thousand  Honns  ••  Yet,  if  Williams 
Sv'^'^c^rnt  but  one  yl  later,  be  true,  the  debt  was  then  brought  withm  a 
very  moderate  compass.*' 


-  M  GroenVanPrinstererhaaindnstrlously 
coUated  the  correspondence  of  the  several 
parties,  which  must  be  allowed  to  form  an 
edit  vine  chapter  in  the  annals  ot  matrimonial 
diplomacy.  See  Archives  de  la  Maison 
d'Oranpe-Kassau,  torn.  i.  p.  202. 

">  Memoires  de  Granvelle,  torn.  1.  p.  25i. 

"  Raumer.  Hist.Ta8ch.,p.  I09,ap.  Archive 
de  la  Maison  d'Orange- Nassau,  torn.  i.  p.  115. 

'»  Correspondancede  Marguerite  d  Autrlche, 

^"'^  It  may  give  some  idea  of  the  scale  of 
William's  domestic  establishment  to  state 
that,  on  reducing  it  to  a  more  econon.ical 
standard,  twenty-eight  head-cooks  ^"e  dis- 
missed.  (Van  der  Haer,  De  Initns  Tumult., 
n  182,  up.  Archives  de  la  Maison  d  Orange- 
Nassau,  torn.  I.  p.  200*.)  The  same  con- 
temporary tells  us  that  there  were  few  princes 
m  Germany  who  had  not  one  cook  at  least 
that  had  served  an  apprenticeship  m  N\  lUiam  8 


kitchen,— the  best  school  in  that  day  for  the 
noble  science  of  gastronomy.  ,     „  , 

'*  •'  Audivi  rem  domesticam  sic  splendlde 
habuisse  ut  at  ordinarium  domus  ministerium 
haberet  24  Nobiles,  pueros  vero  Nobiles 
(Faglos  nominamus)  18."    Ibid.,  ubl  supra. 

'  *  "  Rei  domesticae  splendor,  famulorumque 
et  asseclarum  multitudo  magnls  Principibus 
par  Nee  uUa  toto  Belgio  sedes  hospitalior, 
ad  quam  frequentius  peregrinl  Proceres  Lega- 
tique  diverterent,  exciperenturque  magniH- 
centius,  quam  Orangii  dumus."  Strada,  Ue 
Bello  Belgico,  p.  99. 

'•  "  Le  prince  d'Orange,  qui  tient  un  grand 
^tat  de  maison,  et  mene  a  sa  suite  des  comtes. 
dcs  barons  et  beauctuip  d'autrcs  gentilshom- 
mes  d'Allemagne,  doit,  pour  le  moins,  900,000 
fl."    Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  tom.  I. 

p.  239.  «    ,..  .X-      » 

"  In  .fanuary,  1564.  we  find  him  wnt-ng  to 
his  brother,  "Puis  qu'il  ne  teste  que  A  X.V. 


WILLIAM  OF  ORANGE. 


lo> 


JyJ 


With  his  genial  habits  and  love  of  pleasure,  and  with  manners  the  most 
attractive,  he  had  not  the  free  and  open  temper  which  o^te"  g;f.^?l^"S  ^^^^^ 
them,  lie  was  called  by  his  contemporanes  "  William  the  feilent.  Peihaps 
the  epithet  was  intended  to  indicate  not  so  much  his  taciturnity,  as  that  im- 
penetrable reserve  which  locked  up  his  secrets  closely  withm  his  bosom  ISo 
man  knew  better  how  to  keep  his  counsel,  even  from  those  who  acted  with 
him.  But,  while  masking  his  own  designs,  no  man  was  more  sagacious  n 
penetrating  those  of  others.  He  carried  on  an  extensive  correspondence  ^^^^ 
foreiijn  countries,  and  employed  every  means  for  getting  information.  Ihus, 
while  he  had  it  in  his  power'to  outwit  others,  it  was  vej  f ''e  that  ^^^^^^ 
their  dupe     Though  on  ordinary  occasions  frugal  of  words,  when  he  did  speak 

was  ^dth  effect. '  His  e^uence  was  of  the  most  persuasive  kind ;  -  and  as 
towards  his  inferiors  he  was  attal)le,  and  exceedindy  c^"^^^,^^^  ^^^  e*^f\ |^^^^^^ 
in^s,  he  acquired  an  unbounded  ascendency  overliis  ^ountrynei .  It  must 
be  admitted  that  the  prince  of  Orange  possessed  many  rare  qualities  for  the 

leader  of  a  great  revolution.  ,  ,  .      .,  ,      i-  •         -1.4.  i«„;i  «„o  fn 

The  course  William  took  in  respect  to  his  wife's  religion  might  lead  one  to 
donfJt  whether  he  were  at  heart  Catholic  or  Protestont  or  indeed^^^^^^^^^^  he 
were  not  equally  indirterent  to  both  persuasions.     The  latter  opinion  might  be 
TtreSiiS  by  a  remark  imputed  to  him,  that  "  he  would  not  have  his  wife 
trffi'elf  wfth  such  melincholy  books  ^^.the  8crinturcs  but  mste^^^^^ 
them  amuse  herself  with  Amadis  de  Gaul,  and  other  lAeasant  J^^t^rs^^^^^^^^^^ 
kind  "2"    "  The  prince  of  Orange,"  says  a  writer  of  the  time.    Passed  lor  a 
Catholic  among  Catholics,  a  Lutheran  amonff  Lutherans.     I^,  ^^  ^i*^' .^^ 
would  have  had  a  religion  compounded  of  both.    In  truth  he  looked  on  the 
Chr  stiar'Sn  like  the  ce/emonies  which  Numa  introduced  as  a  sort  of 
pSinveS^^  -    Granvelle,  in  a  letter  to  PhiliPv^Peaks^^^ 
niirnose  "    These  portraits  were  by  unfriendly  hands.     Iho.e  who  take  a  oil 
FS  view  of  his' character,  while  they  admit  that  m  his  e^^^^^^^ 
oi>inions  in  matters  of  faith  were  unsettled,  ^"tend  th^U  m  tmie  he  b^^^^^^ 
siiicerelv  attached  to  the  doctr  nes  which  he  defended  with  his  sworcL     ims 
seems  to  be  no  more  than  natural.     But  the  reader  will  have  an  opi>ortunity 
oHudgii?  for  Self,  when  he  has  followed  the  great  chief  through  the 

'ISbe'^S^^^^  the  leader  in  a  religious  revolution  should  <;^ 

have  S  himself  without  any  religious  convictions     One  thing  is  certain  he 
possessed  a  spirit  of  toleration,  the  more  honourable  that  m  that  day  it  was  so 


cens  florins  par  an,  que  sorons  bien  tost 
delivre  des  debtes."  Archives  de  la  Maison 
d'Orange-Nassau,  tom.  i.  p.  196.        ^    .    , , 

"  "II  estoit  d'une  eloquence  admirame, 
avec  laquelle  il  tnettoit  en  evidence  les  con- 
ceptions sublimes  de  son  esprit,  et  faisoit  pi  er 
les  aultres  seigneurs  de  la  court,  ainsy  que 
bon  luysembloit."  Gachard  (Correspondance 
de  Guillaume  le  Taciturne,  tom.  ii.,  Preface, 
p  3),  who  quotes  a  manuscript  of  the  six- 
teenth century,  preserved  in  tlie  library  of 
Arras, entitled  "Commencement  de  I  Histoire 
des  Troubles  des  Pays-Ras,  advonuz  soubz  le 
Gouvernemeiit  de  Madan.e  la  Dachesse  de 

Parme." 

'"  ••  Sy  estoit  singulieremcnt  aime  et  bien 
vollu  de  la  comimmc,  pour  une  gracieuse 
facou  de  faire  qu'il  avoit  de  saluer  caresser 
et  arraisonner  privement  et  faniiUerement 
tout  le  moftde."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


'11  ne  I'occuperoit  point  de  ces  choses 
melancoliques,  mais  il  lui  feroit  lire,  au  lieu 
des  Saintes-Ecritures,   Aiiiadis  de  Gaule  et 
d'autres  livres  amusants  du  meme  genre. 
Archives  de  la  Maisou  d'Orange-Nassau,  tom. 

i.  p.  203*.  ,         , 

^'  "II  estoit  du  nombre  de  ceulx  qui  pen- 
sent  que  la  religion  chrestienne  soit  une  in- 
vention politique,  pour  contenir  le  peuple  en 
office  par  voie  de  Dieu,  noii  plus  ni  moms  que 
les  ceremoni  s,  divinations  ct  superstitions 
que  Numa  Pumpilius  introduisit  a  Rome. 
Commencemeut  de  I'Hist.  des  Troubles,  MS., 
ap.  (Jachard,  Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le 
Taciturne,  tom.  ii..  Preface,  P. 5. 

-■'  "  Tantot  Catholique,  tantv.t  Calvinlste  ou 
Lutherien  selon  hs  diff^rentes  occasions,  et 
stlon  s<^3  divers  dossoius."  Memoires  de 
Granvollo,  torn.  ii.  p.  54. 

O 


194  OPPOSITION  TO  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

rare.  He  condemned  the  Calvinists  as  restless  and  seditious  ;  the  CaM^^ 
fnr  thpir  biffoted  attachment  to  a  dogma.  Persecution  m  matters  of  taitn  ne 
K^on^rT^^^^^^  o!  julgment  in  such  matters  he  ^^^^^^^^^ 

inalienable  right  of  man."    These  conclusions,  at  which  the  ^voIld,  after  an 
nSaWe  a?!^^^^^^^^      human  suffering,  has  been  t^^ireecent^^^^^^^ 
(has  it  altogether  arrived  at  them  yet  ?),  must  be  aUowed  to  reflect  great  creait 
on  the  character  of  William. 


THE  NEW  BISHOPRICS. 


195 


CHAPTER  VI. 

OPPOSITION  TO  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

Grounds  of  Complaint-The  Spanish  Troops-The  New  Bishoprics -Influence  of  Granvelle- 
Grounos  oi  M>iDpiiu  ^^^^^  ^y  the  Nobles-His  Unpopularity. 

1659-1662. 

The  first  cause  of  trouble,  after  Philip's  departure  from  the  Netherlands,  arose 
from  the  detention  of  the  Spanish  troops  there.  The  king  had  pledged  his 
vord  it  will  be  remembered,  that  they  sThould  le^ve  the  country  by  the  end  of 
four  months,  at  farthest.  Yet  that  period  had  long  since  passed,  and  no  pre- 
paraS  we're  made  for  their  departure.  The  indignation  of  the  people  rose 
Wher  and  higher  at  the  insult  thus  offered  by  the  presence  of  these  detested 
foreigne  s  It  was  a  season  of  peace.  No  invasion  w^  threatened  from 
abroad ;  no  insurrection  existed  at  home.  There  was  nothing  to  renuire  the 
n^intenance  of  an  extraordinary  force,  much  less  of  one  coinposed  of  foreign 
?Sops^  U  ^^^^^  onlv  be  that  the  king,  distrustiiig  his  rfemish  subjects, 
Sned  to  overawe  tWi  by  his  mercenaries  in  sufficient  strength  to  enforce 

,  Kbitrary  acts.  Th^JiieL^pmt-^-th^J^tKerlands  was  roused  by  these 
suseestions,  and  they  boldly  demanded  the  removal  of  the  Spaniards. 

'  fiaiS  himself,  who  would  willingly  have  pleased  his  master  by  reteming 
a  force  in  the  country  on  which  he  could  rely,  admitted  that  the  Project  was 
iiunracticable  "The  troops  must  be  withdrawn,"  he  wrote,  "and  tliat 
s^^eduj^^^^^^^  consequence  will  be  an  insurrection.":  The  states  would  not 
cbnsent,  he  said,  to  furnish  the  necessary  subsidies  while  they  remained  The 
prince  of  Orange  and  Count  Egmont  threw  up  the  commands  intrusted  to  them 
by  the  king,    ^hey  dared  no  longer  hold  them,  as  the  minister  added,  it  was 

^^TheTroops  had  much  increased  the  difficulty  by  their  own  misconduct. 
They  were  drawn  from  the  great  mass,  often  the  dre^  of  the  people ;  and 
their  morals,  such  as  they  were,  had  not  been  improved  in  the  life  of  the  camp. 
However  strict  their  discipline  in  time  of  active  service,  it  was  greatly 
relaxed  in  their  present  state  of  inaction  ;  and  they  had  full  license,  as  weU  as 

agora  las  cosas  entrassen  en  alboroto."    Pa- 
piers  d'fitat  de  GrHnvelle,  torn.  vi.  p.  166. 

»  "  Harto  sp  declaran  y  el  Prfncipe  d'Oranges 
y  Mons'  d'Epmont  que  aunque  tuviessen  la 
mayor  voluntad  del  mundo  para  servir  en  esto 
^  V.  M.  de  tener  cargo  mas  tiempo  de  loa 
Espafioles,  no  lo  osarian  emprender  si  bol- 
viessen,  por  no  perderse  y  su  credito  y  repu- 
tacion  con  estos  estados."    Ibid.,  p.  197. 


«•  "  Estimant,  alnsy  que  faisoient  lora  beau- 
coup  de  catholiques.  que  c'estoit  chose  cruelle 
de  faire  mourir  ung  homme,  pour  seulement 
avoir  BouBtenu  une  opinion,  jasoit  qu'elle  fut 
erronee."  MS.  quoted  by  (Jachard,  Corre- 
Bpondance  de  Guillaume  le  Taciturne,  torn,  ii., 
Prcfftcc  p*  4» 

*  "  No  86  vee  que  puedan  quedar  aquf  mas 
tiemp   sin  grandisslmo  peligro  de  que  dende 


r 


leisure^  to  indulge  their  mischievous  appetites,  at  the  expense  of  the  unfortu- 
nate districts  in  which  they  were  quartered.  ^      .    ^  j.^        t 

Yet  Philip  was  slow  in  returning  an  answer  to  the  importunate  letters  ot 
the  regent  and  the  minister ;  and  when  he  did  reply  it  was  to  evade  their 
request,  lamenting  his  want  of  funds,  and  declaring  his  purpose  to  remove  the 
forces  so  soon  as  he  could  pay  their  arrears.  The  public  exchequer  was 
undoubtedly  at  a  low  ebb ;  lower  in  Spain  than  in  the  Netherlands.'  But  no 
one  could  believe  the  royal  credit  so  far  reduced  as  not  to  be  able  to  provide 
for  the  arrears  of  three  or  four  thousand  soldiers.  The  regent,  however,  saw 
that,  with  or  without  instructions,  it  was  necessary  to  act.  Several  of  the 
members  of  the  council  became  sureties  for  the  payment  of  the  arrears,  and 
the  troops  were  ordered  to  Zealand,  in  order  to  embark  for  Spain.  But  the 
winds  proved  unfavourable.  Two  months  longer  they  were  detained,  on  shore 
or  on  board  the  transports.  They  soon  got  into  brawls  with  the  workmen 
employed  on  the  dikes ;  and  the  inhabitants,  still  apprehensive  of  orders  from 
the  king  countermanding  the  departure  of  the  Spaniards,  resolved,  m  such  an 
event,  to  abandon  the  dikes  and  lay  the  country  under  water  !  1?  ortunately, 
they  were  not  driven  to  this  extremity.  In  January,  1561,  more  than  a  year 
after  the  date  assigned  by  Philip,  the  nation  was  reUeved  of  the  presence  of 
t'hp  intnidprs ' 

Philip's  conduct  in  this  affair  it  is  not  very  easy  to  explain.  However  much 
he  might  have  desired  originally  to  maintain  the  troops  m  the  Netherlands,  as 
an  armed  police  on  which  he  could  rely  to  enforce  the  execution  of  his  orders, 
it  had  become  clear  that  the  good  they  might  do  in  quelling  an  insurrection 
was  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  probability  of  their  exciting  one.  it 
was  characteristic  of  the  king,  however,  to  be  slow  in  retreating  from  any 
position  he  had  taken  :  and,  as  we  shall  often  have  occasion  to  see,  there  was 
a  certain  apathy  or  sluggishness  in  his  nature,  which  led  him  sometimes  to 
leave  events  to  take  their  own  course,  rather  than  to  shape  a  course  for  them 

^  tSs  'difficulty  was  no  sooner  settled  than  it  was  followed  by  another  scarcely 
less  serious.  We  have  seen,  in  a  former  chapter,  the  arrangenients  made  for 
adding  thirteen  new  bishoprics  to  the  four  already  existmg  m  the  M  ether- 
lands.  The  measure,  in  itself  a  good  one  and  demanded  by  the  situation  ot 
the  country,  was,  from  the  posture  of  affairs  at  that  time,  hkely  to  meet  with 
opposition,  if  not  to  occa^sion  great  excitement.  For  tins  reason,  the  whole 
affair  had  been  kept  profoundly  secret  by  the  government.  It  was  not  till  15bl 
that  Philip  disclosed  his  views,  in  a  letter  to  some  of  the  principal  nobles  in 
the  council  of  state.  But  long  before  that  time  the  project  had  taken  wind, 
and  created  a  general  sensation  through  the  country.    ^       ^     .  , 

The  people  looked  on  it  as  an  attempt  to  subject  them  to  the  same  eccle- 
siastical  system  which  existed  in  Spain.  The  bishops,  by  vu-tue  of  their  office, 
were  possessed  of  certain  inquisitorial  powers,  and  these  were  stiU  further 


•  Some  notion  of  the  extent  of  these  embar- 
rassments may  be  formed  from  a  schedule 
Erepared  by  the  king's  own  hand,  in  Septem- 
er,  1560.  From  this  it  appears  that  the 
ordinary  sources  of  revenue  were  already 
mortgaged,  and  that,  taking  into  view  all 
available  means,  there  was  reason  to  fear 
th<  re  would  be  a  deficiency  at  the  end  of  the 
following  year  of  no  less  than  nine  millions  of 
ducats.  "  Where  the  means  of  meeting  this 
are  to  come  from,"  Philip  bitterly  remarks, 
"I  do  not  know,  unless  it  be  from  the  clouds, 


for  all  usual  resources  are  exhausted."  This 
was  a  sad  legacy  entailed  on  the  young 
monarch  by  his  fatlier's  ambition.  The  docu- 
ment is  to  be  found  In  the  Papiers  d'EUt  de 
Granvelle,  tom.  vi.  pp.  156-165, 

♦  "Dizen  todos  los  de  aquella  isla  que 
dntes  se  dexanin  ahogar  con  ellos,  que  de 
poner  la  mano  mas  adelante  en  el  reparo  tan 
necessarlo  de  los  diques."  Papiers  d'Etat  de 
Granvelle,  tom.  vl.  p.  200. 

=  Correspoudance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  I.  p. 
192.— Strada,  De  BeUo  Belgico,  p.  111. 


> 


196  OPPOSITION  TO  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

a^  'Cen  fit  only  to  rule  over  monasteries,  ever  willing  to  thwart  the  king, 

r^trhave  blen  Sfresponslbt.    Thus,  the  income-amounting  to 

b^tr^iin^J^^  vikue  of  tha^digiW,  Granvelle  would  become 

^"Is^lL^cf^^^^^^^^^  by  this  arrangement  among  the  member,  of 

the  rSs^^^r^^^^^  and  all  those  who  directly  or  ij^l^rectly  ha.1  any 
h  teresUrrhem  It  was  a  manifest  perversion  of  the  funds  rom  the  objects 
foi  whth  the^^^^^  given  to  thrinstitutions     It  was  interfering  with 

the  economy  of^t^^^^  institutions,  protected  by  the  national  charters ;  and 
the  neople  of  Brabant  appealed  to  the  ^^Joyeuse  Entree^  Junsts  of  the 
otLH  emhience  in  different  parts  of  Europe,  were  consulted  as  to  the 
E^mv  nT these  Vweedings.  Thirty  thousand  florins  were  expended  by 
few  alone  fn  ^thfs  mS,  as  well  as  in  emj.loying  an  agent  at  the  court 
S  Se  texhfbit  the  tnie  stkte  of  the  affair  to  his  holiness  and  to  counter- 

"Vh'e%td?r  mS^St^^^^^^^^^^^  PhiHp's  departure  from  the 

NetherS  a  bull  arrived  from  Rome  authorizing  tlie  erection  of  the  new 
Sshopri^  This  was  but  the  initiatory  step.  Many  other  proceedings  were 
niesS^ry*  before  the  consummation  ol  the  affair.    Owing  to  impediments 


INFLUENCE  OF  GRANVELLE. 


197 


•  *'  Hase  con  industria  persuadido  &  los 
pueblos  que  V.  M.  qniere  poner  aquf  a  ml 
Instancia  la  inquisicion  de  Espafta  bo  C' -lor  do 
los  nuevos  obispadi)8."  Granvelle  to  Philip, 
Papit-rs  d'fiut  de  Granvelle,  torn.  vi.  p.  654. 
See  also  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn. 
i„  passim. 

'  "  Loe  quales,  aunque  pueden  ser  a  propo- 
Bito  para  administriir  sus  abadias,  olvidan  el 
beneficio  recebido  del  principe  y  en  las  cosas 
de  su  servido  y  beneficio  comun  de  la  provm- 
cia  son  durissimos,  y  tan  rudes  para  que  se 
les  pueda  persuadir  la  razon,  como  seria  qual- 
quier  menor  hombre  del  pueblo."    Papiers 


d'f.tat  de  Granvelle,  torn.  vi.  p.  18. —  The 
inuntion  of  the  crown  appears  more  clearly 
from  the  rather  frank  avowal  of  Granvelle 
to  the  duchess  of  Parma,  made  indeed  8t)me 
twenty  years  later,  15h2.  that  it  was  a  gnat 
object  with  Philip  to  afford  a  counterpoise  in 
the  states  to  the  authority  of  WiUiam  and  his 
associates.  Archives  de  la  Malson  d'Orange- 
Nassau,  torn.  viii.  p.  96. 
»  Papiers  d'fitat  de  Granvelle,  torn.  vi.  p. 

17 
•  Vandervvnckt,  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas, 

torn.  ii.  p.  71- 


{ 


thrown  in  the  way  by  the  provinces,  and  the  habitual  tardiness  of  the  court 
of  Rome  nearly  three  years  elapsed  before  the  tina  briefs  were  expechted  by 
Pius  the'  fS  New  obstacles  were  raised  by  the  jealous  temper  of  the 
F  emin-s  who  regarded  the  whole  matter  as  a  conspiracy  of  the  pone  and 
thrkS'a-i^nst  the  liberties  of  the  nation.  Utrecfit,  Gueldres,  and  three 
other  placefe^^^^^^^^^^^  their  bishops;*  and  they  never  obtained  a 

foot^ni^there  Antwerp,  which  was  to  have  been  made  an  eijiscopal  see,  sent 
1  CO  mi  s^ion  to  t lie  king  to  represent  the  ruin  this  would  bring  O"  its  trade, 

";'e  t'y  iSt  tteSrail:  'IT^X  conr-te^l  to  defer  the  decision 
ofTe  (pSn  till  his  arrival  in  the  country  ;  and  Antwerp  was  saved  from 

'^Vifanother  place  we  find  the  bishop  obtaining  an  admission  through  the 
manvCirt  or^nv^       who  profited  by  the  temporary  absence  of  the 

Shl^Into  the  fold!  than  the'good  .hepherd  who  ha4  come  to  gfjarf    ■ 

Meanwhile,  the  odium  of  these  measures  fell  »"  » '«    f  ?  "l^^^'" "S 
Mn  othor  m^ii  had  lieeu  so  active  m  enfoicniK  them,  and  he  naa  me  Lreuit 

some  show  0    reason,  demanded  whether,  being  already  one  of  four  bishops 

s^tWy  iL^  Iho  thoulft  limt  it  was  belter  to  be  the  first  of  seventeen  than 

*°^\Xt^,n^hiK^Gra:.'lSo%ilway  of  tW^^^^^^^^ 
it  Urortlhi  that  whether  it  arose  from  his  acconmiodating  temper  or  from 
his  J*ce^  on   0 fScW  of  the  scheme  being  quickened  bv  his  pro- 

snS  the  primacy,  he  soon  Sevoted  himself,  heart  as  well  ashanJ,  to  ran  y 
«nt  the  roval  view,  "  1  am  convinced,"  he  writes,  in  the  spring  of  1560,  to 
Vhil  n^SetarT Perei  "that  no  meisure  could  be  more  advantageous  to 
the  coun^ro?  -ore  necessary  for  the  support  of  religion  ;  and,  if  necessaiy 


'0  Papiers  d'Ktat  de  Granvelle,  torn.  vi.  p. 
612.— Comsp  .u.latice  de  IMiilippe  11.,  torn.  i. 
p  -iGij.— M.  t..-ren.  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas,  fol.  51. 
—  By  another  arrangement  the  oblpations  of 
Affliilhen  and  the  other  abbeys  of  Brabant 
w.re  c.mumted  for  ilie  annual  payment  of 
el-'iit  tliousaud  ducats  fi»r  the  support  ol  the 
bishops.  Tins  agreement,  as  will  as  that  wiMi 
Antwerp,  was  afierwar.is  set  asi.le  by  the 
un^cru,.nlou»  Alva,  who  fully  earned  oui  the 
original  intentions  of  the  crown. 


'  Vandervynckt,  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas. 

torn.  ii.  p.  77.  ,_  « 

'■'  "  En  ce  qui  concerne  les  nouveaux  eve- 
cbes,  le  Hoi  declare  que  jamais  Granvelle  ne 
lui  en  conseilla  I'erection  ;  qu'il  en  fit  nume 
dans  le  principe  un  mystere  au  cardinal,  et 
que  celui-ci  n'eneutconnaissanceque  lursque 
I'aflfaire  etait  deja  bicn  avanc6e.  J^rre- 
spomlance  de  Ph  lippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  207. 

'^  Arciiivesde  la  Maison  d'Orauge-Nassau, 
torn.  viii.  p.  54. 


•  rUtrecht  was  one  of  the  original  bishop.        the  new  sees  :  the  name  is  apparently  a  mis- 
ric  J.  rSeS  int?  ra?chbi«h,.pric  under  the        taUe  for  Gronmgen.-hu.J 
ujw  arrangement.    Gueldres  was  not  one  ot 


19S 


OPPOSITION  TO  THE  GOVERNMENT. 


to  the  success  of  the  scheme,  I  would  willingly  devote  to  it  my  fortune  and 

%cS*ngly,  we  find  him  using  all  his  strength  to  carry  the  project  through, 
^Vising  exf>eients  for  raising  the  episcopal  revenues  and  thus  occupyu.g  a 
"'*  .   o     .1.  .  1  1  •      r_  ^1  .^wi,^„,,Tr      TIo  folf  tine  hitti^r  V-  a  ul  at 


^S  :S-;;s^  *Mm  lo  i^^Moivuy:  '^^^^^^^^l^,^ 

auitosador  in  Home,  "  I  feel  the  danger  of  the  situation  m  which  the  kin- 
hasTlaced  me  AH  the  odium  of  these  measures  falls  on  luy  li^d ;  and  I 
oiUy  praT  haf  a  remedy  for  the  evil  may  be  found  though  it  should  be  by  tlie 
Srtce  of  myself.  ^^  Would  to  God  the  erection  of  these  bishoprics  had  never 

^In  lSary,^i561,  Granvelle  received  a  cardinal's  hat  from  Pope  Pius  the 

Fourth.     He  did  not  show  the  alacrity  usually  manifested  in  accepting  this 

distinguished  honour.     He  ha.1  obtained  it  by  the  private  intercession  of  the 

duchei  of  Parma  ;  and  he  feared  lest  the  jealousy  of  Philip  niight  be  alarmed 

were  it  to  any  other  than  himself  that  his  minister  owed  this  distmctioii.    But 

the  king  gave  the  proceeding  his  cordial  sanction,  declaring  to  Granvelle  that 

the  reward  was  no  higher  than  his  desert.  ,  .,     xt  ^u    i     ^    «.  ;i  fi^cf 

Thus  clothed  with  the  Roman  purple,  primate  of  the  Netherlands,  and  first 

minister  of  state,  Granvelle  might  now  look  down  on  ^lie  proudest  noble  in 

the  land.     He  stood  at  the  head  of  both  the  civil  and  the  ecclesiastical 

administration  of  the  country.    All  authority  centred  in  his  person.     I"deet I, 

such  had  been  the  organization  of  the  council  of  state  that  the  niinistei  migUt 

be  said  to  be  not  so  much  the  head  of  the  government  as  the  government 

^  ^The  affairs  of  the  council  were  conducted  in  the  manner  prescribed  by 
Philip     Ordinary  business  passed  through  the  hands  of  the  whole  body ;  but 
atiairs  of  moment  were  reserved  for  the  cardinal  and  his  two  coadjutors  to 
settle  with  the  regent.    On  such  occasions  the  other  ministers  were  not  even 
summoned,  or,  if  summoned,  such  only  of  the  despatches  from  Spam  as  the 
minister  chose  to  communicate  were  read,  and  the  remainder  reserved  for  the 
cons>iHa.    When,  as  did  sometimes  happen,  the  nobles  carried  a  measure  in- 
opposition  to  Granvelle,  he  would  refer  the  whole  (luestion  to  the  court  at 
Madrid. '«    By  this  expedient  he  gained  time  for  the  present,  and  probably 
obtained  a  decision  in  his  favour  at  last.    The  regent  conformed  entirely  to 
the  cardinal's  views.    The  best  possible  understanding  seems  to  have  subsisted 
between  them,  to  judge  from  the  tone  of  their  correspondence  with  Philip,  m 
which  each  of  the  parties  bestows  the  most  unqualified  panegyric  on  the 
other.    Yet  there  was  a  strange  reserve  in  their  official  intercourse     t.\en 
when  occupying  the  same  palace,  they  are  said  to  have  cominunicated  with 
each  other  bv  writing.''    The  reason  suggested  for  this  smg^dar  proceeding 
is,  that  it  might  not  appear,  from  their  being  much  together,  that  the  regent 
was  acting  so  entirely  undei-  the  direction  of  the  minister.     It  is  certain  that 
both  Margaret  and  Granvelle  had  an  uncommon  passion  for  letter- writing,  as 
is  shown  by  the  lenoth  and  number  of  their  epistles,  particularly  to  the  king^ 
The  cardinal  especially  went  into  a  gossiping  minuteness  of  detail  to  which 
few  men  in  his  station  would  have  condescended.     But  his  master,  to  whom 


'*  "II  serait  pret  a  y  contrlbuer  de  sa  ff»r- 
tune,  de  son  sangetde  sapropra  vie."  Corre- 
spondance  de  PhiUppe  II..  torn.  i.  p.  189. 

li  4«  Yeo  el  odio  de  los  Estados  car'j;ar  aobre 
m\,  mas  pluguiesse  li  Dios  que  con  sacritl- 
curme  fujsse  todo  remediado.  .  .  .  Que  plu- 


giera  a  Dios  que  jamas  se  huvlera  pensado  en 
esta  erecciun  destas  yglesias;  amen,  amen." 
Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange  -  Nassau, 
torn.  i.  p.  117. 

'«  Meteren,  Illst.  des  Pays-Bas,  fol.  63. 

"  Strada,  De  IWllo  Belgico,  p.  b8. 


OPPOSED  BY  THE  NOBLES. 


190 


his  letters  at  this  period  were  chiefly  addressed,  had  the  virtue  of  patience  m 
an  extraordinary  degree,  as  is  evinced  by  the  faithful  manner  m  which  he 
persued  these  despatches  and  made  notes  upon  them  with  his  own  han(L 
^  The  minister  occupied  a  palace  in  Brussels,  and  had  another  residence  at  a 
short  distance  from  the  capital.'*   He  maintained  great  pomp  in  his  establish- 
ment, was  attended  by  a  large  body  of  retainers,  and  his  e<l"^Pag«  «;"d  ^^^^^^^^ 
were  'distinguished  by  their  magnificence     He  gave  «^^"««^^^"^  ,^,^^^^^^^^^ 
larL'e  levees  and,  in  short,  assumed  a  state  m  his  manner  of  living  which 
corresS^^  his  station  and  did  no  violence  to  his  natural  taste     We 

mlv  well  Meve  that  the  great  lords  of  the  country  whose  ancestors  had  for 
Snturies  filled  its  highest  places,  must  have  chafed  a.s  they  saw  themselves 
thrown  hito  the  shade  by  one  whose  fortunes  had  been  thus  suddenly  forced  to 
Kinliral  height  b/the  sunshine  of  royal  favour.  Jheir  m^^^^^^ 
hei-htened  by  the  tricky  arrangement  which,  while  it  left  them  ciphers  m  the 
Sdmrnistratidn,  made  th'em  responsible  to  the  people  for  its  "?f  ,^f ^]„^^^^^^^^ 
the  imputation  to  Granvelle  of  arro.gance,  m  the  pride  of  his  t"»VbIown  lor 
tunes^waT  warranted,  feelings  of  a  personal  nature  may  have  mingled  with 

^'sut'h'o^T^^^^  felt,  the  Flemish  lords  must  be  allowed  not  to 

have  beenTeci&  in  the  demonstration  of  their  feelings.  It  is  not  till 
156'  that  wKserve  the  cardinal,  in  his  correspondence  witli  Spain,  noticing 
anv  discou^^^^^  nobles  or  intimating  the  existence  of  any  misunder- 

Sidn^Sthm  In  spring  of  the  preceding  year  we  find  the  prince 
TotZ^^^^  himseVf  coldially  afid  affectionatelv  to  the  carinal  s 

good  wifl,"  and  subscribing  himself, ""  ^11 -TJ^^J^'^el^^^  a  Tetter  Lm 
In  four  n  onths  after  this,  on  the  twenty  third  of  July  we  have  a  letter  irom 
fVik^verv  L^ood  friend  "and  Count  Kgmont,  addressed  to  Ph  ip.    in  this 

niamls  to  advise  him  if  tfcis  should  occur  that  they  now  wrote  .to  hi.n.  • 
N^rtheleTthCT  should  have  still  continued  to  bear  the  jndigiuty  m  silence, 

^^e,  Sl>o,n!s^d  to  rIpS  to  thlm  more  at  large  on  the  return  of  Count 

WMMmmmm 


'•  Vandervynckt,  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas. 

torn.  it.  p.  52.  ,,  ,    rp_„. 

'^  Correspondance  de  GuiUanrae  le  Taci- 

tnrne,  torn.  ii.  p.  15.  ,  •     a 

"  The  nobles,  it  appears,  had  complain<  d 
to  Philip  that  tliey  had  been  made  to  a- 1  this 
unworthy  part  in  the  cabinet  of  the  duke  of 
Savoy,  when  Regent  of  the  Neth.r  .mds^ 
GranveUe.  singularly  enough.  n;»tif  9  this  in 
a  letter  to  the  Kegeut  Mary,  m  1555,  treatmg 


it  as  a  more  pusplclon  on  their  part.  (See 
Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tacitume, 
torn,  ii..  Preface,  p.  ix.)  The  course  of  things 
under  the  present  ngency  may  be  thought  to 
show  there  was  good  ground  for  this  bus- 

'^'^^'"correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i. 

p.  195.  »»     A         1 

Correspondance  de  Philippe  U.,  torn.  l. 


zx 


? 
I 

I' 


200  OPPOSITION  TO  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

materials  rescued  from  the  mouldering  archives  of  the  past,  he  can  pr^eiit 
*i  ,r„T/»;th  a  inorp  nerfect  view  of  the  motives  and  opnnons  of  the  gre.it 
ic^ot^l^Tthe  ta^^^^^^^^  4'>.  than  they  possessed  in  respect  to  o.u, 

actors,  m  ";^."'.'"™  '•  ,  ,  ,  „„  „{  l^^e  period  before  us,  when  the  corresiwii- 
dend  of  tlmrti^et  i  t^Svl^^sam^^^  itself, and  through  the  care  taken 
of  ifin  pubk  and  private  collections,  has  been  well  preserved  Such  care 
wa^  seldom  bestow^  m.  historical  doc^ents  of  this  clas.  before  the  sixteenth 

**TM7not  till  lon"-neariy  a  year-after  the  date  of  the  preceding  letter  that 
anvthin"    apiars'to  Sim  existence  of  a  coldness  nmch   ess  of  an 

owurupturefl^etween  Grauvelle  and  the  discontented  nobles  Mea»wh  «. 
?L  re'^rtroubles  in  France  had  beeu  f^f H^flienng  to  a  head  ;  an^^^^^^^ 

opposit?  factions  ranged  themselves  under  the  l*''"^'';.^'  t^%3"™ho 
Xofs  nrpiiared  to  decide  the  question  by  arms.  Phnip  the  beconu,  wno 
sffiortK  the  *au^ion  of  cUholieism,  not  merely  in  his  own  domn.ions 
KlilXut  CMstendon,,  watched  with  anxiety  the  struggle  Romg  forward 
in  the  nei.  hbourin.'  kinsrdoin.  It  had  the  deeper  mterest  for  lum  from  its 
h^fluence  on  the  Lmv  C^^^^  His  Italian  possessions  were  seijarated  loiii 

iCicrb?  the  Alps  :  his  Spanish,  by  the  Pyrenees.  But  no  such  mountain- 
LSeHarbetween  France'knd  Flanders,  key  were  not  even  separated  m 
theTr^r  provinces,  by  diflerence  of  language-  ,  ^very  sh<«|k  p  en  to  b  ance 
must  necessarily  be  felt  in  the  remotest  corner  of  the  Netherlands.  Oiai  ve  e 
wrsoTeirawlre  of  this  that  he  besought  the  king  to  keep  an  eye  on  la. 
French  neighbours  and  support  them  in  the  maintenance  of  the  Roman 
Shc"Sn  "  That  they  should  be  maintained  in  this  is  quite  as  impor- 
tant to  usS  is  to  them.  Many  here,"  he  adds, "  would  be  right  glad  to  see 
X  rs  go  had  y  for  the  Catholics  L  that  kingdom.  No  noble  amonj'  .^has  as 
yet  openly  declared  himself.    Should  any  one  do  so,  God  only  coul^  save  the 

Tcti'n i'on'th^  to°s,  r,Xonformably  to  his  own  views,  Philip  sent  orders 
toYhe?eeent  tofai«>  two  thousand  men  and  send  them  across  the  borders  to 
sSoDorttTie  French  Catholics.  The  orders  met  with  decided  resistance  n  the 
Su  of  stat^  The  gr«vt  Flemish  lords,  at  this  time,  n™^'^";!; 'J^^'j^t^'; 
thevdid  not  feel,  devotion  to  the  e.stablished  religion.  But  tliey  well  Knew 
.  there  was  too  lar^e  a  leaven  of  heresy  in  the  country  to  make  these  orders 
mlateb^  They  felt  no  desire,  moreover,  thus  unnecessarily  to  mix  themselves 
Fip'^hihefe^dsV  France!  They  represented  that  «'«  troops  cm.ld  no 
safelv  be  di-snensed  with  in  the  present  state  of  feeling  at  home,  and  that  it 
te7marclXa^in..t  the  Protestants  of  France  the  German  Protestants 
mif^ht  be  expected  to  march  against  them. 

Granvellejon  the  other  haml,  would  have  enforced  the  orders  of  ^^KC, 
essential  t^  the  security  of  the  Netherlands  themselves.  Margaret,  thus 
pressed  by  the  opposite  parties,  felt  the  embarrassment  of  either  course.  T  e 
alterimtive  presented  was  that  of  disobeying  the  king,  or  of  incurring  the 
rSment,  pediaps  the  resistance,  of  tlie  nation  Orange  and  Lgmon 
Sight  her  to  convoke  the  states-general,  as  the  only  sa  e  counsellors  m  such 
an  emergency  The  states  had  often  l)een  convened  on  matters  of  less 
moment  ^bytL  former  regent,  Mary  of  Hungary.    But  the  cardinal  had  no 

«  "  Oue  bien  claro  muestran  muchos  que  haya  d.clarado,  qne  si  lo  liiziera  algiino.  otro 

no  les  ve^ria  de  qrfuossen  mal.  y  que.  si  lo  quo  pi..«  no  pudiera  ^'Btorvar  que  lo  de  aqu 

de  allf  diesse  al  t raves,  bien  brevemente  se  no  siguiora  el  camino  de  Fraiuia^  ^..^"'"^ 

yria  Jv,r  aS^et  mistno  caiuir.o.    Y  ha  sido  spoudance  de  Ph.Uppe  II..  torn.  i.  p.  2M. 
mucsira  dlcha,  que  ninguno  destos  scfiorea  so 


? 


^ 


OPPOSED  BY  THE  NOBLES. 


20) 


mind  to  invoke  the  interference  of  that  "mischievous  animal,  the  peome    - 
He  had  witnessed  a  convocation  of  the  states  previous  to  the  embarkation 
of  Philip;  and  he  had  not  forgotten  the  independent  tone  then  assumed  by 
that  b  Jy.    It  had  been,  indeeil,  the  last  injunction  of  the  king  to  his  sister 
on  no  account  to  caU  a  meeting  of  the  national  legislature  tiU  his  return  to  the 

^^But  while  on  this  ground  Margaret  refused  to  summon  the  states-general, 
she  called  a  meeting  of  the  order  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  U)  whom  she  was  to 
apply  for  counsel  on  extraordinary  occasions.    The  knights  of  the  order  con- 
sisted of  persons  of  the  highest  consideration  in  the  country  including  the 
governors  of   the  provinces.     In  May,  1562,  they  assembled  at  Brussels. 
Before  meeting  in  public,  the  prince  of  Orange  invited  them  to  a  conference 
S  hTs  own  palfce.    lie  there  ikid  before  them  the  state  of  the  country  and 
endeavoured  to  concert  with  the  .members  some  regular  system  of  resistance 
to  the  exclusive  and  arbitrary  course  of  the  minister.    Although  no  definite 
action  took  place  at  that  time,  most  of  those  present  would  seem  to  have  fallen 
in  with  the  views  of  the  prince.  There  were  some,  however,  who  took  opposite 
ground,  and  who  declared  themselves  content  with  Granvelle  and  not  disposed 
to  prescribe  to  their  sovereign  the  choice  of  his  mmisters     The  foremost^^^^ 
these  were  the  duke  of  Aerschot,  a  zealous  Catholic,  and  Count  Barhimont, 
president  of  the  council  of  finance,  and,  as  we  have  aj ready  seen,  altogether 
Sevoted  to  the  minister.    This  nobleman  communicated  to  ^^fS^ret  the  nar- 
ticulars  of  the  meeting  in  the  prince's  palace  ;  and  the  regent  was  careful  to 
rive  the  knights  of  the^rder  such  incessant  occupation  during  the  reniamder 
S  their  stay  in  the  capital  as  to  aftord  the  prince  of  Orange  no  opportmiity  of 

^"S  t^e  a];"r/;TS^  Fleece  had  been  dissolved,  it  was  decided 
tolend  an  envoy  to  tL  king,  to  lay  before  him  the  state  of  the  country,  both 
^  regard  to  the^eligious  excitement,  much  stimulated  in  certain  quarters  by 
tLcSition  of  France,  and  to  the  financial  embarrassment^  which  now 
prLed  hSy  oil  the  government.  The  person  se  ected  for  the  office  was 
Ibrence  d^  Z^tmoren'cy,  lord  of  Montigny,  a  cavaher  w^^^^^ 
to  avow  his  aversion  to  any  interference  with  the  n^hts  of  conscience,  ana 
T^hose  rvmDathies  it  will  be  believed,  were  not  on  the  side  of  the  minister.    , 

S^nTtKrdepartu^  the  vexed  (question  of  aid  to  France  was  settled  m 
the  ZiSv  commuting  personal  service  for  money  It  was  decided  to  raise 
a  suSy  oTfiftTthoui^^^  crowns,  to  be  remitted  at  once  to  the  French 

^""MontiLmv'reached  Spain  in  June,  1562.     He  was  graciouslj;  received  by 
Phmo   w  0  ira  protracted  audience,  gathered  from  him  a  circumstantial 
a^comit  of  th^co^iE^  of  the  Netherlands.    In  answer  to  the  royal  queries 
?he  envoy  alo  exposed  the  misunderstanding  which  existed  between  the 

"^BlJtthrdlicK^  not  trust  this  delicate  affair  to  the  representa- 

tions of  Montig^^  wrote  herself  to  her  brother,  in  Italian,  which  when 

rwouldSvS  own  views  on  matters  of  i^^Potn^Ttat^sh^  'e~el 
French,  ordinarily  employed  by  the  secretories     In  /^^^^^»  |^^^^^^^^ 
herself  with  the  greatest  fluency,. and  her  letters  m  that  languaj,e,  tor  tne 
purpose  of  secrecy,  were  written  with  her  own  hand. 


»*  "Ce  mechant  animal  nomm^  le  peuple, 
— *lie  cardinal's  own  N^onls.  in  a  letter  to  the 
king.    Correepondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  1. 
p.  290. 


«»  Rtrada,  De  Bello  Belglco.  p.  145.— Corre- 
epondance de  Philippe  11.,  torn.  1.  p  202. 

^«  Correspondance  de  Philii»pe  II.,  torn.  1. 
pp.  210,  214. 


202  OPPOSITION  TO  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

The  duchess  informed  the  king  of  the  troubles  that  had  arisenjvith  the 
nobles  .  SgLrOrani^e  and  E^mont,  especially,  as  the  source  of  them  8he 
accuSd  them  S  maliciously  circulating  rumours  that  the  carduial  had  advised 
Sftorvade  the  country  with  an  armed  force  and  t^  cjit  ort  tlie ^^^^^  of 
some  five  or  six  of  the  principal  malecontents."  bhe  paid  a  hign  trinuw  w 
?hi  miWpr's  ovaltv  an^  his  talent  for  business  ;  and  she  besought  the  king 
S  drsXsfMS^^^^^^  the  common  idea  of  a  desi^m  to  mtroduce 

The'L^  In^^^^^^^^  country  and  to  do  violei^^^^^^^^  ^'nd"  h^'S 

Thp  war  was  now  openly  proc  aimed  between  the  cardinal  and  the  noDies. 
Whatev«  diorum  mTht'l^  preserved  in  their  intercourse,  there  was  no 
tonJ^Tany  dmXt  as  t6  the  hitile  attitude  in  which  they  were  hereafter  to 
i«.f5  ■•„  rLn^J.t  Jn  each  other     In  a  letter  wr  tten  a  short  time  previous  to 
tt  the  r^'enl  ^e  cardhf;i  Jives  a  brief  view  of  his  situation  to  the  king. 
The  letter  irwritten  in  the  courl-.-eous  spirit  of  one  who. does  not  shrink  from 
?he<k.i-er^  that  menace  him.    After  an  observation  intimating  Jo  great  con- 
fide,^ In  the  orthodoxy  of  the  prince  of  Orange^  'jr.rrico  tenr^They 
T^rinr^  shows  me  a  friendly  face,  when  absent  he  is  full  of  discontent,     iney 
Save  forS^^^^^ague  S^     ine,"  he  continues,  «  and  threaten  my  life     But 
I  have  1  ttle  feir  on  that  score,  as  I  think  they  are  much  too  wise  to  attempt 
Liv  such  th  ng     They  complain  of  my  excluding  them  from  ottice  and  en- 
deavourim'  to  secure  an  absolute  authority  for  your  majesty.    All  which  they 
reSo^liW  at  heir  banquets,  with  no  good  effect  on  the  people.    Yet  never 
weWere  governors  of  the  provinces  who  possessed  so  much  power  ^  they 
have  or  who  had  all  appointments  more  completely  in  their  own  hands.    In 
tr^^h,  thek  y^t  object  U  to  reduce  your  ma/esty  and  the  regent  to  the  con- 
dition of  mere  ciphers  in  the  government^' 

«  They  refuse  to  come  to  my  table,"  he  adds,  "at  which  I  fi^/.  I  ^ml 
quests  enough  in  the  gentry  of  the  country,  the  magistrates,  and  even  the 
Shy  toghers  of  the^ity,  whose  good  wilf  it  is  welf  to  conciliate  against  a 
day  of  troub  e  These  evils  I  bear  with  patience,  as  I  can.  For  adversity  is 
sent  by  tKl^nigh^^^^^^  will  recompense  those  who  suffer  for  religion  and 
iustice^"    T^  was  fond  of  regarding  himself  in  the  light  of  a  martyr, 

•'lie  concludes  this  curious  epistle  with  beseeching  the  king  to  come  soon  to 
the  Netherlands,-"  to  come  well  attended,  and  with  plenty  of  money ;  since, 
tL  provTdeTfe  will  have  no  lack  of  troops,  if  required  to  ac  ,abro^,  whi^ 
his  presence  will  serve  to  calm  the  troubled  spirits  at  home.'  "  The  politic 
minister  says  nothing  of  the  use  that  might  be  made^of  these  troops  atlionie^ 
Such  an  intimation  would  justify  the  charges  already  brought  against  him.  He 
mitrht  safely  leave  his  master  to  make  that  application  for  himself. 

In  December,  1562,  Montigny  returned  from  his  mission,  and  straightway 
made  his  report  to  the  councO  of  st^te  He  enlarged  ^n  the  solicitude  wh^^^^^ 
Philip  had  shown  for  the  interests  of  the  country.  Nothing  had  been  further 
from^is  mind  than  to  introduce  into  it  the  Spanish  Inquisition.  He  was  only 
anxious  to  exterminate  the  growine  heresy  from  the  land,  and  called  on  those 
fn  authority  to  aid  in  the  good  wor^  with  all  their  strength.  Finally,  though 
pressed  by  want  of  funds,  he  promised,  so  soon  as  he  co"ld  ?et*^\^i«/^^\'' '" 
Spain,  to  return  to  Flanders.  It  was  not  unusual  for  Philip  to  hold  out  the 
idea  of  his  speedy  return  to  the  country.    The  king's  gracious  reception  seems 

•'  »  A  aul  il8  imputent  d'avoir  ecrit  au  Rot  credito.  que  con  esto  no  faltarfi  Rente  par^  lo 

au'il  fa^Uit    cou^r  une    derai-douzaine   de  que  Be  huviesse  de  i.azer  con  lus  vezmo8.  y  su 

tHei  etvenir  enforce.  p..i.r  conquerir  le  presencia  valdra  mucho  para  af^^flf^'r  /'^^ 

lJ^'    CorreBpondauce  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  lo  de  bus  BfibciltoB.''     Pap.erB  d  fiiat  de  Gran- 

^  203  -veUe,  torn.  vi.  p.  662. 
*•  Lo  principal  es  que  venga  con  dlnero  y 


I 


RESISTANCE  TO  THE  EDICTS. 


203 


to  have  had  some  effect  on  Montignj.  At  all  events,  he  placed  a  degree  of 
confidence  in  the  royal  professions  m  which  the  skeptical  temper  of  William 
was  far  from  acquiescing.  He  intimated  as  much  to  his  friend,  and  the  latter, 
not  relishing  the  part  of  a  dupe,  which  the  prince's  language  seemed  to  assign 
to  him,  retorted  in  an  angry  manner ;  and  something  like  an  altercation  took 
place  between  the  two  lords,  in  the  presence  of  the  duchess.  At  least,  such  is 
the  report  of  the  historians.'^  But  historians  in  a  season  of  faction  are  not  the 
best  authorities.    In  the  troubles  before  us  we  have  usually  a  safer  guide  m 

the  correspondence  of  the  actors.  -r., .,.    .e     xt.    j    u        * 

By  Montigny  despatches  were  also  brought  from  Philip  for  the  duchess  ol 
Parma.  They  contained  suggestions  as  to  her  policy  in  reference  to  the 
factious  nobles,  whom  the  king  recommended  to  her,  if  possible,  to  divide  by 
sowing  the  seeds  of  jealousy  among  them.'*  Eginont  was  a  stanch  Catholic, 
loyal  in  his  disposition,  ambitious,  and  vain.  It  would  not  be  difficult  to 
detach  him  from  his  associates  by  a  show  of  preference  which,  while  it  flattered 
his  vanity,  would  excite  in  them  jealousy  and  distrust.  ,   ,   .  ^  ,, 

In  former  times  there  had  been  something  of  these  feehngs  betwixt  Egmont 
and  the  prince  of  Orange.  At  least  there  had  been  estrangement.  I  his  might 
in  some  degree  be  referred  to  the  contrast  in  their  characters.  CerUmly  no 
two  characters  could  be  more  strongly  contrasted  with  each  other  iigmont, 
frank,  fiery,  impulsive  in  his  temper,  had  little  in  common  with  the  cool, 
cautmus,  and  calculating  William.  The  showy  qualities  of  the  former,  Iving 
on  the  surface,  more  readily  caught  the  popular  eye.  There  was  a  depth  in 
William's  character  not  easy  to  be  fathomed,— an  habitual  reserve,  which  made 
it  ditiicult  even  for  those  who  knew  him  best  always  to  read  him  right.  Yet 
the  coolness  between  these  two  nobles  may  have  arisen  less  from  ditterence  of 
character  than  from  similarity  of  position.  Both,  by  their  rank  and  services, 
took  the  foremost  ground  in  public  estimation,  so  that  it  was  scarcely  possible 
they  should  not  jostle  each  other  in  the  career  of  ambition.  But,  however 
divided  formeriy,  they  were  now  too  closely  united  by  the  pressure  of  external 
circumstances  to  be  separated  by  the  subtle  policy  of  Philip  Under  the  m- 
Huence  of  a  common  disgust  with  the  administration  and  its  arbitrary  measures 
they  continued  to  act  in  concert  together,  and  in  their  union  denved  benetit 
from  the  very  opposition  of  their  characters.  For  what  better  augury  of 
success  than  that  artorded  by  the  union  of  wisdom  in  councd  with  boldness  m 

pxpoution  I 

The  consequences  of  the  troubles  in  France,  as  had  been  foreseen,  were  soon 
visible  in  the  Low  Countries.  The  Protestants  of  that  time  constituted  a  sort 
of  federative  republic,  or  rather  a  great  secret  association,  extending  through 
the  dirterent  parts  of  Europe,  but  so  closely  linked  together  that  a  blow  stnick 
in  one  quarter  instantly  vibrated  to  every  other.  The  Calvinists  m  the  border 
provinces  of  the  Low  Countries  felt,  in  particular,  great  sympathy  with  the 
movements  of  their  French  brethren.  Many  Huguenots  took  she  ter  among 
them.  Others  came  to  propagate  their  doctrines.  Tracts  m  the  1^ jench 
tongue  were  distributed  and  read  with  avidity  Preachers  harangued  m  the 
conventicles;  and  the  people,  by  hundrecls  and  thousands,  openly  assemb^^^^^^ 
and,  marching  in  procession,  chanted  the  Psalms  of  David  m  the  translation 
of  Marot." 


"  Vandervynckt,  Troubles  dea  Pavs-Baa, 
torn  ii.  p.  91.— Memoires  de  (iranvehe.  torn. 
ii.  p.  24,— a  doubtlul  authority,  it  must  be 
admitted.  ,      , 

=«'  "it  Is  not  true,"  Philip  remarks  in  a 
lau>r  to  the  duchess  dated  July  nth,  1562, 


"that  Hranvelle  ever  recommended  me  to  cut 
off  half  a  doZHi  heads.  Though,"  adds  tl>e 
monarch,  "  it  may  perliaps  be  well  enough  to 
have  recourse  to  this  measure."  Correspon- 
dance  de  Pliilippe  II..  torn.  i.  p.  207. 
^'  Strada,  De  Bello  lielgico,  pp.  78,  79,  133, 


204  OPPOSITION  TO  THE  GOVERNMEKT. 

This  open  defiance  oHhee^c^^^^^^^^ 

were  seized,  in  like  manner,  tna ,  and  —<=« J,  °/^f  the  province,  L\  left 
ment.  But  as  the  n.ar<ims  »*  1^«S  th*  ^"^^^^  "jion  was  .xistponed  till  his 
the  place  on  a  visit  to  a  distant  'l»Y*fv'l  ,,r™S  wrote  to  tlie  marquis, 
return.  Seven  months  thus  P^^sed^h™  ™  f  f  ff  J  t^l/e  had  the  spirit 
remonstratins:  on  his  ^"seasonal.le  ateence  from  h^^^^^  ^^i    ^ 

to  answer  that  "it  neither  suited  h>^/at'0  '  nor  Ins cl  arac  ct  V^y^^^  J^^^ 
of  an  executioner." «   The  marquis  of  J^^^Sen    ^  e^iy  mn^  „    ,    ^^^ 

side  of  the  prince  of  0.^nge  and  he  is  repea^^  no  ced  by  t,m.  ^^^^^^^  ,^^ 
letters,  as  tV  most  active  «<  the  n'alcontents     u  n^^^^^  ^^^^ 

was  no  friend  to  the  sifstem  of  P/'t  -ITarwth  ass  mcd  the  oltice  of  con- 
by  Granvelle,  the  niagistmtes  of  the  "'y  ^^V^f  a.lS,  t  e  two  marty.s 

dieting  *«  «^— lat'^f  elune'Sl  p  fe  t's  t!&,  and  the  torch  w.s 
were  escorted  to  Jie  staKe.     ine  '""'=1"'  t  the  crisoiiers,  the  multitude 

about  to  be  applied,  when, at  a  ^'f"*' «'«"»''*  !;\,;"fXdown  the  guards  and 
around  broke  in  »P»'' *«;''\'f  ^^^cSed  fo  th^  sacrifice,  and  liberated 
?brv2t^r\^r«rwi,fth3v'S"iiuf  a  p  they  paraded  the 

t^e"  of  Sie  eity?sin^ng  feir  psalms  and  Ca,vi.j.t^chy™^^ 

Meanwh-ile  the  officers  of  Jf  t'«e  f'C^ee  ed  "  ^^'^'^f.'^^H  ,1'  before  their 
nate  men  and  carrjh.g  them  back  «»PJf°Vb.n  before    stwmed  the  fortress, 

friends,  assemWing  in  g^^ter  numbers    hanbefm^ 

forced  the  gates,  and,  rescuing  the  P"^»n«'^^f  f"*^,,,,^^^^^^   great  indignation 
These  high-handed  n'ea-'^"'^%f  "?«'\' ^nrnnleredT^^^^^^       three  tlua^and 

at  the  coun  of  .t^e  ;''g«"\,f,t  "^^"'ii^of  Be  ™  «e»'"^*  *'^'' 

troops,  and,  placing  them  under  th«  n>a«l»'s  oj  J«^^^^  ^^^^.j,  „  ^,^ 

employedinmattersof  reigion.    Itisbylearoniyinai. 

by  this  the  Reformers-"  can  t'«  ""^f  *" JJ  i^tlie  &  ^'"""'"''^  ">-^" 
tfien."  "    This  liberal  f  nt>"f »' S"  ^riSs  the  ca?d    al  to  Perez,  the  royal 

■^K-ire'^lrf^aLl^^^^^^^^ 

rf,  »r:^  t^rK:ri:?^'ls  tounl^SueU^efonvard 

at  the  fiery  pace  of  the  Spanish  Inq^,)isition        ^^  ^^  ^^^^^^ 

"  It  would  raise  a  tumult  at  once    ^^r^'t^^'canb^  proceeded  against  with- 
a  man  without  the  clearest  evidence,    ^o  man  can  ^^^^^  h     ^     . 

,34.  -  Rpnom    de     Francia     Alb..roto«   de  '^;';    ,A     castigarlas  con  todo  r.K-.r  y 

FlandeB,  MS.-Meteren,  Hist,  des  I  ujs-Lias.        ^^P.j;^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^^  villacos  sino  es  per  miodo 

^"l-.%^.\  n'^tolt  ni  de  ^n  caract.re  ni  de        no  ha.,  ^^l^^y^:^^^;:^^ 

Bon    honn  ur  d'ftre    le  T^ourreau  d's  Here-        vezes.         apie 

tiques."     Menioires  de  Granvelle,  torn.  i.  p.        P' aV^.^rrespondance  de  Pl.ilippe  U..  torn.  i. 

^^>  Strada,  De  TV  Ho  Bplfsico.  PP-  i:«6  13\—       P-,?*^!;    j    g  ^'fitat  de  Granvelle.  torn.  vi.  p. 
Renom  de  Francia,  Allx-rotos  de  V landes  Mb.  I  apiers  u 

-.Brandt,  Reformation  in  the  Low  Countries,        2bJ. 
vol.  i.  pp.  13^.  138. 


GllANVELLE'S  UNPOPULARITY. 


205 


1,  f  .^     «  T  acpu<;e  none  of  the  nobles  of  being  heretics,  ^ 

feelings  can  long  be  executed      .\?^^^^,'^^^^^^^^^  nule  zeal  in  the  cause  of 

writes^  the  regent  to  her  brother  ;     but  YJ^y/Xir  duty  from  fear  of  the 
relgion,  whffe  the  niagistrates  shrink  from  ^^^^^^  depositions  to  be 

taken  before  the  Inquisition  mbpam,  ^"^^P     ^^^  ,,i^om  no  one  meddles 
Antwerp,  where  thousands  are  every  day  ^^aikm^  ^^^^^       ^ 

with!""    "It  \n^«5^^^*^fJ^;;hat  citv""    Yet,wh  may  have 

charge  of  heresy  has  taken  place  ;"  that  city  ,  ^^^^^  ^^  ^j^^ 

been  the  state  of  persecution  ^^^  tjiepr^^^^^^^^^^ 

future  must  have  taken  f  oiig  hold  d  P««P^^^^^^^^^  refugees  tfien  m 

writes,  there  were  no  less  than  eighteen  or  i^en^y  religion.*" 

England  who  had  tied  from  blander  for  the  sake  o^^^^^^^  Granvelle.    He  was 
fhe  odium  of  this  Persecution  all  fell  on  the  neau  Therefore 

the  tool  of  Spain.    Spain  was  H^^^^.f^V^^v^^^^^^^^  Innuisition  over 

it  was  clearly  the  n^^'^  L^tf  concis^^^^^^^  the  people  coimected 

the  Netherlands.    Such  was  the  concise  K^^^^^^^  tribunals."    He  was 

the  name  of  Granvelle  with  that  of  tjjo  "ost  dreaaea  o  ^^^^^^  ^^     ^^^^^^ 

held  responsible  for  the  contnvance  of  the  f^^^^^^^^^^.^^^^^nt  stories  were 
lent,  as  well  as  for  their  execution.    ^  thouf^nd  exira    ^  probably  doing 

cimdated  both  of  his  P"f  \«,,^1^\\P^^^^^^^^^  pains  to  correct, 

no  iniustice  to  the  nobles  to  suppose  they  dia  not  uik  i  ^^^^  ^^^ 

The  favourite  of  the  prince  is  rarely  the  ^^^^^^^^^^^^  He 

minister  had  ever  been  so  unpopular  as  t^ianveiie  m  t       ^  ^^r  the  servile 

was  hated  by  the  nobles  for  ^^.^^^t'Ltr^So  i^^^^^^  ^^ted  him 

means,  as  they  thought,  by  ^;;^hictl^«^^^^^^^^  jSjo  admhiistration 

because  he  used  that  PO^'^J  for  the  ruin  ot  ^^^^'^^\    ^^^^  ,,,ore  odious  to  the 
-none,  certainly,  if  we  except  that  ot  tne  iion  ai  «* 

nation.  ,,  ,    ^^^^.tancv   and  the  countenance  he  received 

Notwithstandmg  ,<^r%^^«^if  ,u^^"SnJ  councillors,  it  was  hard  to  bear  up 
from  the  regent  and  a  few  o|.^h^^^^^^^^^  '^  ^^^  ^ing  return  to  the 

under  this  load  of  obloquy.    He  ^^ouia  giaa  y  w,  ^.^  correspond- 

country  and  sustain  him  by  his  Presence     It  f  the  ouiu  secretary 

Tnce  aTthis  period.       IV^tdvrSpah?  t^^^^^^^^^  Countries.    The 

Pprez-  "  that  they  are  all  ready  m  hpain  lo  *^\';  .  "^^       ^i^^      ,  .  For  God's 
^ord^U^ofreeJthatevery-^^^^^^^  -=--.« 


i  Te'Pn=  aihome.  "It  ^Xras  U?  le  of  sP  here '^s  'of  he 
rH  ^'He  ra*%";!?erouTanni^  -st  the  £g  dear.»"  It  is 
Indies,    such  delays  „        ,      ^^^^^^^^r^^^ 

P-"*:.Que,  pour  I'amonr  de  Dieu.  le  Rm  se 
dispose  a  vellir  aux  ^'^y^-^J^,'  '  "'  "''"*' 


"  ..  Quoiqu'elle  ne  puisse  dire  q^'aicun  des 
seicneursne  soit  pas  bou  catholique,  elle  ne 

S  ^ourint  pas  qu'ilB  P^"fl^"!;'  I'^r  Qu! 
matieres  reliRieuses,  avec  toute  la  chaleur  qui 
?;?ilt  necesSre."    Correspondance  de  Fbl- 
lippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  240. 
»"  Ibid.,  p.  '202. 

«  ?.^tt\'LTrande  confusion  de  la. ^^^^^ 
tude  des  nostres  qui  sent  ^cy  fu.s  pouMa 
relieion.  On  lesestime  en  I^ndres*  ^"^"^  j,?! 
et  Sarque  adjacente,  de  xvig  a  xx  ".lUe 
testes."    l>etter  of  Assonleville  to  Granveiie, 

^^-■'..^Et^qu-aussv  ne  se  feroit  rien  par  le 
Cardinal  X  I'accord  des  S  igneurs  ot  mqui- 


Sr^tnVeTarrP<;-s\^nsc^^^ 

n"  le  pas  faire."    Correspondance  de  Philippe 

^^;3^.  Des  5;o''es  de  cette  cour  nous  ne  savons 
pas  plus  que  ceux  qui  sunt  a^.'^J^^f  { J^;^; 
Klai  que  le  Hoi  "^^t  a  repond  e  auxJeU  es 

nu'on  lui  adressa  cause  uu  gT;'"^,P''^&  •' 
uux  alTair.fl ;  il  pourra  coaler  cher  un  jour. 

Ibid.,  p.  199. 


206  GRANVELLE  COMPELLED  TO  WITHDRAW. 

clear  his  majesty  exercised  his  royal  preroo;ative  of  having  the  correspondence 
all  on  one  side.  At  least  his  own  share  in  it  at  this  period  was  small,  and  his 
letters  were  concise  indeed  in  comparison  with  the  voluminous  epistles  of  his 
minister.  Perhaps  there  was  some  policy  in  this  silence  of  the  monarch  llis 
opinions,  nay,  his  wishes,  would  have,  to  some  extent,  the  weight  of  laws. 
He  would  not,  therefore,  willingly  commit  himself.  He  preferred  to  oonforin 
to  his  natural  tendency  to  trust  to  the  course  of  events,  instead  of  disturbing 
them  by  too  precipitate  action.  The  cognomen  by  which  Philip  is  recognized 
on  the  roll  of  Oastilian  princes  is  "  the  Prudent." 


LEAGUE  AGAINST  GRANVELLE. 


207 


CHAPTER  VIL' 

GRANVELLE  COMPELLED  TO  WITHDRAW. 

League  againBt  GranveUe-Margaret  desires  his  Removal -Philip  deliberates -Gran  velle 
•^     ^  dismisaed— Leaves  the  Netherlands. 

1562-1564. 

While  the  state  of  feeling  towards  Granvelle,  in  the  nation  fjenerally,  was 
such  as  is  described  in  the  preceding  chapter,  the  lords  who  were  in  the  council 
of  state  chafed  more  and  more  under  their  exclusion  from  business.  As  the 
mask  wa.s  now  thrown  away,  they  no  longer  mamtained  the  show  of  deference 
which  they  had  hitherto  paid  to  the  minister,  ^/o™  opposition  to  hs 
measures,  they  passed  to  irony,  ridicule,  sarcasm;  till,  finding  that  their 
S^ults  had  little  effect  to  disturb  Granvelle's  temper  and  still  less  to  change 
his  policy,  they  grew  at  length  less  and  less  frequent  in  their  attendance  at 
The  council,  where  they  played  so  insignificant  a  part.  Tins  w^  a  sore 
embarrassment  to  the  regent,  who  needed  the  countenance  of  thefea*  nobles 
to  protect  her  with  the  nation,  in  the  unpopular  measures  m  which  she  was 

^"  Even  Granvelle,  with  all  his  equanimity,  considered  the  crisis  so  grave  as  to 
demand  some  concession,  or  at  least  a  show  of  it  on  his  own  part,  to  conciliate 
the  good  will  of  his  enemies.  He  authorized  the  duchess  to  say  that  he  was 
perfectly  willing  that  they  should  be  summoned  to  the  coTW^^Zia,  and  to  absent 
himself  from  its  meetings, -indeed,  to  resign  the  administratiop  altogether 
provided  the  king  approv'ed  of  it.»  Whether  Margaret  communicated  this  to 
the  nobles  does  not  appear ;  at  all  events,  as  nothing  came  of  these  magnani- 
mous concessions  of  the  ministor,  they  had  no  power  to  soothe  the  irritation 

^  On  the  contrary,  the  disaffected  lords  were  bending  their  efforts  to  consoli- 
date their  league,  of  which  Granvelle,  it  may  be  recollected,  noticed  the  exist- 
ence in  a  ^ttor  of  the  preceding  year.  We  now  find  the  members  binding 
temselves  to  each  other  by  an  Sath  of  secrecy.'    The  persons  who  formed 

part,  would  delay  as  long  as  possible  return- 
ing his  answers.  For  the  measure,  Philip 
concludes,  is  equally  repugnant  to  justice  and 
to  the  interests  of  the  crown .  (Correspoudance 
de  Philippe  IL,  torn.  i.  p.  237.)  This  was  the 
royal  policy  of  procrastination  !  ,  „  .  . 
^  "Condusero  una  lega  c-ntra  I  Cardenal 
p'  detto  &  diffesa  commune  contra  chi  volesse 
offendere  alcun  di  loro,  laqual  confortorono 


'  Correspoudance  de  Philippe  IL,  torn.  i. 

pp.  236,  242.  ,  ..    ^     . 

■■  Philip's  answer  to  the  letter  of  the  duchess 
in  which  she  stated  GranvelU's  proposal  was 
eminently  characteristic.  If  Margaret  could 
not  do  better,  she  might  enter  into  negotia- 
tions with  the  raalecontents  on  the  subject ; 
but  she  should  take  care  to  d  lay  sending 
advices  of  it  to  Spain ;  aud  the  Itlug,  on  his 


i 


this  confederacy  were  the  governors  of  ^^^^'^.^^^S^^lnt 
Oolden  Fleece,  and,  in  short,  mostot  t^e  »r  stocra^y  ot  a  y^^  ^^^^ 
the  country.    It  seemed  ""POssiWe  tn?t  ajiy  mim  l  ^j^^ 

such  a  coafition,.resting,  moreover  «"  ^^^^^XwOTk  on  the'carSinal  were 
formidable  association  seeing  that  aU  at^mpts  to  ^^^  ^.^  j^ 

inetfectual,  resolved  at  length  ^aPPly^^a  pressed  on  his  majesty,  they 
They  stated  that,  kno"»'g,the  heavy  cares  ™mu.i^  ^^  fj^^^.  e^res  by 

ha.i^long  dissembled  and  kept  silence,  mtherto^^  ^  jy 

their  complaints.  If  they  >'»«'.  broke  tins  f^^^^J^  rj,^  enlarged  on  the 
to  the  king,  and  .to  save  their  county  ^™™  ™°-  .^jf^^g  any^  particular 
lamentable  condition  o  afiairs^  ,^  ,he  cardiiXor  rather  to  the  position  m 
charges,  they  mputcd  ^'t^gf the'  to  the  cardniai^or^  ^.^^  ^^  ^ 

whic^  he  stood  in  reference  to  the  n^Um.    it  was  "n  p  ,  ^^^  ^^^^  ^ 

the  business  of  the  <:o"nt[y '=^"'iPTItL  Se  They  earnestly  implored 
was  held  in  such  genera  f  *««***»" ''7,.^^^^^^^  menaced,  the 

the  king  to  take  imnjediate  m  jwes  f«  ^^^^^^^  ^^^^  that  they  might 
speedy  rum  of  the  land.    Ana  tnev  ™"'-'""'=  ,    .  ^^  wTiere,  in  the  existing 

and  Count  Hoorne.*  o„Hont  and  most  honourable  lineage.    He 

The  last  nobleman  was  of  f"  »"f«f^Xrands,  and  had  been  governor 

held  the  high  ottice  of  admiral  o    *«  Ne^^heUan  >^  ^  ^„^ 

both  of  Zutphen  and  of  ^'^"^'''^fA^ 

duriiiK  his  absence  the  province  of  ^"?''^*?  J** '  indebted  to  the  good  ofhces 
mS,  for  which  Hoorne  considered  tl^at  he  X/K  onc^  enroled  himself 
of  tile  cardinal  On  his  ret.vrn  to  his  own  coun  y  ^j  j^y^  bravery,  of  a 
in  the  ranks  of  the  opposition     He  was  a  ™a  j^^^  ^  ^^^^         , 

Sre^rd^iXriSft^'rircU^tor  than  to  the  peculiar  circumsUnces 

■^tt^re'Stothis  despatch  ««  t,r^„T|norant  of  wila^T^at 
king  from  GranveUe,  who  d(ys  not  se«m  to  have  ton  ^gnora  ^^  ^^^ 

do  ng  by  the  lords.    He  had  ^^^ ndt^  s^Sinst  te  ^^  P™" 

disloyalty  of  their  conduct  in  tJV'^  ba^^^^^^Xtod  thenTto  a  legal  prosecu- 
ceedfng  which  in  other  t'''f^,fS„  "il^X  fe^^^^  whom  he  commends  as 

-e\rS«^o^;SSi  ^X^  -^^^^ 
^^e^ts-ey^t°h^s  ^-^HrSSrSf ^^on  to  say,  in  which  the 

Jid,  were  regarded  V  .'^t  was  neceX  to  ^o  away  this  impression  ;  to 
Flemings,  as  aegitimate.'  I*  ^f  j^ffng  Jfuh  the  Spaniards  ;  to  give  them 
,,lace  tUe  Flemings  on  the  f«™  *^^  "^„^ed  them,  in  Spain  or  m  Italy  ; 
lucrative  appointments,  for  they  greatly  nee       ^^  j^  ^^^^^  ^^ 

torn.  ii.  PP-  3t>-38- 


208  GRANVELLE  COMPELLED  TO  WITHDRAW. 

and  it  nii-ht  not  be  amiss  to  bestow  the  viceroyalty  of  Sicilv  on  the  Pnnce  of 
OranL  TliiVrbv  the  same  act  the  poUtic  minister  >vouia  both  reward  his 
^^  «f and  remove  them  from  the  coiintry.  But  he  greatly  misunderstood  the 
chamcte^^^^^^^  i»  this  way  to  buy  him  ott  from  the  opposition 

I  wl  four  Shs  before^he  confederates  received  an  answ;^  ;  dunng 
whinhtl^ie  affairs  continued  to  wear  the  same  gloomy  aspect  as  before.  At 
1  i-K  lo^Ahp  inno-  pXcted  epistle  from  the  monarch,  dated  on  the  sixth 
length  came  the  lon..^^^^^^^      Php  thanked  the  lords'  for  their  zeal  and 

dlvo^fon  to  hi^service  A  ter  well  considering  the  matter,  however,  he  had 
nTfound  any  s^^^^^^  of  complaint  alleged,  to  account  for  the  advice 

Slen  him  ?o  part  wlth^is  minister.  "^Ihe  kingTioped  before  long  to  visit  the 
f  .rrnnntriPs  in  nerson  Meanwhile,  he  should  be  glad  to  see  any  one  of  the 
r^l«^n  Snain  Km  froni  him  the  whole  state  of  the  affair,  as  it  was  not 
hf  wont  Kld'^nK^^^  without  knowing  the  grounds  on  which 

^^'%rrctTatfhe  lords  had  not  specified  any  particular  subject  of  complaint 
« J^.wt  fhP  rardinal  ira^  the  king  an  obvious  advantage  in  the  correspond- 
S  It  slemed^^^^  S  ?oo  much^to  expect  his  imnieliate  dismissal  of  the 
Ster  on  the  vaSie  pretext  of  his  unpopularity,  without  a  single  instance 
"r  m^oVduct  ^^^^  against  hini.    Yet  thi.  was  the  Posi^i^^^^^^^^^^  wh^ch 

thP  Piipmies  of  Granvelle  necessarily  found  themselves,  ine  minister  actea 
bv  the  orders  of  the  king.  To  have  assailed  the  minister's  acts,  therefore, 
tould  have  Sen  to  attock  the  king  himself.  E^mont  some  t.me  after  thi^ 
wUh  even  more  ^^^^^^  than  usual,  is  said  to  We  declared  at  table  to  a 

f^ie^fof  the  caM^       that  -  the  blow  was  aimed  not  so  much  at  the  minister 

""'The  dlsritelit^of  the  lords  at  receiving  this  laconic  epistle  may  be  imagined. 
Tl^v  weS  little  account  should  be  made  of  fheir  represen- 

tadonrand  that  both  they  and  the  country  should  be  sacnhced  to  the  kinj^^s 
tatiqns,  ami  iiirtt  u^^^  j  ,nj  ^^  i^^j-ds  waited  on  the  regent,  and  extorted 
FfJmt  ^a^S  the  knights  of  the  order  and  U. 

rm  fer  with  them  and  the  other  nobles  as  to  the  course  to  be  taken         . 

TtwrtLre  deddedthat  the  lords  should  address  a. second  letter,  m  the 
nanL  oTtt  whoL'^^^^^^^^^     PhUip,  and  henceforth  should  cease  te  attend  the 

TnlhhleUef  which  bears  the  date  of  July  the  twenty-ninth,  they  express 

SLlre  ft  tLv  would  wiHin  do  SO.  But  it  was  not  their  design  to  ar>pear 
afaccisers  L^^  a?^i»st  the  uiin  ster..   They  had  fioped 

tL?r  own  wordin  such  an  affair  would  have  sufliced  with  l^i«  "^^^f  ty.  It  was 
not  the  mSion  whether  the  minister  was  to  be  condemned,  but  whether  he 
wal  to  1^  reZ'ed  from  an  office  for  which  he  was  in  no  respect  quahfied.- 


'  «»Car  ce  n'est  ma  coustume  de  grever 
aucuiis  de  mes  ministres  pans  cause."  Cor- 
respondance  de  GuiUaume  le  Taciturne,  torn. 

"•^'•'S*estant  le  comte  d'Egmont  advunche 
aujourd'huy  liuict  jours  jx».^«  iH>cula  dire  i 
Hopr6ru8,avec  lequel  il  fut  bien  deux  heures 
en  devis  8,  que  ce  n'estoit  point  a  Granvelle 
que  Von  en  vouloit,  mais  au  Roy,  qui  admini- 


Btre  tres-mal  le  public  ct  mesmes  ce  de  la 
Relieion,  comme  Ton  luy  at  assez  adverty. 
Morillon,   Archdeacon  of  Mechlin,  to  Gran- 
veUe,  Archives  de  la  Maisond'Orange-Nassau, 

torn.  i.  p.  247.  , 

"  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  I. 

pp.  256,  25X,  259. 

»"  "  II   n'est  paa  icy  question  de  grever 
ledict  cardinal,  aine  plustost  de  le  descharger. 


^    I 


LEAGUE  AGAINST  GRANVELLE. 


239 


Thcv  had  hoped  their  attachment  and  tried  fidelity  to  the  crown  would  have 

made  it  superfluous  for  them  to  go  into  a  specifiaition  of  charges     These, 

ndeed,  could  be  easily  made ;    but  the  discontent  and  disorder  which  now 

reigneJ.  throughout  the  country  were  sufficient  evidence  of  the  ministei-'s 

"^Tl^ey^Uted  that  they  had  acquainted  the  regent  with  their  intention  to 
absent  themselves  in  future  from  the  council,  where  their  presence  could  be  no 
longer  useful;  and  they  trusted  this  would  receive  his^  majesty s  sanction 
They  expressed  their  determination  loyally  and  truly  to  discharge  every  trust 
renosed  m  them  by  the  government ;  and  they  concluded  by  apologizing  for 
the  homely  language  of  their  epistle,— for  they  were  no  haranguers  or  orators, 
bit  men  accustomed  to  act  rather 'than  to  talk,  as  wa^  suited  to  persons  ol 
fhpir  nnalitv"  This  last  shaft  was  doubtless  aimed  at  the  cardinal,  iue 
letter  was  sYgned  b^^^^^^^^  as  the  former.    The  abstmct  here 

given  does  no  justice  to  the  document,  which  is  of  considerab^  length,  and 
Carefully  written.  The  language  is  that  of  men  who  to  the  habitual  exercise 
S  authority  united  a  feeling  of  self-respect,  which  challenged  the  respect  of 
their  opponents.  Such  were  not  the  men  to  be  cajoled  or  ^ily  intimidated 
It  was  ?he  first  time  that  Philip  had  been  addressed  in  this  lofty  tone  by 
his  great  vassals.  It  should  have  opened  his  eyes  to  the  condition  and  the 
character  of  his  subjects  in  the  Netherlands.  i._  ««  » 

The  coalition  drew  up,  at  the  same  time,  an  elaborate  "  remonstrance," 
which  they  presented  to  Margaret.    In  it  they  set  forth  the  various  ^^oiders 
of  the  country  especially  those  growing  out  of  the  state  of  religion  and  the  • 
eml^LrmsS  The  only  remedy  for  these  evils  is  to  be  found 

fn  a  nSg  of  the  states-gene^^^^  The  king's  prohibition  of  this  measure 
must  have  proceeded,  no  doubt,  from  the  evil  counsels  of  persons  hostile  to 
the  true  interests  of  the  nation.  As  their  services  can  be  of  little  use  while 
thPv  are  thus  debarred  from  a  resort  to  their  true  and  only  remedy  in  their 
SarrLsments!  th^^^^^^^^  the  regent  will  not  take  it  amiss  that,  so  long  as 
?heSiTpolk^^  to  take  their  seats  in  the  council 

of  state,  to  Wmerel?  shado'ws  there,  as  they  have  been  for  the  last  four 

^^?om  this  period  the  malecontent  lords  no  more  aopeared  in  council.  The 
peSity  of  ^Ma^^^^^  was  great.  Thus  abandonea  by  the  nobles  m  whom 
tKuntry  had  tSe  greatest  confidence,  she  was  left  alone,  as  it  were  with 
the  man  wLm  the  country  held  in  the  greatest  abhorrence  She  had  long 
se^n^th  alann  the  storm  V^^^ng  round  the  devoted  he^id  of  the  mmisten 
^attempt  abne  to  uphofl  his  faffing  fortunes  would  be  probably  to  bmy 
herSf  n  their  ruins.  In  her  extremity,  she  appealed  to  the  confederates, 
and  nee  she  coiSd  not  divide  them,  en'd'eavourerto  divert  them  from  their 
omx)smon  They,  on  the  other  hand,  besought  the  regent  no  longer  to  con- 
neKerseif  with  the  desperate  cause  of  a  minister  so  odious  to  the  country. 
Possib^  th^^^^^  into  her  mind  some  suspicions  of  the  subordinate  part 


voire  d'une  charge  laquelle  non-eeulement  lul 
est  pen  conveuable  et  comme  exti  aordinaire, 
mais  aussi  ne  peult  plus  estre  en  ses  mains, 
pans  gr.md  dangler  d'inconvenienset  troubles. 
Correspondanco  de  GuiUaume  le  Taciturne, 

torn.  li.  p.  45. 

"  "Quant  il  n'y  auroit  que  le  desordre, 
mescontentement  et  confusion  qui  se  trouve 
aujourd'huy  en  vos  pays  de  pardega,  ce  serolt 
assez  tcsmolnage  de  combien  peu  sert   icy 


ga  presence,  credit  et  auctorite."    Ibid.,  p. 

'»  "  Que  ne  sommes  point  de  nature  grans 
orateurs  ou  harangueurs,  et  plus  accoustumez 
a  bien  faire  qu'a  bien  dire,  comme  aussy  il  est 
mieulx  scant   a   gens   de  nostre   qualite.' 

Ibid.,  p.  47. 

'*  ♦♦  Faisans  cesser  I'umbre  dont  avons  servy 
en  iceluy  quatre  ana."    ibid.,  p.  50. 


N. 


2X0  GRANVELLE  COMPELLED  TO  WITHDRAW. 

.Ue  was  made  t.  play,  f^^^^  r:^^X^^t^  ^^t 

r.r«s  Sl^ndXA^o^iur  see.  to  ^ve  won  ^eaUy  on  the 

psteein  of  the  duchess.  ;n>nri/>tirable  to  maintain  the  govern- 

Sfied,  at  last,  that  it  would  be  'PP^^f'^ret  resolved  to  write  to  W 

J:t^i  longer  on  its  present  ^-J  ^^ -\^tndter  confidential  s^re- 

affairs  in  the  Netherlands  '*  ,iifficulties  of  the  country,  the  duchess 

Af^r  enlarging  on  the  disorders  and  d»  ^^^^^^     ^^    ^ad  made 

came  to  the  quarrel  betwe^^^^^^^  .^^' Tn^nubUc 

every  effort  to  reconcile  the  P^rt  ^^  '^  ^.^^  ^city ,  Ins  exDerience  in  pubhc 
Rensible  of  the  merits  of  ^^^'l^y*^"®' "{^ Ju^f  the  king  and  of  religion."  iiut, 
aSs  his  devotion  to  the  interests  ^oth  oj  the  l^^^^^^  opposition  to  the 

nn  the  other  liand,  to  mamtam  hiin  m  ^^e  ^  etner  ana  ,        p^   embarrass- 

^;  if  of  tte  nobles/was  t.  ^-^P^l^..^^^^^^  ''  ^^^  ^t  ^T. 

uients,  but  to  the  danger  of  \'\^^^7ff /^"Vug  true  state  of  the  case  before  the 
.^^hich'she  occupied  f'^f  ^^«4  h^^.,^^  ^^,^^  to  4  pursued.  With  this  letter, 
king,  and  he  would  determine  the  cou^^^^^ 

bearing  the  date  of  August  ^^^^^J' X^^^^^^^  his  mission  to  Spam, 

the  du?hess,  Armenteros  was  ^^Jj^^^^^/^S  of  Brussels  was 

It  was  not  long  before  the  sUte  of  ftehng  m  ine  ^^^  interest  of 

known,  or  at  least  suriniseci,  throuu'hout  ^^^'^^^^^^y'ret.    The  cardinal,  thus 
some  of  the  parties  that  it  should  "^^^^^^,%^r^^^^  for  the  shafts  of 

alUndoned  by^us  friends,,  l^me  a  m^^^^^  against  him  from 

hts  enemies.    Libels   satires,  P^^^  "f^'.^'the  in^^  which  Sies  when  it  has 

r:  Jf\\^etTSn^i?y!t^^^^^^  ^^  ^  -^^^  '^'  ^'^  "^"^ 

of  their  literary  execution."  narrative,  for  the  young  people  to 

It  was  the  custom,  at  the  P^^^^^^f  Xhrate  w^      were  called  "academic 
meet  in  the  .towns  f  ^  ^1^,^  and  c^^^^^^  topics  of  the  djy, 

games,"  consisting  of  ^he^^'^^^^^Jf/^"^^^^  Public  affairs  furnished  a 

Sometimes  of  a  th^  ogicaj  or  a  I^[^f^^^^^^  was  often  roughly 

fruitful  theme  at  this  c'^^^^.  j^^^^^^^,^^^^^  I  curb  this  license     It  only 

handled.    It  was  in  vain  ^^^.^^/"""'^^  a^^^^^       of  raillery  and  ridicule." 
served  to  stimulate  the  disputai^ts  to  new  di^p^ 
Granvelle,  it  will  be  readily  heheved,  wa^  ^ot  siow^^  ^^  ^^^^^^^ 

with  the  regent,  and  the  more  ^"^^™j^^^^'^^?;*'^"'fe"rhrwas  too  proud  or  too 
with  his  enemies.    But,  whatever  he  may  have^elt,  ne       ^j^.^^ited  by  all 

CZX^^  ^^A^flrw^^^^^^^    the-Cardinalists,"  losing 

-     .       .     n.^.n  Has    /•nntrft  le 


PHILIP  DELIBERATES. 


211 


'*  Memoires  de  Granvelle.  torn.  H.  P-  39,  et 
geq._4:orrc8poudance  de  Philippe  II..  torn.  l. 

^" -^"Elle  connait  tout  le  meritedu  cardinal 
Ba  haute  capacite,  son  experience  dea  affaires 
?fitat.  le  zele  et  le  d^vouetn.nt  qu  l  montre 
pour  le  service  de  Dieu  et  du  Roi.       Ibid., 

^'ii^^iyun  autre  cote,  elle  reconnalt   que 


torn.  ii.  p*  ^^* 


influence  daily  with  the  regent,  at  open  war  with  the  ^^^^es^^^^^^ 
the  people,  never  was  there  a  minister  m  so  forlorn  a  ^^^^^f  ^^">  f  n^^^^ 
was  able  to  maintain  his  post  a  day  in  such  curcumstances.     Yet  ^ranveiie 
md  not  lose  hTa    fas  others  failed  him,  he  relied  the  more  on  himself ;  and 
the  couraire  which  he  displayed,  when  thus  left  alone,  as  it  were,  to  face  the 
anyrTtirnation  niigh\  hive  well  eonmianded,  the  respect  o    his  ene-^ 
He  made  no  mean  concession  to  secure  the  support  of  the  nobles  or  to  recover 
the  favour  of  the  regent.    He  did  not  shrink  from  the  dangers  or  the  respon 
llmti^s  of'his  stafion;  though  the  latter,  at  lea^,  bore  h^^^^^^^^^ 
Speaking  of  the  incessant  pressure  of  his  cares,  he  writes  ^o  his  corres^^^^^ 
S,  "My  hairs  have  turned  so  white  you  would  not  recognize  me         He 
was  then  but  forty-six.    On  one  occasion,  "^^eed' ^^  f  ^^^^^^^^ 
kinff  that  "if  his  ma  esty  does  not  soon  come  to  the  fietlierianas  nemuM, 
Sdraw  from  them.'^^"  ^This  seems  to  have  been  a  sudden  burst  of  feeline, 
L  it  wlTa  sol  tarv  one,  forced  from  him  by  the  extremity  of  his  situation.    It 
was  nu?"ch  inore  i^^^  cha  acter  that  he  wrote  afterwards  to  the  secretary  Perez^ 
"Tarn  so  S  with  dangers  on  every  side  that  most  P^ople  give  me  up  f^^^ 
lost.    But  I  mean  to  live  as  long,  by  the  grace  of  God,  as  1  can  ;  and  if  they 
do  take  away  my  life,  I  trust  they  will  not  gam  everything  for  all  that 
Heno4erefntTiLtes  awishto  ^  recalled.    Nor  woiUd  h.s  a^^^^^^^^^ 
him  to  resign  the  helm ;  but  the  fiercer  the  tempest  raged,  the  more  cioseiy 
did  he  clinii  to  the  Avreck  of  his  fortunes.  ,  xv.    *•  r  ««  +i.af  Via 

The  arrival  of  Armenteros  with  .*«  "l^^I^^'^/AraSrid  »  fc^  thi 
brought,  caused  a  great  sensation  m  the  court  of  Madnd  ^e  fre  on  tne 
eve  o1  a  terrible  conrtagration,"  writes  one  of  the  ^^"^^r^*  ™  P  '  X 
they  greatly  err  who  think  it  will  pass  away  as  formerly  He  expre^'«''  ™« 
wisflthat  6ranvelle  would  retire  from  *e  country  where,  hyre^ 
would  soon  wish  his  return.  "  But  ambition,"  he  adds,  and  the  poini  oi 
honour  are  alike  opposed  to  this.    Nor  does  the  king  desire  it   " 

Vpt  it  wasiiot  Ssv  to  say  what  the  king  did  desire,-certainlv  not  what 
court  he  won  d  piS.  He  felt  a  natural  reluctance  to  abandon  tk  minister 
whoS  greSst %"?»  seemed  to  be  that  of  t<»  implicit  an  obedience  to  hia 
mSr'f  mmiuands  He  declared  he  would  rather  risk  the  loss  of  the  Nether- 
landfthan  aSon  him."  Yet  how  was  tl-t  mmisler  to  be  — '"p^  » 
his  place,  in  opposition  to  the  will  of  the  nation?  1"  *"'%?f J^'^Jpyi ^;7. 
applied  for  comisel  to  the  man  in  whom  he  most  coniided,-the  duke  of  Alva , 

tfie  very  worst  counsellor  possible  in  the  P^f  ep' emfSfn^^n  "Whenl  read 
Thp  fluke's  answer  was  eminent  y  characteristic  of  the  man.  \vnen  i  reaa 
thJ  letters  of  these  S,"  he  says,  "  I  am  so  filled  with  rage  that,  dad  I  not 
make  aTeffort  tTsuppress  it,  my  language  would  aPP«a^to  you  .*hat jif  a 
S^man""  After  tfis  temperati  exordium,  he  recommends  the  tang  c,n  no 
M^Tnt  to  remove  Granvelle  from  the  administration  of  the  Netherlands. 


!•    <•' 


"  ••Vou8  ne  me  reconnattriez  plus,  tant 
mea  cheveux  ont  blanchi."  Correspondance 
de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  268. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  274.  J     X  I* 

»'  "  Moi,  qui  ne  suis  qu'un  ver  de  t^rre,  je 
Buis  menace  de  tant  de  cGtes,  que  beaucoup 
doivent  me  tenir  deja  pour  mort ;  mais  je 
tacheral,  avec  I'aide  de  Dieu.  de  vivre  autant 
que  possible,  et  n  I'on  me  tue  j  espere  qu  on 
n'aura  pas  gagne  tout  i>ar  la."    Ibid.,  p.  284. 

»•■'  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange- Nassau, 

tom.  1.  p.  190.  .        .^       ^. 

»  "Hablandole  yo  en  ello,"  writes   the 


secrcUry  Perez  to  Granvelle, "  como  era  razon, 
me  respondid  que  por  su  fee  dntes  aventurarla 
d  perder  essos  estados  que  hazer  esse  agrayio 
d  V.  S.  en  lo  qual  TOnoscord  la  gran  voluntad 
que  le  tiene."    Papiers  d'fitat  de  Granvelle. 

tom.  vii.  p.  102.  u       A«. 

"*  "Cada  vez  que  veo  los  despachos  ae 
aquellos  tres  sefiores  de  Flandes  me  mueven 
la  colera  de  manera  que,  sino^P^;*^*^"^"*® 
mucho  templarla,  creo  p^irecia  «i  V.  Magd  mi 
opinion  de  hombre  frenetico."  Carta  del 
Duque  de  Alba  al  Rey,  &  21  de  Octobre  de 
1563,  MS. 


/ 


212  GRAKVELLE  COMPELLED  TO  WITHDRAW. 

..  It  is  a  thing  of  course  ••he  say^,  "that  te  carf^^^^^^  ^ft"  tUclf  on 

victim.    A  rebellion  ^f?"'^*  *«  PP/^f^^tS^^  be  brought  _at 

his  nnnisters.    It  would  ^^  better,  he  contim^,    «  a  ^  divide  the 

once  to  summary  justice.    S'nce  that  cannot  ^  it  may       ^^^^^^^^  _  ^^ 
nobles  ;  to  win  over  fcpno.  t  and  ^ho^e  who  touow  ,    ^^^^  ^,^^ 

S^to  ir?S  tXy-  iTajl^y"  wtdo  well  to  dissemble,  until  you 

'^^^S:^^^^  tt  l?Si-e"h"etr:a\^ 

his  nature.    But  the  .™°f «  ^«  ."'"f .^.j^the  Xox^^^     '""''^*^^  '"  '"'P'* -' 
fied  that  it  would  be  ""'PJ^^t  .JS  he  still  shrank  from  announcing  it. 

^^"^Ss^fl^^!^  leave  events  to  Uke  the. 

own  course,  rather  ^h^iVjl^Ve  .''^^^^       Parma  admonished  her  brother 
Early  in  January,  1564,  ^^^^  ^^^'^^^/ig^^^^     it  was  a  common  oi)inion, 
that  th^  lojds  chafed  much  i^^^^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^^^^,,  the  inriuence 

she  said,  that  he  cared  httle  for  J^la^^er.,  ami  t  »  ^^^  ^^  ^ 

of  evil  counsellors  who  jo^d^^^^^^^^^^  j^,^^  ,^  the  nobles 

conquered  provmce.    bhe  *^^^^sn^  "»" /^"  *         ^       ^  Ecmont,  who  well 
and  especially  to^^^rite  m  aftectiona^^^  t^rn^  to  ^oimt  ^..g   ,^  i^teresUs.- 
deserved  this  for  t^e^^al  ^le  h^^^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^^  ^j  ,,,e  of  the 

One  IS  struck  with  the  \o«e   "  ^^    ^n  uie    ^  i         language.    It 

leaders  of  the  opposition,  so  little  "  ,""^'?":_  ^  '^^^^^^  in  truth,  however, 
Bhows  how  competelv  she  was  now  under  t^^^^^  ^  ^^^^^ 

we  see  constant  y,  both  in  ^^f  ^^t^re  anrt  tn^^^^^^^  his  a^ssociates.  On 
friendly  tone  of    eelmg  towards  W^  jy^ 

the  score  of  orthodox^^^^^^^  teni  rt"ed  the  sympathy  of  all  with 

cordial  manners,  hih  free  ana  g^"  »^  ^^  common  opini6n  that  it  would  not  be 
whom  he  came  in  contact.  It  ^^^^^f.  *.f,^Xontents  with  whom  his  lot  was 
difficult  to  detach  hV"\/^«^^^,^^^,  P^flrU^^^^^^^  of  Orange, 

cast.    Such  were  not  t^^e  not'on.  ^^^  ^^^"^^^^^^^  ^^t  written  perhaps 

In  a  letter  ^roni  (.ranvelle  to  FhiUp  ^J^no  i  ,       ^^  ^^^ 

about  this  period,'^^  w  e  ^^y^  portraiis  or jd  ,     ^^^  ^^  describes 

leaders  of  the  opposition,  touched  with  a  «\^ste^ '^^^^^^       influence  of  William. 

as  firm  in  his  faith  « .tiffin  ov^A^^^^^^^^^^^  The  prince, 

It  would  not  be  difficult  to  win  mm  over  o^^  ^  profound  views, 

on  the  other  hand,  ^j.^^XT^^^^^  control"    In  the 

boundless  ambition,  difficult  to  f  "j^^^^^^  revolution 

lattor  charactor  we  see  the  true  leader  of  the  revolution. 


"  "  A  lo8  que  destoe  meriten  quitenlcB  las 

ellos/'    Caru  del  Duque  de  Alba  al  Rey,  i 
21  de  Octobre  de  1563,  MS.  , 

"•  "Comme  je  I'ai  toujours  trouve  plein 
d'empr.  Bsenient  et  de  zcle  pour  tout  ce  qu 
tou7he  le  Bervice  de  V.  M.  et  I'avantage  du 
p  V8  je  Bupplie  V.  M.  de  faire  au  cointe 
d'EKmontu.»erepon8e  affectueune.  afin  qu  il 
Je  &pere  pai^e  sa  bonte."  Correspon- 
dance  de  Philippe  11.,  torn.  i.  p.  281. 

"  The  letter— found  among  the  MSS.  at 
TU.«incon— isKivenby  Dom  Prosper  Leveaque 
to  ^*  Ufe  oP  the  Ldlaal.    CMemoires  de 


Granvelle.  torn.  ii.  p.  52.)  The  ^oj^^y  ^7^; 
dictine  assures  us,  in  his  preface,  that  he  has 
ft  ways  given  the  text  of  Oranyelle's  corre- 
?ponden!e  exactly  as  he  found  it ;  an  assu- 
ance  to  which  few  will  give  mpUcit  cp  dit 
who  have  read  this  letter,  which  bears  the 
marks  of  the  reviser's  hand  in  every  sentence. 
■■"  Memoires  de  Granvelle,  torn.  li.  p.  55- 
*•  "  Le  prince  d'Onmge  est  un  homme  dan- 
ccereux.  fin,  ruse,  affectant  de  soutenir  le 
^uple.*  .  .  :  Je  pense  qu'un  pareil  genie  qu^ 
kdes  vues  profondes  est  fort  difficile  kme- 
nager,  et  qu'il  n'est  guorcs  possible  de  la  ttiro 
changer."    Ibid.,  pp.  63,  54. 


1 


I 


PHILIPS  LETTER  TO  GRANVELLE. 


213 


Bis-usted  with  the  indifference  of  the  king,  shown  in  his  long-protracted 
Lusgusieu  ^;^t7*  "'J^  .    •.,   .     ajj,,^  the  regent's  remonstrances,  sent  orders 

aS.  »  It  was^y  command  of  the  sovereign.  Yet  tfiat  command  was 
Sted'bv  necessity,  and  so  given  as  best  to  save  the  feelings  and  the  credit 
of  ^hTnUn^irr  Ifeither  paW  anticipated  that  Granvell|s  absence  «mld 
Ivmtiniie  for  a  lone  time,  much  less  that  his  dismissal  was  hiial.  iiveii  wnen 
STAhe  letter  to  the  cardinal,  Philip  cherished  the  hope  that  the  neces- 
sity for^hUde^A-iremigM  be  avoidel  altogether.  This  appears  from  the 
flpsnatrhes  sent  at  the  same  time  to  the  regent.  ,  t^  ,  -out,, 

Xort Iv  S  hL  noto  to  Granvelle,  on  the  nineteenth  of  Febniary,  Philip 
wrote  an  i^isw^^^^^^^  the  lords  in  all  the  tone  of  offended  majesty  He  expressed 
hS^astonis  Iment  that  they  should  have  been  led  by  any  motive  f^jatever  ^ 
vacate  their  seats  at  the  council,  where  he  had  placed  them.^  ^h^J  J^ 
^nff^ntrrPtnrn  there  at  once,  and  show  that  they  preferred  the  public  weal 
to  a  fpr^^^^^^^^  As  for  the  removal  .of  the  minister  smcet^^^^ 

had  not  been  pleased  to  specify  any  charges  against  him  the  kmg  would 
deUb^rate  furtW  More  deciding  on  the  matter.  Thus,  three  weeks  after 
Ph  Hn  h^  S^veif  thV^^  his  dismissal,  did  he  write  to  his  enemies  as  if 

The  matter  were  stUV  in  abeyance ;  hoping,  it  would  seem  by  the  haughty 
tone  of  authoXrto  rebu^  the  spirit  o?the  refractory  nobles  and  intimidate 
toi  tto  a^Cplia^^^  with  his  commands.  Should  this  pohcy  succeed,  the 
cardinal  might  still  hold  the  helm  of  government. 


30     i(  I 


-  -•  Causant  I'autre  jour  avec  elle,  le  comte 
d'Kcraont  lui  montra  un  grand  mecontente- 
mrift  de  ce  quo  le  Roi  n'avait  daigne  faire  un 
seul  mot  de  reponse  ni  a  lui,  ni  aux  autres 
II  dit  que,  voyant  cela,  ils  etaieni  decides  a 
ordonner  k  leur  courrier  qu'il  rev.nt,  sans 
attendre  davantage."  Correspondance  de 
Philippe  11.,  torn.  i.  p.  283. 

»»  "II  a  pense,  d'apres  ce  que  le  cardinal 
lui  a  ecrit.  qu'il  serait  tres  a  propos  qu  il 
allat  voir  sa  mere,  avec  la  permission  de  la 
duchesse  de  Parme.  1  )p  cette  maniere,  1  auto- 
rit6  du  Roi  et  la  reputation  du  cardinal  seront 
eauves  "     Ibid.,  p.  285. 

"  That  indefatigable  labourer  in  the  mine 
of  MSS.,  M.  Gachard,  obtained  some  clue  to 
the  existence  of  such  a  letter  in  the  Archives 
of  Simancas.  For  two  months  it  eluded  his 
researches,  when  in  a  happy  hour  he  stumbled 
on  this  pearl  of  price.  The  reader  may  .hare 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  Belgian  scholar  :  Je 
redoublai  d'attention ;  et  enfin.  apres  deux 


mois  de  travail,  je  decouvris,  sur  un  petit 
chiffon  de  papier,  la  minute  de  la  fameuse 
lettre  dont  faisait  mention  la  duchesse  de 
Panne :  elle  avaitete  classee,  par  une  meprise 
de  je  ne  sais  quel  official,  avec  les  papiers  de 
I'annee  1562.  On  lisait  en  tete  :  I>e  mano  dd 
Key ;  secreta.  Vous  comprendrez,  monsieur 
le  Ministre.  la  joie  que  me  fit  eprouver  cette 
d^couverte:  ce  sont  la  des  jouissances  qui 
dedommagent  de  bien  des  fatigues  de  bien 
des  ennuis!"  Rapport  a  M.  le  Ministre  de 
I'Interieur,  Ibid.,  p.  clxxxv.* 

»  "M'esbayz  bien  que,  pour  chose  quei- 
conque,  vous  ayez  delaisse  d'entrer  au  coi.sell 
ou  je  vous  avoi?  laisse."  Correspondance  de 
Guillaume  le  Tacitunie,  tom.  ii.  p.  67. 

^*  •'  Ne  faillez  d'y  rentrer,  et  monstrer  de 
comblen  vous  estimez  plus  mon  service  et  le 
bien  de  mes  pays  de  dela,  que  autre  particula- 
rite  quelconque."     Ibid.,  p.  68. 

"Abundant  evidence  of  Philip's  intentions 
is  afforded  by  his  despaUhes  to  Margaret, 


...       ,    i.i,„  .. ™,-         in  thP  twelfth  volume  of  the  "Bulletins"  of 


I 


214  GRANVELLE  COMPELLED  TO  WITHDRAW. 

But  Philip  had  not  yet.learn^  '"r«t1o?«I±eTn"hU  cS^ 
of  that  spiiU  of  subserviency  ^  wh'eh  he  «i^  accustomeu  in  n 
vas^ls.   'The  Peremptory  tone  ofhis  letter  h^e^^^  ^^^  ^^ 

lords,  who  at  »"««  waited  oil  the  regent  and  am.on^^^^^  ^^^^  P^_I^ 

reenter  the  council    The  *™'' "f  "■;;, /u!  ^™ise<i  „hen  the  letter  of  tlie 
saw  with  alarm  the  commotion  that  would  h«  "-ai^,^  w^ne  ^^^ 

king  should  be  laid  before  the  whole  bodv  of  the  nobles       '  <»  J    ,  ^    [^ 
ste?,  dilhcult  to  te  retneved   she  resoUed  eitte  ^^^^^  ^ 

announce  his  intenM  de^^F*  «    ^^^^^^^"^i^ed  hut  for  the  minister 

=^^/^e'news  of  the  n^niste.s  re..^a^^^^ 

wildfire  over  the  country,    ^he  joy  «a»     mver^i^  lampoons, 

redoubled  their  activity  ff  ^''-ng  the  fallen  mm^^r  J  i  >j,^^  ^^  ^^_^ 

e«;r|r  0?^  s^^^ 

"t\-tJl|3i^aJ^S^^ 

were  present,  the  talk  Jell  on  »»«  e'cpenMve  ^        j^         j^^  custom  for 

a.s  shown  in  the  number  and  dress  oftheir^^^^^^^^  ^1^^,^^  ^^^ 

them  to  wear  showy  and  vej  e»st'y J^e"«^*'' V™™»^^  Ixample  of  this  kind 

*f ""7  *?.«of  Ktroid  ?o™eg,tte?heif apparel  by'^a  more  modest 
of  ostentation.  It  was  PrWe"  S"  on'E'Muont  to  devise  some  suitable  liveiy, 
or  rstple'^kh^tsed'b;  hVo™.    He  proposed  a  dark-gmy  lub.t, 

""•^  ..  rT.1 l^*»aoa    nroro    nf  direCtlV 


r  EgmoT*  Sse^reuers- were  of  direc^^^ 

opiKjSte  tenor  ;  one  di«Pt".^l"g,^'\^^^J7Xd 
mesence  at  Madrid.-N^hich  had  been  talked 

Sr-the  other  inviting  him  thfe-  ^f^*;^' 
wks  to  give  the  one  which,  under  the  circum- 
rtancesfshe  thought  expedient.  The  ducl|e88 
wL  greatly  distressed  by  her  brother  8  ma- 
nceuvring.  She  saw  that  the  course  she  nvust 
pSe  was  not  the  course  winch  he  would 
prefer.  Philip  did  not  understand  her  country- 
men 80  well  as  she  did. 

'«  "  Kn  effet,  le  prince  d'Orange  et  le  comte 
d'Kgmont,  lea  seuls  qui  se  trouvassent  a 
lirux -lies,  montrerent  tant  de  tristesse  et  de 
mC-contentement  de  la  courte  et  secbe  reponse 
du  Roi.  qu'il  etait  a  craindre  qu  apres  qu  elle 
aurait  ete  commuiiiquee  aux  autres  seigneurs, 
il  ne  lut  pris  quelque  resolution  coiitra.re  au 
service  du  Roi."    Correspon dance  de  Philippe 

*"  "™on  la  venida  de  Mons.  de  Chantonnay, 
ml  hermano,  a  Bru.xelles,  y  su  determinacion 
de  encaminarse  i  estas  partes,  me  parescio 
tomar  color  de  venir  hazia  acai,  donde  no  havia 
estado  en  19  afios,  y  ver  il  madama  de  Oran- 
vella,  mi  madre,  que  ha  14  que  no  la  havia 
vhto  "  C'orre'^pondance  do  Pl.ilippe  II.,  torn. 
i    p    208.-tiranvello  seems  to  have  fondly 


trustea  inav  no  one  uui.  imoijs-.— t---  - 

the  existence  of  the  royal  l^-tter,-"  secret,  and 
written  with  the  king's  own  hand.      So  he 
speaks  of  his  departure  in  his  various  letters 
as  a  spontaneous  movement  to  see  his  vene- 
rable parent.    The  secretary  Pei  ez  must  have 
smiletl  as  he  read  one  of  these  letters  to  him- 
self, since  an  abstract  of  the  royal  despatch 
appears  in  his  own  handwriting.  The  Flemish 
nobles  also-probably  through  the  regents 
secretary,  Armenteros— appear  to  have  been 
possessed  of  the  true  state  of  the  case.    It 
was  too  good  a  thing  to  be  kept  secret. 

^-  Schiller,  Abfall  der  Niederlande,  p.  147. 
—Among  other  freaks  was  that  of  a  masque- 
ra<ie,  at  which  a  devil  was  seen  pursuing  a 
cardinal   with   a    scourge    of  foxes    tails: 
♦•  Delude  sequebatur  diabolus,  equum  dictl 
cardiiialis  caudis  vulpinis  fustigans,  magna 
cum  totius  populi  admlratione  et  scandalo. 
(Papiers  d'fitat  de  Granvelle,  tom.  v  U.  p.  77  ) 
The  fox's  tail   was  a  punning    allusion  to 
Renard.  who  took  a  most  active  and  venomous 
part  in  the  paper  war  that  opened  the  revo- 
lution.    Renard.  it  may  be  remembered,  w«8 
the  imperial  minister  to  England  in  Queen 
Mary's  time.    He  was  the  implacable  enemy 
of  (Jranvelle,  who  had  once  been  his  bene- 
factor. 


HE  LEAVES  THE  NETHERLANDS. 


215 


f 


S 


which,  instead  of  the  ai'uaUttes  r^r°H^J"ftf  fi^nleS  ^""ind  a 
should  have  Hat  pieces  of  cloth,  embroidered  '"*  Uie  egure  of  a  h^  am^^ 
tnnW  ran  The  head  was  made  marvellously  like  that  of  the  caramai,  ana  ine 
r^  bdne  red  was  thought  to  bear  mirfresemblance  to  a  cardinal's  hat 
tS's  w^e'mgh     The  dress  was  received  with  acclamation     The  nobles 

bsten^lT  clad  fheir  retainers  in  the  new  'Very.  ;h'«>'.  i'tf  *%f  ^^^ 
nf  ffreater  economy.  It  became  the  badge  of  party.  The  tei  ors  ol  wusse's 
rLKot  find  time  to  supply  their  customers.  Instead  of  being  confined  to 
Gmnvelle,"  tods  Sionallv  bore  the  features  of  Aerscho^  W^^ 
or  Vigliul,  the  cardinal's  friends.  The  duchess  at  «/»*  .'*"S'>*^,, ^n^n! 
iest  and  even  sent  some  specimens  of  the  embroidery  to  Philip  But  bran 
le  k  l^ked  more  gravely  oiTthe  matter,  declaring  it  an  insult  *«  the  govenv 

ZX^  tt  e^Tefit' rS  ifhaY^e^JS  Tu"t  Sfar.Kn§ 
^cc^M^^in  ^rs  Sing  the  lords  to  take  another,  not  personal  in  >ts  nature. 
TSftetitTwas  a  sh'eaf  of  arrows  Even  this  wasjound  to  h^ve  an  oto^^ 
sive  application,  as  it  intimated  the  league  of  the  ""^les.  't  was  the  ongin, 
it  is  eiifl  of  the  device  afterwards  assumed  by  the  beven  Unitca  rrovince!.. 
''  ZAth^^^^TLvch,  1564,  Granvelle  ^^}^Jl^^}'^^:Zi^y 
rPturn  «»  "  The  ioy  of  the  nobles  at  his  departure  "writes  one  of  thepnvy 
lnun!\\   "  wi  excessive      They  seemed  like  boys  let  loose  from  school. 

t^on     ThereS^ote  to  her  brother  in  warm  commendation  of  the  lords. 
^Thffhree' lords  wrote  each  to  Philip,  informing  him  that  they  had  re- 

icpiv./«v  f  ^  _..    ...  ._j  D_^.,...^<»  inHiilcTAd  their  wild  humoui 


»•  Strada,  De  Bello  Belpico,  pp.  161-164.— 
Vander  Haer,  De  Initiis  Tumultuum,  Belgi- 
CTum,  p.  166.-Vandervynckt.  Troubles  des 
Pays-Bas,  tom.  ii.  p.  53.-Corre8pondance  de 
Philippe  II.,  tom.  i.  pp.  294,  295.  „  „„^ 

•»  The  date  is  given  by  the  prince  of  Orange 
in  a  letter  to  the  landgrave  of  Hes>e.  written 
a  fortnight  after  the  cardinals  departure. 
(Archives  de  la  Malson  d'Orange-Nassau, 
torn.  i.  p.  226.)  This  fact,  public  and  no- 
torious as  it  was.  is  nevertheless  told  with  the 
greatest  discrepancy  of  dates.  Hopper  one 
5f  Granvelle's  own  friend.s  fixes  the  date  of 
bis  departure  at  the  latter  end  of  May. 
( Recueil  et  Memorial,  p.  36.)  Such  discrepan- 
cies will  not  seem  strange  to  the  student  of 

♦•  ^i';jus  inimici,  qui  in  senatn  erant,  non 
aliter  exultavere  quam  pu-ri  abeunte  ludi- 
magistro."    Viu  Vigl.i,  p.  3s.-llo..g8t'aten 


and  Brederode  indulged  their  wild  humour,  as 
they  saw  the  cardinal  leaving  Brussels,  by 
mounting  a  horse.-one  in  the  saddle,  the 
other  en  croupe.-and  in  this  way,  mufBed  m 
their  cloaks,  accompanying  the  traveller  along 
the  heights  for  half  a  league  or  more.  Gran- 
velle tells  the  story  himself.  In  a  letter  to 
Margaret,  but  dismisses  it  as  the  madcap 
frolic  of  young  men.  Papier,  d'fitat  de  Gran- 
velle, tom.  vii.  pp-  410,  426. 
"  Archives  de  la  Muison  d'Orange-Nassau. 

**™""'l^"  comte  d'Epmont  Ini  a  dit,  entre 
autres,  que,  si  le  cardinal  revenalt,  indubi- 
tablement  il  perdrait  la  vie,  et  mettrait  le 
Roi  en  risque  de  perdre  les  Pays-Bas.  CoiTe- 
spondance  de  Philippe  II.,  tom.  i.  P-  295 

*♦  "  le  n'ay  entpiidu  de  personne  chose  aoni 
je  pousse  concevoir  quelque  doubte  que  vous 
ue  fussiez,  a  I'eudroit  de  mon  service,  tel  que 


216  GRANVELLE  COMPELLED  TO  WITHDRAW. 

It  might  almost  seem  that  \douWe  ^,71  ^l^lstlS  exMbftTon 
tonim^e.    But,  whatever  may  have  »)««"  f '*;i'°„e  'X  -and  they  were  a 

SS  side,    to  those  who  l»9ke.^/"  '^^'^fthc  Si^^d^^ 

hundred  to  one  -it  seemed  ^^  'f  the  d.smu^sal  o  tne  ^nent  tran- 

State  was  afterwards  to  be  ^,yf  f  ^^- p_.„ .-jes  retired  to  his  patrimonial  estate 
The  cardinal,  on  leaving  t^»?.^«jr,7v,''"^^^^^  a  cult  vated  taste  could 

at  Besan9on -embellished  7^i^/,^[^^^,f,,^^^^^^^^  found  a  solace  in 

supply.    In  this  pleasant  retreat  ^^^^^f^^;^^^  engaged  his  atten- 

Those  pursuits  which  in  earlier,  P^^^f  ,^,  ^^^^^^^^^  he  was  fond 

tion."    He  had  particularly  a  turn  for  the  physical  scien^c^>  ^^^^, 

of  Tetters,  and  in  all  his  tastes  showed  ^^^^  ^^,^f took  a  hv^^^^^^^  in  their 

rounded  himself  with  scholars  a^^^^^^^        cTleb  a?ed,^•as  L  secretary     He 

pursuits.    Justus  I^iPf  ^aj,  ^  Jf,7X  rivalled  in  F  anders  the  fau^e  of  the 
gave  encouragement  to  Plantm,  who  nvaiiea  m  j  ^^  ^     ^      jj^ 

ildi  in  Venice.    His  generous  Pf  ^f|^^J^^,4Tt^v^^^^^^^^^  that 

whatever  form  it  was  displayed^^^^^^  ^^  ^^J^  l^,„^dred  dedi- 

in  the  course  of  his  life  he  is  said  to  have  leceiveu  ^^.^ 

cations.     Though  greedy  ofj;ealth    it    ^^^^^^^^jj^^  museums,  colleges,  and 

this  munificence.**  u;cfor;oT,c  V^avp  mven  to  us  of  the  minister  in  his 

such  is  the  Kfrajt  t'^h  h.  to^^^^^^^  ^„^^^  of  enjoyment  he 

retirement.    His  own  '."ters  snow  u  a        .  .,    .  character.    A  letter  to  one 
did  not  altogether  disdain  o'l^f.^^^  °^^,S  «w  ^^^  arrival  at  Besanyon, 

of  the  regent's  secretancB,  ""^te    soon  alter  tne  ear .  recompense  men 

concludes  >n  &« /o'  ""'^g  TS' confided  that  he  will  aid  me  Lid  that  I 

of  two  months,   he  ,^"^f » .7^.V  "^t{     i^  ^jjom  he  had  left  in  Brussels,  and 

«»  Gerlache.  Royaume  des  Pays-Bas,  torn.  1. 

D  79 

♦'  "  Veia  ma  philosophic,  et  procurer  avec 
tout  cela  de  vivre  le  plus  joyeusement  que 
I'on  peut,  et  se  rire  du  monde,  des  appassion- 
nez   et  de  ce  qu'ilz  dlent  sans  fondement. 
Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau.  torn. 

*  "  »» Ilz  auront  avant  mon  retour,  que  ne 
sera.  &  mon  compte,  plus  tost  que  d'icy  ideux 
mois,  partant  au  commencement  de  Juing. 
Archives  de  la  Maiaon  d'Orange-Nussau,  torn. 
i.  p.  236. 


THE  GRANVELLE  PAPERS. 


217 


minister  was  still  thought  to  exercise  an  important  influence  on  the  destiny  of 
Flanders. 


ie  vous  ay  cogneu,  ny  suis  m  legier  de  prester 
iSeYceX  qui  me  tascheront  de  mettre 
en  umbred'ung  personage  de  vostre  qualite, 
e?  que  je  cognois  si  bien."  Corre.pondance 
de  Guillaume  le  Taciturne,  tom.  ii.  p.  76. 

"  "  Ouiero  de  aqui  adelante  hazerme  ciogo 
V  soTtlo.  y  tractar  con  mis  llbros  y  negociue 
LXlares,  y  dexar  el  publico  \^osi^n. 
tiTnto  saben  y  pueden,  y  componerme  quanto 
T^e^T/Lsiego/'  Papiers  d'gut  de 
JranJelle.  torn.  viii.  p.  91  -A  Pl^f«^.^gJ  "" 
gio..,  as  old  as  the  time  of  Horace's  Beatus 
ilU,"  etc. 


i 


\ 


A  singular  history  is  attached  to  the  papers 

of  ftrauvelle.    That  ^"'48^  .f  «^"'Vmu Jo? 
niaster,  Philip  the  Second,  in  the  fertility  of 

his  epistolary   vein.     1'1^»|:  ^b%.*^»"«  ^.liJ 
passion  for  writing,  notwithstanding  he  could 
throw  the  burden  of  the  correspondence,  when 
It  suited  liim.on  the  other  party,  is  proved  by 
the  quantity  of  letters  he  left  behind  h.m 
The  example  of  the  monarch  seems  to  have 
had  its  influence  on  his  courtiers;   and  no 
reign  of  that  time  is  illustrateil  by  a  greater 
amount  of  written  nmterials  from  the  hands 
of  tlie  principal  actors  in  it.    tar  from  a 
SLxeny^of  materials,  therefore,  the  historiaa 
has  much  moe  reason  to  complain  of  an 
embarras  de  riclusses.  _ 

Granvelle  filled  the  highest  posts  in  diffe- 
rent parts  of  the  Spanish  empire ;  and  in  each 
of  these-in  the  Netlierlands,  where  he  was 
minister.  In  Naples,  where  he  was  viceroy,  in 
Spain,  where  he  toolc  the  lead  in  the  c^biuet, 
and  in   BesanQou,  whither  he  retired  from 
public  life-he  left  ample  memorials  under 
fiis  own  hand  of  his  residence  there.     I  his 
•  was  particularly  the  case  with  Be3an9on,  his 
native  town,  and  the  favourite  residence  to 
which  he  turned,  as  he  tell.-^  us,  from  the  tur- 
moil of  office  to  enjoy  the  sweets  of  pnvacy. 
—yet  not,  in  truth,  so  sweet  to  him  as  the 
stormy  career  of  the  statesman,  to  judge  from 
the  tenacity  with  whiih  he  clung  to  office. 

The  cardinal  made  his  library  at  Besanijon 
the  depository  not  merely  of  his  own  letters, 
but  of  such  as  were  addressed  to  him.     He 

preserved  them   all,  l^»^^<^^«^  ^V^'^k^.n^n 
Sources  whence  they  came,  and   like  Philip. 
he  was  m  the  habit  of  jotting  down  his  own 
reflections  in  the  m^irgin.      As  ^-a'/^lle  s 
personal  and  political  relations  connect^  hmi 
Vith  the  most  important  men  of  h.s  time,  we 
may  well  believe  th.t  the  mass  of  correspoiu^- 
ence   which  he  gathered   together   was  im- 
mense.    Unfortunately,  at  his  death,  instead 
of  bequeathing  his  manuscripts  to  S'^^'f  Publ  c 
body    who  might  liave  been  respons  ble  for 
SS  ckrl  of  them,  he  left  them  to  h>  ir^  who 
wire  altogether  ignorant  of  their  value     In 
The  cour^  of  time  the  manuscripts  found 
theirTay  to  the  garret,  where  they  soon  came 
to  be  regarded  as  little  better  than  waste 
mner     They  were  pilfered  by  the  children 
K5  domeS.  and  a  considerable  quantity 
was  sent  off  to  a  neighbouring  grocer    who 
Boon    converted  the  correspondence  of  the 
great  statesman  into  wrappmg-paper  for  his 

^^From  this  ignominious  fate  the  residue  of 
the  collection  was  bappily  rescued  by  the  gene- 
rous  exertions  of  the  Abbe  IJo^?;;^'-  ^  Jl?" 
excellent  and  learned  man  was  the  head  of  the 
Benedictines  of  St.  Vincent  »"  .»e«*"g«"- "J 
which  town  he  was  himself  a  native.  He  was 
Tciuainted  with  the  condition  of  the  Grau- 


velle  papers,  and  comprehended  their  import- 
Ince  In  the  course  of  eighty  ye*"  which 
hS  elapsed  since  the  cardinal's  death,  his 
m^nuSs  had  come  t^  be  distribute^  among 
several  heirs,  some  of  whom  consented  to 
trJns7er  thei^  property  g^'^tuito^y^  the 
Abbe  lioissot,  while  he  purchased  that  of 
others  In  this  way  he  at  length  succeeded  in 
gaSingt^ether'all  that  survived  of  th^^ 

brge  collection ;  and  he  made  it  «-he  6^*^" 
buShiess  of  his  subsequent  life  to  stu^  i^ 
contents  and  arrange  the  chaotic  mass  ot 
mpeis  with  reference  to  their  8ul.ject8^  To 
Splete  h.s  labours,  he  caused  the  man"- 
scripts  thus  arranged  to  be  bound  in  eghty- 
two  volumes,  folio,  thus  Placujg  them  inthat 
permanent  form  which  might  best  secure 
them  against  future  accident^ 

The  fbbedid  notliveto  pubhshtothe  wor  d 
an  account  of  his  collection,  which  f  his  death 
na.sst  d  by  his  vnIU  to  his  brethren  of  tlie  abbey 
SrS  Vincent,  on  condition  that  it  should  be 
for  ever  opt-ned  to  the  use  of  the  town  of  Besan- 

con     It  may  seem  strange  that  "otwithstand- 
?ng"the  existence  of  this   valuable  body  of 
original  documents  was  known  to  scholars^ 
?hev  should  so  rarely  have  resorted  to  it  lor 
nstmcUon.     Its  secluded  situation,  in  the 
h^rt  of  a  remote  province,  was  doubtless 
JeTrd^  as  a  serious  obstacle  by  the  h.stor^al 
inauirer    in  an  age  when  the  public  took 
th?ni^t(^  readily  on  trust  to  be  very  solici- 
tois^wSt  authentic  sources  ot  information. 
It  is  moi?  s?mnge  that  Boissot's  Benedictine 
brethren  should  have  shown  themse  ves  so 
KSe  to  the  treasures  under  their  own 
rwf     One  of  their  body,  I)om  Prosper  I'Eve*. 
que,  did  indeed  profit  by  the  Bo'7;j^«"^X 
2,  g^ve  to  the  world  his  ^emoires  de  Gram  elle. 
a  work  in  two  volumes  duodecimo,  which, 
Jorwithstanding  the  materials  at  the  writer  s 
command,  contain  little  «»  any  worth  unless 
it  be  an  occasional  extract  from  Granveue  s 

^VKCn  ^4.  the  subject  drew  the 
attention  of  M.  Guizot.  then  Miniate;  of  J^J^'^ 
Instruction  in   France     By  h^« /rec  on  a 
commission  of  five  scholars  was  "'^tituted. 
with  the  learned  Weiss  at  its  head,  for  the 
pirpo^e  of  examining  the  Granvelle  papers. 
STview  to  their  immediate  Publication 
The  work  was  performed  in  a  prompt  and 
I^urrmannerfthat  must  have  sat.shed  i 
enlichtened  projector.      In   1839  tne  wnoio 
Sof  papers iia.i  been  B"bject^\«  J.^'^S 
ful  analysis,  and  the  portion  selected  that  was 
deemed  proper  lor    publication.      I  he  first 
xXme  appeared  in  1841 ;  and  the  president 
of  the  commission,  M.  Weiss  expr.«s^^^i^»m 
pretace  the  confident  hope  that  m  the  course 
^f  mi-i  the  remaining  papers  would  all  oe 
riven  to  the  p^ess.    But  these  anticipations 
§kve  not  bLen^ealized.    In  1854  only  nine 


i 


218 


CHANGES  DEMANDED  BY  THE  LORDS. 


POLICY  OF  PHILIP. 


219 


volumes  had  appeared.     How  far  the  publica- 
tion has  since  a<lvanct»d  1  am  ignorant. 

The  Papiers  d'fitat,  besides  Granve lie's  own 
letter^  contain  a  large  amount  t>f  liistorical 
materials,  such  as  official  documents,  state 
papers,    and   diplomatic    correspondence   of 
foreign  ministers,— that  of  Renard,  for  ex- 
ample, so  often  quoted  in  these  pages.   There 
are,  besides,  numerous  letters  both  of  Philip 
and  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  for  the  earlier  vol- 
umes  embrace  the  times  of  the  emperor.  The 
minister's  own  correspondence  is  not  the  least 
valuable  part  of  th«  collection.    Granvelle 
stood  so  high  in  the  confidence  of  his  sovereign 
that,  when  net  intrusted  himself  with  the 
conduct  of  afFdirs,  he  was  constantly  consulted 
by  the  king  as  to  the  best  mode  of  conducting 
them.   Witti  a  different  fate  from  that  of  most 
ministf-rs,  he  retained  his  influence  when  he 
had  lost  his  place.  Thus  there  were  few  trans- 
actions of  any  moment  in  which  he  was  not 
calU'd  on  directly  or  indirectly  to  take  part. 
And  Ma  letters  furnish  a  clue  for  conducting 
the  Historical  student  through  more  than  one 


intricate  negotiation,  by  revealing  the  true 
motives  of  the  pa.  ties  who  were  engaged  m  it. 
Granvelle  was  in  such  intimate  relations 
with  the  most  eminent  persons  of  the  time 
that  bis  correspondence  becomes  in  some  sort 
the  mirror  of  the  age,  reflecting  the  state  of 
opinion  on  the  leading  topics  of  the  day.    *  or 
the  same  reason  it  is  replete  with  matters  of 
personal  as  well  as  political  interest ;  wlnle 
the  range  of  its  application,  far  from  being 
confined  to  Spain,  embraces  most  of  the  states 
of  Europe  with  which  Spain  held  intercourse. 
The  French  government  has  done  good  service 
by  the  publication  of  a  work  which  contains 
BO  much  for  the  illustration  of  the  history  of 
the  sixteenth  century.    M.  Weiss,  the  editor, 
has  conducted  his  hibours  on  the  true  princi- 
ples by  which  an  editor  should  be  guided ; 
and,  far  from  magnifying  his  office  «nd  "n- 
seasonably  obtruding  himself  on  the  reader  8 
attention,  he  has  sought  only  to  txplain  wnai 
is  obscure  in  the  text,  and  to  give  such  occi- 
Bional  notices  of  the  writers  as  may  enable 
the  reader  to  understand  their  correspondence. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

CHANGES  DEMANDED  BY  THE  LORDa 

Policy  Of  Philip-Ascendency  of  the  Nobles-The  Regent's  Embarra-ssmeHts-Egmont  sent 
'  to  Spain. 

1564,  1665. 

We  have  now  arrived  at  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  revolution  ^^eri,  the 
SDirit^f  the  nation  having  beWTfully  roused,  the  king  had  been  compelled  to 
^Sdraw  hl^m^^^^  Minister  an'd  to  intrust  the  'f/n^.f  g<^;«/"^«tk^ 
the  hands  of  the  nobles.  Before  proceeding  further,  it  will  be  well  to  take 
S  survey  of  t^^^  that  we  may  tfe  better  comprehend  the  rel^^^^^^^^^^ 

in  which  the  parties  stood  to  each  other  at  the  commencement  of  the  contest. 
In  a  letter  to  his  sister,  the  regent,  written  some  two  y^or^  after  th^penod 
Philin  savs  "  I  have  never  had  any  other  object  m  view  than  the  good  ot  my 
Sb  ectT^  in  all  tha  I  have  done,  I  have'but  trod-  in  the  footsteps  of  my 
Sr  under  whom  the  people  of  the  Netherlands  must  admit  they  lived  con- 
tented and  happy.  As  to  the  Inquisition,  whatever  people  may  say  of  it,  I 
have  never  attempted  anything  new.  With  regard  to  the  edicts,  I  have  been 
alwavrreTolved  to  Hve  and  die  in  the  Catholic  faith.  I  could  not  be  content 
Thave  my  subjects  do  otherwise.  Yet  I  see  not  how  this  can  be  eonin W 
without  punishing  the  transgressors.  God  knows  how  wilhngly  I  would  avoid 
Sd"ng  a  drop  of  Christian  blood,-above  all,  that  of  my  people  m  the 
NeTherlLdsT  and  I  should  esteem  it  one  of  the  happiest  circumstances  of  my 

"thl^err ^i^y SS^^^^^^  sensibility  of  Philip,  or  of  his  tendern-  fc. 
his  Flemish  subjects  in  particular,  we  cannot  deny  that  the  policy  he  had 
hitherto  pursued  was  substantially  that  of  his  father  Yet  his  father  lived 
beloved,  and  died  lamented,  by  the  Flemings ;  whUe  Philip's  course,  from  the 
•  This  remarkable  letter,  dated  Madrid,  May  6th,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Supplement  k  Strada, 
tom  ii   p.  316. 


very  first,  had  encountered  only  odium  and  opposition.    A  little  reflection  will 
show  us  the  reasons  of  these  ditierent  results.  .        rrx  ^.u  r  • 

Both  Charles  and  Philip  came  forward  as  the  great  champions  of  Catholicism. 
But  the  emperor's  zeal  was  so  far  tempered  by  reason  that  it  could  accomino- 
date  itself  to  circumstances.  He  showed  this  on  more  than  one  occasion,  both 
in  Germany  and  in  Flanders.  Philip,  on  the  other  hand,  admitted  of  no  com- 
promise. He  was  the  inexorable  foe  of  heresy  Persecution  was  his  only 
remedy,  and  the  Inquisition  the  weapon  on  which  he  relied.  His  tirst  act  on 
setting  foot  on  his  native  shore  was  to  assist  at  an  autodefe.  ihis  pio- 
claimal  his  purpose  to  the  world,  and  associated  his  name  indelibly  with  that 

of  the  terrible  tribunal.  ,  ,      j    ^  .i.    x       ••*•., 

The  free  people  of  the  Netherlands  felt  the  same  dread  of  the  Inquisition 
that  a  free  and  enlightened  people  of  our  own  day  might  be  supposed  to  feel 
Thev  looked  with  gloomy  apprehension  to  the  unspeakable  misery  it  was  to 
bri,4  to  their  firesides,  and  tL  desolation  and  ruin  to  the.r  com.try     Ev^^^^^^^^ 


the  erection  of  the  bishoprics,  so  necessary  a  measure,  was  regarded  with  dis 
trust  on  account  of  the  inquisitorial  powers  which  of  old  were  vested  in  the 
bishops  thus  seeming  to  give  additional  strength  to  the  arm  of  persecution 
S  iWr    Sng  was  n^^^^         by  every  new  convert  to  the  Protestant 
faith,  as  well  as  by  those  who,  from  views  of  their  own,  were  willmg  to  fan  the 

^Xofhe?  reaS)n  why  Philip's  policy  met  with  greater  opposition  than  that  of 
his  predecessor  was  tL  change'in  the  condition  of  the  people  themselves 
Under  the  general  relaxation  of  the  law,  or  rather  of  its  execution,  m  the 
latter  davs  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  the  number  of  the  Reformers  had  greatly 
muitUT  Calvinism  predominated  in  Luxemburg  Artois  Flanders,  and  the 
sat^^  lying  nearest  to  France.  Holland,  Zealand,  and  the  North  were  the 
toiabSe^  the  Anabaptists.  The  Lutherans  swarmed  in  the  distncts 
bordering  on  Germany  ;  while  Antwerp,  the  commercial  capital  of  Brabant, 
She  Ir^t  mart  of  li  nations,  was  fi'lled  with  sectories  of  every  description 
Even  thf  Jew,  the  butt  of  persecution  in  the  Middle  Aps,  is  said  to  have 
hved  there  unmolested.  For  such  a  state  of  things  it  ;s  cfear  that  very  ditte- 
rent  Sation  was  demanded  than  for  that  which  existed  under  Charles  the 
F^th  It  was  one  thing  to  eradicate  a  few  noxious  weeds,  and  quite  another 
to  crush  the  sturdy  growth  of  heresy  which  in  every  direction  now  covered 

*^  A  fl^1;her  reason  for  the  aversion  to  Philip,  and  one  that  cannot  be  t^ 
ofttn  e^^^^^^^^^  that  he  was  a  foreigner.    Charies  was  a  native  Fkming ; 

and  much  may  be  forgiven  in  a  countryman.  But  Philip  was  a  Smniard,- 
one  oHhe  natin  hel(fin  the  greatest  aversion  by  the  men  of  the  ^  ether  a^^^^^^ 
It  should  clearly  have  been  his  policy,  therefore,  to  cover  up  this  defect  in  the 
eUTthe  S^  by  consultin^'their  national  prejudices,  and  by  a  show 

at  least  of  confidence  in  their  leaders.  Far  from  this,  PhdiP  began  with 
p  acinfa  S^^^^^  army  on  their  borders  in  time  of  peace  The  administration 
te  committed  to  the  hands  of  a  foreigner.  And  w>ile  he  thus  outraged  the 
natbSiTfeelin-  at  home,  it  was  remarked  that  into  the  royal  council  at 
Madr"d  where  "the  affairs  of  the  Low  Countries,  as  of  the  other  provinces,  were 
settSn  the  last  resort,  not  a  Fleming  was  admitted.''  The  putlic  murmured. 


Hopper  does  not  hesitate  to  regard  this 
circumstance  as  a  leading  cause  of  the  dis- 


contents in  Flanders  :  "  Se  voyans  desePtimez 
ou  pour  mieux  dire  opprimez  par  les  Sei- 


»■   .i. 


220  CHANGES  DEMANDED  BY  THE  LORDS. 

The  nobles  remonstrated  and  -i^tf^XJlip  was  obliged  ^  -trace  »^^^P- 

He  n,ade  first  SJIf/Sft  iuu.ptTand  the  Idm^i^ration  of  "the  country 
his  minister     ?''^  "O^les  tnuuipne  troubles  were  at  an  end.    They 

passed  into  their  ^and..    People  U^ougMtne  ^^^  ^^^^^.^^^  ^^  ^^^ 

were  but  bemn.  ^othlng  ".»"  „^"^""V^,  ^,,p  u:  „  „„j  the  conntry  were  at 
problem  of  t^e  right,  of  'onf  "«"f  j,  J^'^^one  haf  only  cleared  tlfe  wa,  to 
fcr^X^IiSrof  tMs  ^!lStio^^"t«nhe  bloodyUtest  that  was  to 

'tu-the  de^rture  of  .«»-*,  the  disc«n^nted  lord,  a^^^^^^ 

again  took  tV'^^i^  Z  kfnrand^em^  as  i  Sous  to  make  amends 
assurances  of  loyalty  to  the  king,  ^"^ J«f}"5".~  "  u,:     business.     Margaret 
for  the  pa^t  by  an  e''t.™»"'>»Stt  S  thefwere  Sfand  the  co.m 
SllShfffi^nliJ^fy^S?'^^^^^^^^  ^^^  novJ  transferred  in 

full  measure  to  his  siM^f  f  f"' "y*^"  .  .uis  neriod  and  to  compare  them  with 
It  is  amusing  to  -"fd  her   ^  ters  at  this  P^n^j  »""  \«     J„^„  ^„,„uri„g 

those  which  «l'e;'™f  .*9  P^  'iPt^t.^o^'^.^'Sd^  individual.    She  cannot 

tion  by  the  i^o^^vS'^f  ^«^«  ^f.^!^' h  littlHam^^^  No  language, 

racter  and  conduct  of  her  former  ,^»"f ,f '  H^l'u^"^^^      she  cannot  feel 

He  IS  perpetuauy  wiKug,  »"^  .    , .     f^^^^^  great  uneasiness  in  the 

their  opposition.    At  the  hid  of  these  were  the  viscount  de  Barla.mont  and 
the  President  Vighus. 


cmeurs  Espaignols,  qui  chassant  les  antres 
hore  du  Conseil  du  Roy.  participent  Beulz 
avecq  iceluy,  et  pr^sument  de  commander 
ftux  Seigneurs  et  Chevaliers  des  Pays  d  era- 
bas:  ny  plus  ni  moins  qu'ilz  font  a  aultres 
de  Milan:  Naples,  et  Sicille;  ce  que  eulx  ne 
veuillans  souffrlr  en  maniere  que  ce  soit,  a 
este  et  est  la  vraye  ou  du  moins  la  prmcipale 
Giuse  de  ces  maulx  et  alteratiuns."  Recueil 
et  Memorial,  p.  79. 

»  ViRlius  makes  many  pathetic  complaints 
on  this  head,  in  his  letters  to  Granvelle.    See 
Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau.tom 
I.  p.  319,  et  alibi. 


*  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i. 
pp.  312.  332,  et  alibi.  „ 

»  "  II  faudrait  envoyer  le  cardinal  a  Kome. 

Ibid.,  p.  329. 

•  Ibid.,  p.  295.  ^  „     ,., 
'  Morillon,  in  a  letter  to  Granvelle,  datrd 

July  9th.  1564.  tells  him  of  the  hearty  hatred 
in  which  he  is  held  by  the  duchess;  who. 
whether  she  has  been  told  that  the  minister 
only  made  her  his  dupe,  or  from  whatevei 
cause,  never  bears  bis  name  without  chang- 
ing colour.  Papiers  d'fitat  de  Grauvelle. 
tuin.  viii.  p.  131. 


4 


ASCENDENCY  OF  THE  NOBLES. 


221 


^"n'if.Sadiutor  Viglius,  was  an  eminent  jurist,  an  able  writer,  a  sa^^ons 

perpetually  -''>»  the  coivrse  of    us^^e  J^ey  ^ad  ^qmred  an 
S^everirto'^^vafe  th'e  *it-    She  was  more  especiaUy  under  the 


-  "  Viglius  lui  fait  souffrir  les  peines  de 
I'enfer,  on  traversant  les  mesun^s  qu'exige  le 
service  du  Roi."  Papiers  d'fitat  de  Gran- 
velle.  tom.  viii.  p.  314.  ^     „„ 

»  •>  Il8  esperent  alors  pecher,  comme  on 
dit.  en  eau  trouble,  et  atteindre  le  but  qu  .Is 
Tx.ursuivent  depuis  longtemps :  celui  de 
s'empanr  de  toutes  les  affaires.  C  est  pour- 
quoi  lis  ont  €t«  et  sont  encore  contraires  a 
I'assemblee  des  etats  generaux.  .  .  .  f-e  car- 
dinal, le  president  et  leur  sequelle  craignent, 
Bi  la  trannuillite  se  r^tablit  dans  le  pays, 
qu'on  ne  Use  dans  leurs  livres.  et  qu  on  ne 
decouvre  leurs  injustices,  simonies,  et  rar 
pines."    Ibid.,  p.  311. 


-  Ibid.,  p.  320,  et  alibi.  

»»  "Ce  qu'elle  se  resent  le  plus  centre  v.  1. 
S.  et  contre  moy,  est  ce  que  I'avons  si  longue- 
ment  garde  d'en  faire  son  prouffit,  qu  clle 
fait  maintenant  des  offices  et  l^^nehces  et 
aultres  graces."  Archives  de  U  Maison 
d'Orange-Nassau.  ti>m.  i.  p.  406. 

'■-  "Ipsam  etiam  Ducissam  m  suam  per- 
traxere  sententiam.  honore  etiam  majore 
quam  antea  ipsam  afficientes.  quo  muUebns 
2exus  facile  ^pitur."-Thi8  remark,  how- 
fyeTd  teken.  not  from  his  correspondence 
with  Granvelle.  but  from  his  autobiography. 
See  Vita  Viglli,  p.  40.    . 


f 


y 


f 


/ 


^  CHANGES  DEMANDED  BY  THE  LORDS. 

influence  of  her  secretary,  Armenter,.  *,47xpe"se  c^'threxWeX)^^ 
bv  his  position  to  fill  his  »""  f 'ff  ^f  „7,tMK  disloyal  proceedings 

»i:^\ro::id^a„rhir^t?:^sL\^^a^^     u.e  this.  .0. 

lich  hlsU  wish  is  that  his  sovereign  -o.^d.e^^h^^^  p^j,;       „       j^ 

The  president  ?««"? ."^le  .uspicUs  a^d  thf^^  The 

only  expose  him,  he  said,  to  the  suspiuous  »  ,,       g  j  ^j  ,3  letters  to 

wary  statesman  took  ««ning  by  the  fate  of  Gran^^^^^^^^^  ^.^j^    ,,^ 

the  banished  minister  were  *''.  ^"^^Y"?^  ,^eans'Knte.nplating  Wh  sid^ 
despatches  of  his  sister  before  h>nY''ri„Sver  party  \e  intnisted  the 
of  the  picture,  and  of  seeing  t''''^  *f  J?;tttte  liMv  to  be  served.  Had 
government,  the  interests  of  the  country  ^™^«  f.V^ '''^^^^^^^^  knowledge  would 
ft  been  his  father,  the  emperor,  who  *f  ,°"  *^  *Xirs  Sre  he  would  have 
not  have  been  in  his  possession  f °»';^"'\5^"«?>*^iC  wL  of  more  sluggish 
been  on  hi.  way  t^jje  Netheriand.    B ut  1^^^^^  ^j,,^ 

temper.    He  was  capable,  indeea,  °' ""''"/      g^id,  would  have  given  law 
toil  in  the  fWnet^and  froni  hs^  „{  ^    ^y^e  he 

to  Christendom.    But  rather  J^'^^^fjlle  finest  of  his  provinces."    .  .  . 
was  willing,  it  app«irs,  .^  "**]>« '°?°« 'if^*,  ^"it^the  prospect  of  his  visiting 

?SV>^ult  oWmi^Ur^  ^^^litt&sed•the  hope  that 
^s^mSns  Sght  be  found  ««  ^"le'^balaTe  tetween  the  hostile  parties, 
It  is  not  easy  at  this  ^'^y.*"  «5''^!fi^n,S  aau^^^  and  to  assign  to 
so  as  to  decide  on  the  justice  "f .  *f  f  "X  mitmnageme^  the  govern- 
each  the  proper  share  of  responsibility  for  the  mi.nianat,  ^^^  ^j^ 

ment.    Tkt  it  was  mismanaged !?  J^tain     That  oftce^were  p     j  .     ._^ 
is  undeniable  ;  for  the  duchess  <™'W  J^"f^^^  ^'"4  from  the  imputation  of 
letter  to  her  brother.    This,  at  '^^^^f '  f^J"'^*' f.h  the  tT ^^      co""^*'^  <><»«" 
secrecy.    The  contl  ct  of  the  council  °«  ^^*».'"X  ?,ri^^  council,  which  had 
led  to' disorders,  since  the  'Jfojces  i^sat  h^ie  p^^^ 

cognizance  of  matters  of  J'f'^^-.^^^^^ 'fTat'^  To  remedy  this,  the  nobles 
a„Tl  pardons  granted  by  the  <=o'f  ™,,f;.f,?i^decr^^^^^^  other  councils  to 
eonterded  that  it  was  necessary  to  siibjet^  decrees^^^^ 

cussions  on  matters  of  religion.     It  is  piam 
tS  the  Confession  of  Augsbu^«  ;vou^^^^^ 
accepUble  to  some  o^^them.    The  trutn  « 
never  allowed  to  reach  the  kings  ea",  as 
?hc'etter8  sent  to  Madrid  are  ^"iten  to  suit 
the  majority  of  the  council,  and  so  «^  no    to 
cive  an  unfavourable  view  of  the  country. 
V  eliSs  is  afraid  to  write.    There  are  spies  at 
Uic'couri  Se  says,  -ho  would  betray  his  cu  - 
reepondence,  and  it  might  cost  hi m  his  liie^ 
Granvelle  concludes  by  urging  the  k  ng  to 
come  in  person,  and  with  ^^^^^''''^1^.^^ 
subsidize  a  force  to  support  him     Pap^ers 
d'fitat  de  Granvelle.  torn.  vni.  p.  620,  et  seq. 
'«  Correspondauce  de  Philippe  11..  torn,  u 
p.  317. 


•»  The  extortions  of  Margaret's  secretary, 

who  was  said  to  have  amassed  aJortu"e^ 

seventy  thousand  ducats  m  her  service,  lea 

?hr,S)plOn^^^»^  "f  Armentercs,  pun">"f  y 

o  cKm  ArgenUrios    This  p.ece  of  scanda 

is  communicated  for  the  roya  ear  »«  »  ^f  \^J 

addrSsed  to  one  of  the  king's  secretary  «  by 

?ray  Lorenzo  de  ViUacancio.  "» ;^ >'<?^J. «.^ jj^ 

Rive  a  full  account  elsewhere.    Gachard,  Cor- 

Sspondance  d.  Philii-pe  IL.  torn.  il..  Lap- 

''''-' Archives  de  la  Maison  d'0range-Na8--«au, 
torn   i   D.  273,  tt  alibi.  . 

-GrJnvelle  regarded  such  a  step  as  the 
only  effStual  remedy  lor  the  disorders  m  the 
?^,w  (Sntries  In  a  remarkable  letter  to 
Phnip?dat^  July  20th,  1565,  he  presents 
R..ch  a  view  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
government  is  conducted  as  might  w^  1  abr^ 
bis  master.    Justice  and  religion  are  at  the 


ASCENDENCY  OF  THE  NOBLES. 


223 


the  revision  of  the  council  of  s^^^ -d,  jn  a  wo^.^jn— -,t«f^^ 

S*'^r|rSfa?£|cf:K^^^^ 

nate  ^uncils,  made  up  for  the  most  ^Jf/,^''?  terSS  of  the  crown.    They 
by  their  elevation  to  oftice  tomaintom  the  interests  o  ^^^^^  ^^  ^ 

would  have  placed  the  administmt.on  of  the  co,^^^^^^ 

thtein%rcon^tllSL^X^eott-ouldof  itself  amount  to 

a  revolution.  , .         ,        j^c/^i^i-u^ri  f>ip  Reformation  gained  rapidly  in 

In  the  state  of  things  a^;;!^,ff  ^^^^^^^^  were  loyal 

the  country.    The  nobles  generally,  as  has  been  air      y^.^.      ^^^         ^^ 

to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.    Many  ot  J^«  y^^^^^^^  heretical  doctnnes 

had  been  educated  at  Geneva,  returned  tmc^^^^^^ 

from  the  school  of  Calvm  »    ^^^^^^.^i  '  ^^^^^^       pe^ecution,  and  held  the 
aristocracy  looked  with  distrust  o^^^^^^^  ^f  ^he  people.    It 

Inquisition  in  the  same  abhorrence  as  ma  uie^^  ^^  .^^  ^^^^^^  ^^ 

persecution  now  returned  to  ^^^-^^fj^VuemSs  w^^^  the  work  of  proselytism. 
France  crossed  the  borders  and  busied  themse^^^^  confiscate  the 

sSitious  pamphlets  ^ere  arculat^d^^^^^  ^^,^  ^  ^^  been 

ecclesiastical  revenu^  and  aPP7,>^^Xrame  an  object  of  contempt  almost  as 
done  in  England.-    The  Injmti^^^^^^^  ^^^^  Jphilip  that 

much  as  of  hatred.    Two  of  t*^®/""^?^' use  in  a  situation  which  exposed 
without  further  support  they  covdd  be  of  no^^^e  m  a      ^^  ^^^^^^^  ^^ 

them  only  to  derision  and  danger       /V;^^*^  a  more  flagrant  violation 

entered  ttie  Prisons  ^ndfje^sed^^^^^^^^^^ 

of  justice  occurred  at  Antwerp.    A  conve^^^  doctrines,  was  tried  and 

bein  active  in  preachmg  ^nd  propaga^ng  the  ne^^  j^  ^^^j^      ^  to 

sentenced  to  the  stake.    ^"  *J;f7?y  ^^^Ts^  ^  ^^  courage,  and  endure 

him,  from  the  balconies  and  *^t,  ^^^^f ^^^  ^omid  to  the  stake,  and  the 

manfully  to  the  last."*\  When  the  v  ctim  was  Dounu  ^t  the  officers  as 

^le  was^kindled,  the  Jiob  dischW^^^^^^^^  ^^^^,^^  ^   the 

speedily  put  them  to  flight.    But  the  ^"^appy        ,        ^     ^^  ^  ^^^X\q 

S^  was  stabbed  to  the  heart  ^fj^f^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^  were  found  affixed  to 

tumult.    The  next  morning,  P^^^cajds^^^^  ^^  ^^  ^^.y  part  m 

the  public  buildings,  threatemng  vengeance  on  a  ^^^^^  ^^^ 

"  Hopper.  Recueil  et  Memorial,  p.  39.-  Se  dice  p      ,     ^m    ,„,  „^^,  „,„  ,,,^„ 

ArchWeXla  Mai«on  d'Oran^-Naj;Ka«  to- 

i    p.  222.— Correspondance  de  Philippe  ii., 

*""'U   SpantS"  ambassador  to  England 


?Z"Sun\rir?eVer;  thiTiendency  among 
uTyo'^nger  mlbfesTo  their  lax  education  at 
home;    «^d   to   their  travels   abroad:      La 

SoSeUe  dn  pays  e.t  Een«^«^^"J^"^,^'^i^rd; 
11  n'y  a  que  les  jeunes  gens  dont,  a  <^use  ae 
I'^ucation  relachee  quils  ont  re<;ue,  et  de 
eur  f?6quonlation  daSs  les  pays  voisins,  les 
pr^ncipes  soient  un  pen  equivoques^  Cor- 
i-espoiidauce  de  I'hllippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  38J. 


>•  "Se  dice  publico  que  ay  medios  para 
descargar  SdL  las  deudas  del  Rey  sin  c^argo 
rtpSblo  tomando  los  bienes  de  la  gente  de 
fJle^s"a  6  mr^,  conforme  al  ejemplo  que  se 
Jl'heSio  e^  ynglaterra,  y  ^ranc  a  y  ^nib^BU 

que  ellos  eran  muy  "9^  J  J.*^*^^!°  "Je 
templados  y  hombres  de  •^^v.^^'^^"'  ^^ 
Francia,  Alborotos  de  Fhindes,  MS. 
^  -  "Leur  office  est  devenu  ,  o<i»eux  an 
peuple;  ils  rencontrent  tant  de  res.sUnc^eset 
Se  ialomnies,  qu'ils  ne  peuvent  1  egercer 
sans  danger  pour  leurs  personnes.  Corre- 
ijondancl  de  Philippe  IL,  ^"^- *•  P;^^53^ 

»'  Urandt,  Reformation  in  the  Low  U>iin- 
tries,  torn.  i.  p.  !*'• 


/ 


224  CHANGES  DEMANDED  BY  THE  LORDS. 

the  execution  of  Fabricius  ;  and  one  of  the  witnesses  against  him,  a  woman, 
hardly  escaped  with  hfe  from  the  hands  of  the  populace 

The  report  of  these  proceedings  caused  a  great  sensation  at  ^Ja^rid  ,  and 
Philip  earnestly  called  on  his  sister  to  hunt  out  arid  ?¥«.««.  ^^l^^i^f^^^.^'- 
This  was  not  easy,  where  most  even  of  those  who  did  not  join  in  the  act  fully 
sharedT?he  feeling  which  led  to  it.  Yet  Philip  continued  to  iirge  he 
necessity  of  enforcing  the  laws  for  the  preservation  of  the  Faith  as  the  Uuns 
dearest  to  his  heart.  He  would  sometimes  indicate  in  his  letters  the  name  of 
a1^  sp  ci^us  i^^^^^  his  usual  di^ss,  his  habits  and  ^VV^^^^cer-d^^n^ 
ing  into  details  which  may  well  surpnse  us,  considenn|,^  the  i"^  titude  of 
attairs  of  a  weightier  character  that  pressed  upon  his  mind."  One  cannot 
doubt  that  PhiHp  was  at  heart  an  mqmsitor.  «i„n.V.Pr     The 

Yet  the  fires  of  persecution  were  not  permitted  wholly  to  sl^n^ber  ihe 
historian  of  the  Re&rmation  enumerates  seventeen^whosufieredcapi^ 
their  religious  opinions  in  the  course  of  the  year  1564  "  This,  though  ptiahl^ 
was  a  small  number-if  indeed  it  be  the  whole  number-compared  ^vith  the 
thousands  who  are  said  to  have  perished  in  the  same  space  of  time  m  the 
precXg  reign.  It  was  too  small  to  produce  any  effect  as  a  persecution, 
llSfthl  sfgS  of  the  martyr,  singing  hymns  in  the  "^^^^Vn^U^'forXTr 
only  kindled  a  Uvelier  zeal  in  the  spectators,  and  a  deeper  hatred  for  their 

^'^E  finances  naturally  felt  the  eff-ects  of  the  general  disorder  of  the  countij. 
The  public  debt,  already  large,  as  we  have  seen,  was  now  so  much  increased 
that  the TA  deficiency  in  the  revenue,  according  to  the  regent's  own  state- 
ment amounted  to  six  hundred  thousand  florins  ;«  and  she  knew  of  no  way 
of  extricating  the  country  from  its  embarrassments,  unless  the  king  should 
come  toTalistance.  The  convocation  of  the  states-general  wa.s  insisted  on 
r  he  only^^^^^^^^^  these  disorders.    That  body  afone^it  was  contended 

was  authorized  t«\ote  the  requisite  subsidies  and  to  redress  the  manifold 
^evances  of  the  nation.  Yet  in  noint  of  fact  its  P^we^^h^^^  ^f  .^jl^^^ 
Tittle  more  than  to  propose  the  subsidies  for  the  approba  i^^  °To  iiw^^^^^ 
provinces,  and  to  remonstrate  on  the  gnevances  of  the  nation,  io  invest  the 
states-general  with  the  power  of  redressing  these  gnevances  would  bestow  on 
tSm  Sative  functions  which  they  had  rarely,  if  ever  exercised..  This 
woidd  1^  to  change  the  constitution  of  the  countrv,  by  the  new  weight  it 
won  d  gWe  to  the  ^pular  element ;  a  change  which  the  great  lords,  who  had 
Sy  the  lesser  nUes  entirely  at  their  disposa ,"  would  probably  know 
wellhow  to  turn  to  account."  Yet  Margaret  had  now  so  entirely  resigned 
herself  to  their  influence  that,  notwithstanding  the  obvious  consequences  of 
these  measures,  she  recommended  to  Philip  both  to  assemble  the  states- 


THE  REGENT'S  EMBARRASSMENTS. 


225 


"  Brandt,  Reformation  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, tom.i.  p.  147.— Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico, 
p.  174.— Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn. 

1  pp.  321,  327. 

^^  Strada.  De  Bello  Belgico,  p.  172.— Corre- 
epondance  de  Philippe  11.,  torn.  i.  p.  327,  et 

»*  Brandt,  Reformation  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, torn.  i.  pp.  146-149. 

"  "La  depense  excede  annuellemcnt  les 
revenuB,  de  600,000  florins."  Correspondance 
de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  I.  p.  328. 

■•  "  Quant  a  la  moyenne  noblesse  des  Pays- 
B«8,  les  Seigneurs  I'auront  tantost  ti  leur  cor- 
delle."  Chantonnay  to  Granvelle,  October 
6th,  1565,  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange- 


Nassau,  torn.  i.  p.  426. 

'^  That  Granvelle  understood  well  these 
consoqueno  s  of  convening  the  states-general 
is  evident  from  the  m^mner  in  which  he  re- 
peatedly speaks  of  this  event  in  his  corre- 
spondence with  the  king.  See,  in  particular, 
a  letter  to  Philip,  dated  as  early  as  August 
20th,  1563,  where  he  sums  up  his  remarks  on 
the  matter  by  saying,  "  In  fine,  they  would 
entirely  change  the  lorm  of  government,  so 
that  there  would  be  little  remaining  for  the 
regent  to  do,  as  the  representative  of  your 
majesty,  or  for  your  majesty  yourself  to  do, 
since  they  would  have  compleU-ly  put  you 
under  guardianship."  Paplers  d'Etat  de  Gran- 
velle, torn.  vii.  p.  186. 


establishing,  the  authority  of  the  We.    ^^ne  gooa  re  j      discipline  of 

rctr-cT^— -^^^=""^      '"  ^^'""'^'''''' 

«tV^tt\&Mlip  would  hxn^te  the  ex..ple  of  F-ce  a„d  ^ject 
decrees  which  thus  exaltcl  *.e  P°we' of  the  pope.  ^ 

this  the  more,  from  the  ■?ort'fi<»t'°",f„V'^?nr»cedK 

from  a  decision  of  the  pontiif  on  a  'l"««t%7.f  ^Xc^te  nSter!  long  i)ending, 

and  French  ambassadors  at.h.s  court     Tl"s  detote  nmteis^ 

had  V.een  finally  determined  n.  favour  of  F^^ance  by  riusine^         ,         ^^^^ 

have  thought  it  >>>o'pH'tic  to  secure  a  fickle  aUytha^M^^^^ 

Thedecision  touched  I'h'l'Ptot^V"*-    °*?*°"'hirSess."    It  seemed 
from  Rome,  and  refusal  to  receive  a^nvovfrom^^^^^^^  g,^^  j^ 

that  a  serious  ™pture  w^s  hkely  to  teke  pto  W^^^  ^j  ^^^^ 

was  not  in  the  nature  of  P>"  n>  ^  te  long  J  fe~  ^^    ,^i„, 

In  a  letter  to  the  duchess  of  f.fV'f'' °*^,|i„"\;  all  times  to  sacrifice  his 
intimated  that  iu  matters  of  ^jj,'* '^e^jS^tV^^^^^ 
private  feelings  to  the  pjd,l>cwe^^^^ 

ttL'3'nlke":;^xc^tioTfor  the  Netherlands,  when  he  ma^e  none  for 

'"It^promulgation  of  the  decrees  was  «|^i«tn\\  i.lrfe-nc^  wZ^^^^ 
with  ge!.eral  discontent.   P«  <=lf  SY  <»™rta>ned  of  the  "itert^^^^^ 

imm-mities.  The  men  of  Brabant  stood  ^to-^*  y"  *",*  ^ally  resitted 
secured  to  them  by  the  "Joyeme  hntr^.  ^nf^j'^e  P^^P  ^'^  mq'uisition  ; 
l^Al^SJTh'enUS  w"  :i  ftTth:y"K%declaimed  against  Gn^n- 

n'niruXVp^^ts^.^^^^^^^^^ 

state  to  send  some  one  to  Madnd  ^'^^thlV^Sn  would  be  the  most 
the  king,  and  to  subnnt  to  him  what       tneir  opi  unsatisfactory 

effcctuaf  remedy.  They  were  the  more  iiduc^l  »  ^'^^^  discontent  of  the 
nature  of  the  royal  <:o7«spondence^    Ph.hp^^^^^^  Margaret's 

lords,  had  scarcely  condescended  to  notice  ttieir  iciieri. 


3S 


Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i. 

^'^•^Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vi.  cap.  14, 
16.-Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  t..m.  i.  p.  176. 
^"  Strada,  De  Bdlo  l5clgico,  torn.  i.  p.  179- 
-  -sf,  apres  avoir  acccpte  le  conctle  sans 
limitations  dans  ...us  ses  autres  rnyaumcs  et 
MM^rneuries,  il  allait  y  oppose  des  reserves 
anx  Pavs-Bas  cela  produirait  un  facbeux 
PlT^'t."    Correspondance  de  Pidlippe  H  .  tom. 

'•  ?^-  ?et  whatever  slight  Philip  "^^y  have 
put  upon  the  lords  in  this  ref  P«:  .  he  ^l^"  J  ^^ 
William,  in  particular,  a  angular  jroof  of 


confidence.    The  prince's  cuisine,  as  I  have 
elsewhere  stated,  was  renowned  over  the  Con- 
tinent; and  Philip  requested  of  him  htsc/i/'/, 
ti  See  the  place  of  his  own,  lately  deceased 
ButthekinS  seems  to  lay  less  «tre^^  "J'^the 
skill  of  this  functionary  than  on  his  trust- 
worthiness,- a  point  of  greater  moment  wrth 
a  monarch.    This  was  a  compUment-ln  that 
BU'^Dicious  age-to  William,  which,  we  nna- 
g"n?  1  e  tould  have  been  slow  to  return  by 
plac  ng  his  life  in  the  hands  of  a  cook  from 
fhS  royal  kitchens  of  Madrid.    «ee  Philips 
letter  in  the  Correspondance  de  Gu.Uaume  le 
Taciturne,  tom.  ii.  p-  89- 

Q 


226  CHANGES  DEMANDED  BY  THE  LORDS. 

private  suits  of  his  own  to  urge  with  ^^^  monarch 

^  This  nomination  was  warmly  supported  by  V\  ilham,  ,,fSed  in  snite  of 

the  count  a  perfectly  good  understanding  ?^ems  to  have  subs  s^^^^^^^^ 

siii-iMifigti 

no  umpire  to  settle  the  delicate  question,  it  ^^^*1"^  T^ 

hsopfnion  that  the  misJion  was  «nP«^«"T'- »"\'''f  ,t' S^sarv  IrfomVs 
™>lv  to  reform  their  own  wav  of  Uving  to  hnne  about  the  necessary  retoims 
?n  th^couX     EgWnt  wL  instrutted  by  tie  regent  to  represent  to  the 

"""The'crince  of  Orange  took  part  in  the  discussion  with  a  warmth  he  had 
rareW  sC    It  was  time,  heLd,  that  the  king  should  be  disabused  of  the 

•^  _      .  _     .  .    i-_i 1 ^^nl<4  Viavo  hnmp  her  ill- 


EGMONT  SENT  TO  SPAIN. 


227 


-  Margaret  would  fain  have  settled  the 
dispute  by  giving  the  ountess  of  Kginont 
precedence  at  table  over  her  fair  nval.    (Ar- 
chives de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau.  torn.  i. 
p  445  )    But  both  Anne  of  Saxony  and  her 
household  stoutly  demurred  to  this  decision, 
—perhaps  to  the  right  of  the  regent  to  make 
it.    "  Les  femmes  ne  se  cedent  en  rien  et  se 
tiegnent  par  le  bras,  ingredientts  pari  passu, 
et  si  I'oii  rencontre  une  ]K)rte  trop  estroicie, 
Ton  se  serre  Vung  sur  Vaultre  pour  passer 
egalement  par  ensamble,  affin  que  il  n'y  fy* 
du  devant  ou  derriere."     Archives  de  la  Mai- 
8on  d'Orange-Nassau.  Supplement,  p.  22. 

"  There  is  a  curious  epistle,  in  Groen  s  col- 
lection, from  William  t..  his  wife's  unci.-,  the 
elector  of  Saxony,  containinp  sundry  charges 
aeainst  his  niece  The  tormajrant  lady  wa« 
in  the  habit,  it  seems,  of  rating  her  husband 
Toundly  before  company.   W  illiam,  with  some 


naivete,  declares  he  could  have  borne  her  ill- 
humour  to  a  reasonable  extent  in  private  but 
in  public  it  was  intolerable.  Unhappily,  Anno 
cuve  more  serious  cause  of  disturbance  to  her 
lord  than  that  which  arose  from  her  tamper, 
and  which  afterw.rds  led  to  their  reparation. 
On  the  present  occa.sion,  it  may  be  added,  the 
letter  w-as  not  sent,— as  tde  lady,  who  had 
learned  ti.e  nature  of  it,  prom'sed  amendment. 
Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nas.*au,  torn. 

^'^'"  Au  cas  que  le  Rol  s'en  excuse,  il  doit 
demander  que  S.  M.  donne  a  la  duchesse  des 
instructions  precises  sur  la  conduite  qu  elle  a 
k  tenir  "  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II., 
torn.  1.  "p.  337. —The  original  insi ructions  pre- 
pirodbv  Vigliuswere  sulwoquently  modih.-il 
bv  his  friend  Hopppr,  at  the  snggpstionof  the 
prince  of  Orauge.    See  Vita  Vigln,  p.  41- 


} 


errors  under  which  he  laboured  in  respect  to  the  Netherlands.  The  edicts 
m™?b^  mft™  It  was  not  possible',  in  the  present  ^^  erf  feehn^'  f  ^er 
to  execute  the  edicts  or  to  ma  ntom  the  Inquisition."  ihe  Council  oi  ireni. 
wa^allltequ^li^  odious  ;  nor  could  they  erforce  its  de^^e^s  in  the  ^ethe^^^ 
]a.u(\<i  while  the  countries  on  the  borders  rejected  them,  ihe  people  womu  no 
t1  r  endu^^^^^^^^^  of  justice  aid  the  miser^^^^^^^^  the 

councils.    This  last  blow  was  aimed  at  the  president     The  only  rem^ 
to  enlarge  the  council  of  state  and  to  strengthen  its  authority,    ^or  ms  own 
mrt  Konclu^^^^^^^  not  understand  how  any  prince  could  claim  the 

Fr^it  of  interfering  with  the  consciences  of  his  sub  ects  m  matters  o  religion." 
Tfie  imnSS  tone  of  his  eloquence,  so  contrary  to  the  usually  calm  manner 
of  \\Sn  the  Sile^^^  the  Lldness  with  which  he  avowed  his  opinions, 
^uLd  a  grea^^  the  assembly."    That  night  was  passed  by  Viglius^ 

who  dvef  his  own  account  of  the  matter,  in  tossing  on  his  bed  pamf idly 
nimiS-  on  Ws  forlorn  position  in  the  council,  with  scarcely  one  to  support 
Snth'e  contest  ^^^^  was  compelled  to  wage,  not  merely  witfi  the 

b?s  i.la^  attheW    This  new  misfortune  furnished  him  with  a  substantial 
%mrlC^^l  have  shunned  any  direct  intercourse  with  his  Fleniish 


«  Vita  Viglil,  ubi  supra.  . 

"  "Non  posse  ei  placere.  velle  Pnncipes 
animls  hommum  imperare,  libertatemque 
Fldei  et  Religionis  ipsis  adimere.      loia.,  p. 

'"  Burgundius  puts  into  the  mouth  of 
William  on  this  occasion  a  fine  P'^ce  of  de- 
clamation, in  which  he  reviews  the  history  of 
heresy  fom  the  time  ofCom=tantine  tiie  Great 
downwards.  This  display  of  schoo  -boy 
erudition,  so  unlike  the  mascuhne  simplicity 
of  the  prince  of  Orange,  may  be  set  down 
among  those  fine  things,  the  credit  of  which 
may  be  fairly  given  to  the  historian  rather 
than  to  the  heio.  Burgundius.  Hist.  Belgica 
(Ingolst.,  1633).  pp.  126-131. 

"  "Itaque  mane  de  lecto  surgens.  Inter 


vestiendum  apoplexia  attactus  est,  ut  occur- 
rentes  domestic!  amicique  in  8""'"^<Le"™ 
discrimine  versari  judicarent.       ViU  YigUi, 

P'40  »  Elle  conseille  au  Rol  d'ordonner  a  Vi- 
kUus  de  rendie  ses  comptes,  et  de  restituer 
lesmeubles  des  neuf  maisons  de  sa  pre  vote 
de  Salnt-Bavon,  qu'il  a  depouillees.  ^^Gorre- 
spondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  1.  p.  350. 

*'  "Lui  promettons,  en  foy  de  gentu- 
homme  et  chevalier  d'honeur  si  durant  son 
aller  et  retour  lui  adviene  quelque  notable 
Inconvenient,  que  nous  en  prendrons  la  veii- 
ceance  sur  le  Cardinal  de  Granvelle  ou  seux 
qui  en  s^eront  participans  ou  penseront  de 
Pestre,  et  non  sur  autre."  Archives  de  la 
Maison  d'Orange-Nassau,  torn.  i.  p.  346. 


228  CHANGES  DEMANDED  BY  THE  LORDS. 

spicuoiis  in  the  troubles  of  the  country.    One  might  imagine  that  s„ch  a 
document  was  more  likely  to  alarm  than  to  reassure  the  wife  to  whom  it  was 

*  irithe"  beginning  of  January,  Egmont  set  out  on  his  journey  He  was 
accompanied  for  some  distance  by  a  party  of  his  friends,  ^^^^  at  (J.^  "^J'^y 
gave  him  a  splendid  enterUinment.  Among  those  present  was  the  archbishop 
of  Cambray,  a  prelate  who  had  made  himself  unpopular  by  the  zeal  he  had 
shown  in  the  persecution  of  the  Reformers  As  the  wine-cup  passed  freely 
round,  some  of  the  younger  guests  amused  themselves  with  freauently  pledg- 
ing the  prelate,  and  ende<avouring  to  draw  him  into  a  greater  degree  of  con- 
viviality than  was  altogether  becoming  his  station.  As  he  at  eiigth  decl  ned 
their  pledges,  they  began  openly  to  taunt  hmi ;  and  one  of  the  revellers 
irritated  by  the  archbishop's^eply,  would  have  thrown  a  large  silver  dish  at 
his  head,  had  not  his  arm  been  arrested  by  Egmont.  Anotlier  of  the  com- 
pany, however,  succeeded  in  knocking  off  the  prelate's  cap ;"  and  a  scene 
of  tumult  ensued,  from  which  the  archbishop  was  extricated,  not  without 
difficulty,  by  the  more  sober  and  considerate  part  of  the  company.  1  he 
whole  affair—mortifying  in  the  extreme  to  Egmont-is  characteristic  of  the 
country  at  this  period,  when  business  of  the  greatest  importance  was  settled 
at  the  banquet,  as  we  often  find  in  the  earlier  history  of  the  revolution 

Effmont's  reception  at  Madrid  was  of  the  most  flattering  kind.  Philips 
demeanour  towards  his  great  vassal  was  marked  by  unusual  benignity  ;  and 
the  courtiers,  readily  taking  their  cue  from  their  sovereign,  vied  with  one 
another  in  attentions  to  the  man  whose  prowess  might  be  said  to  have  won 
for  Spain  the  great  victories  of  Gravelines  and  St.  Quentin  In  hne,  Jh.gmont, 
whose  brilliant  exterior  and  noble  bearing  gave  additional  lustre  to  his  repu- 
tation, was  the  object  of  general  admiration  durine  his  residence  of  several 
weeks  at  Madrid.  It  seemed  as  if  the  court  of  Castile  was  prepared  to  change 
its  policy,  from  the  flattering  attentions  it  thus  paid  to  the  representative 

of  the  Netherlands.  ,  ,       ,.  •       i,-  u  u^ 

During  his  stay,  Egmont  was  admitted  to  several  audiences,  m  which  he 
exposed  to  the  monarch  the  evils  that  beset  the  country,  and  the  measures 
proposed  for  relieving  them.  As  the  two  most  effectual,  he  piessed  him  to 
mitigate  the  edicts  and  to  reorganize  the  councU  of  state.**  Philip  listened 
with  much  benignity  t«  these  suggestions  of  the  Flemish  noble  ;  and  it  he  did 
not  acquiesce,  he  gave  no  intimation  to  the  contrary,  except  by  assuring  the 
count  of  his  determination  to  maintain  the  integrity  of  the  Catholic  taith. 
To  Egmont  personally  he  showed  the  greatest  indulgence,  and  the  counts 
private  suits  sped  as  favourably  as  he  coutd  have  exnected.  But  a  remarkable 
anecdote  proves  that  Philip  at  this  very  time,  with  all  his  giacious  demeanour, 
had  not  receded  one  step  from  the  ground  he  had  always  occupied. 

Not  long  after  Egmont's  arrival,  Philip  privately  called  a  meeting  9f  the 
most  eminent  theologians  in  the  capital.    To  this  conclave  he  communicated 


EGMONT  SENT  TO  SPAIN. 


229 


*'  This  curious  document,  published  by 
Arnoldi  (Hist  Denkw.,  p.  282),  has  been 
transferred  by  Groeu  to  the  pages  of  his  col- 
1.  ction.  See  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange- 
Na-sau,  ubi  supra. 

**  "Ibl  turn  offensus  conviva,  arreptnm 
argenteam  pclvim  (quse  manibus  abluendis 
mensam  fuerat  iniposita)  injioere  Archi- 
episcopo  in  caput  conatur:  rctinet  p*>lvim 
h^nnondanus  :  quotl  dnm  farit,  en  alter  con- 
viva  pugno  in  frontem  Archienitcopo  eliso, 
pilenm  de  capite  deturbat."    Vander  Haer, 


De  Initiis  Tumult.,  p.  190. 

**  If  we  are  to  trust  Morillon's  report  to 
GranveUe,  Egmont  denied,  to  some  one  who 
charged  him  with  it,  having  recommended  to 
Philip  to  soften  the  edicts.  (Archives  do  la 
Maison  d'Orangr-Nassau.Supplement,  p.374.) 
But  Morillon  was  too  much  of  a  gossip  to  l>e 
the  best  authority  ;  and,  as  this  was  undf  r- 
8too«l  to  be  one  of  the  objects  of  the  count's 
mission,  it  will  be  bnt  justice  to  him  to  take 
the  common  opinion  that  he  executed  it. 


)(/ 


i. 


t 


briefly  the  state  of  the  Low  Countries  and  their  demand  to  enjoy  freedom  of 
conscience  in  matters  of  religion.    He  concluded  by  inciuiring   he  oimnon  of 
his  auditors  on  the  subject.    The  reverend  body,  doubtless  suppoYng^^^^^ 
the  king  only  wanted  their  sanction  to  extricate  himself  from  the  ditiituities 
oFhls  lositfon,  made  answer,  "that    eonsidering  the  critical  situ^^^^^^^^^ 
Flanders,  and  the  imminent  danger,  if  thwarted^  of  its  ^fr^f  Xl^^^Tthe 
and  total  defection  from  the  Church,  he  might  H  ^^^1  :,^!L"Vh  iTo  sLn^ 
people  freedom  of  worshipping  in  their  own  way."     ^?^,^  ^^^^,.^^^*^^  \^.  ^^^ 
replied,  "  He  had  not  called  them  to  learn  whether  hemv/^Ugva.nt  this  to  the 
rSgs,  but  whether  he  must  do  so.""    The  «exible  conclave,  h^^^^^^^^^^ 
had  mistaken  their  cue,  promptly  answered  in  ^^e  negative  ;on^^^^^^^^ 
prostrating  himself  on  the  ground  before  a  crucifax,  excla    led      1  »'«Plore 
thy  divine'majesty.  Ruler  of  all  things  that  thou  keep  me  mth^^^^^ 
I  L  in,  never  to  allow  myself  either  to  become  or  ^o  be  called  the  loi^^^^^^^^ 
Tvhn  rpJppt  thpp  for  their  Lord  " *''    The  story  was  told  to  tlie  historian  who 

of  the  monarch  !    From  that  moment  the  doom  of  the  ^/^^herlands  was  sea^ 

Yet  Egmont  had  so  Httle  knowledge  of  the  true  s^te  of  things,  that  l^^e 
indulged"in  the  most  cheerful  prognostications  or  the  fuU^^^^^ 
cordial  nature  readily  responded  Uy  the  friendly  4e»"«"^tJ*,^^^f  ,f  v^i^'^^'^S^^ 
and  his  vanity  was  gratified  by  the  homage  univei^ally  paid  to  him.    Un 
l^vin^S^^^^^^  h^made  a  visit  to  the  royal  --f^p^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
the  Escorial,-the  magnificent  pile  already  begun  by  ^^bil  P,  and  wiiicn  con 
tinned  to  occupy  more  or  less  of  his  time  during  the  ^^"t  "^.^^  P^/.did^Sd 
Egmont.  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  king,  declares  himself  highjdel^hted 
with  what  he  has  seen  at  both  these  places,  and  assures  his  sovereign  that  he 
returns  to  Flanders  the  most  contented  man  in  the  world.  . 

When  arrived  there,  early  in  April,  1565,  the  count  was  loud  in  his  protes- 
sion  of  the  amiable  dispositions  of  the  Castilian  court  towards  the  IS  etijerlands. 
Egmont's  countrymen-William  of  Orange  and  a  few  persons  ot  cooiei  judg- 
ment alone  excepted-readily  indulged  in  the  same  dream  of  sanguine  ex- 
pectation, flattering  themselves  wit&  the  belief  that  a  "e^.  H^hcy  was  to 
prevail  at  Madrid,  and  that  their  country  was  henceforth  to  thrive  under  the 
blessings  of  religious  toleration.  It  was  a  pleasing  illusion,  destmed  to  be  ot 
no  long  duration. 

"  "Negavlt  accitos  a  se  illos  fulsse,  ut       mihi  mentem  Pe^jetuam  veils,  ne  illc^ruttw 

positus   ante    Christl    Domini    ^imulacrura.        satisfait    du    monde.        Correspondance   de 
*  Ego  vero,  inquit,  Divinam  M  ijestatem  tuam        Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  349. 
oro,  quasoque,  Rex  ouiuium  Deus,  banc  ut 


I    1. 


230 


PHILIP'S  INFLEXIBILITY. 


CHAPTER  IX. 
Philip's  inflexibility. 

PhUiD'a  Duplicity— His  Procrastination— Despatches  from  Segovia -Efifect  on  the  Country— 
^  **       ^  rj^^Q  Compromise— Orange  and  l!^uiont. 

1665,  1566. 

Shortly  after  Egmont's  return  to  Brussels,  Margaret  called  a  meeting  of  the 
council  of  state,  at  which  the  sealed  instructions  brought  by  the  envoy  from 
Madrid  were  opened  and  read.  They  began  by  noticiuL^  the  count  s  deineanour 
in  terms  so  flattering  as  showed  the  mission  had  proved  acceptable  to  the  king. 
Then  followed  a  declaration,  strongly  expressed  and  surticiently  starthng. 
"  I  would  rather  lose  a  hundred  thousand  lives,  if  I  had  so  many,  said  the 
monarch,  "  than  allow  a  single  change  in  matters  of  rehgion."  »  He,  however, 
recommended  that  a  commission  be  appx)inted,  consisting  of  three  bishops 
with  a  number  of  jurists,  who  should  advise  with  the  members  of  the  council 
as  to  the  best  mode  of  instructing  the  people,  especially  in  their  spiritual 
concerns.  It  might  be  well,  moreover,  to  substitute  some  secret  methods  for  the 
public  forms  of  execution,  which  now  enabled  the  heretic  to  assume  to  himself 
the  glory  of  martyrdom  and  thereby  produce  a  mischievous  impression  on  the 
people.^  No  other  allusion  was  made  to  the  pressing  grievances  of  the  nation, 
thoucrh,  in  a  letter  addressed  at  the  same  time  to  the  duchess,  Philip  said  that 
he  had  come  to  no  decision  as  to  the  council  of  state,  where  the  proposed 
change  seemed  likely  to  be  attended  with  inconvenience »         ,_.     ,      , 

This,  then,  was  the  result  of  Egmont's  mission  to  Madrid  !  this  the  change 
80  much  vaunted  in  the  policy  of  Philip  !  "  The  count  has  been  the  dupe  of 
Spanish  cunning,"  exclaimed  the  prince  of  Orange.  It  was  too  true ;  and 
Egmont  felt  it  keenly,  as  he  perceived  the  ridicule  to  which  he  was  exposed  by 
the  confident  tone  in  which  he  had  talked  of  the  amiable  dispositions  of  the 
Castilian  court,  and  by  the  credit  he  had  taken  to  himself  for  promoting 
them  ^ 

A  greater  sensation  was  produced  among  the  people  ;  for  their  expectations 
had  l)een  far  more  sanguine  than  those  entertained  by  William  and  the 
few  who,  like  hiui,  understood  the  character  of  Philip  too  well  to  place  great 
confidence  in  the  promises  of  Egmont.  Thev  loudly  declaimed  against  the 
king's  insincerity,  and  accused  their  envoy  of  having  shown  more  concern  for 
his  private  interests  than  for  those  of  the  public.  This  taunt  touched  the 
honour  of  that  nobleman,  who  bitterly  complained  that  it  was  an  artifice  of 
Philip  to  destroy  his  credit  with  his  countrymen ;  and,*  the  better  to  prove 
his  good  faith,  he  avowed  his  purpose  of  throwing  up  at  once  all  the  offices  he 
held  under  the  government.* 

The  spirit  of  persecution,  after  a  temporary  lull,  now  again  awakened. 
But  everywhere  tne  inquisitors  were  exposed  to  in-ult,  and  met  with  the  same 

^  Correppondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  I. 

p.  347. 
*  Vandervynckt,  Troubles  dee  Pays-Baa, 

torn.  ii.  p.  92. 
»  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i. 

p.  361. 


'  "  En  ce  qui  tourhe  la  religion,  il  declare 
qu'il  ne  pent  consentir  a  ce  qn'il  y  eoit  fait 
quelque  cbanpement ;  qu'll  aimeralt  mieux 
perdre  cent  nillle  vies,  e'il  lea  avail."  Cor- 
respondance de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  347. 

»  Correspondance  do  Philipfie  II.,  ubi  supra. 
— Strada.  De  Beliu  Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  187. 


4 


^ 


«.  u 


PHILIP'S  DUPLICITY. 


231 


resistance  .s  before ;  while  their  victim;^  -re^.^^^^^^^^ 
Itmmtlw  from  those  who  Sixw  them  led  ^^^SSetly  in  the  prisons.^  But 
TeSmple,  the  executions  were  "^^.^"^.^^^Sp  fy  s^^^^^^^ 
?he  nmtery  thus  thrown  around  ^1^^  fate  of  the  ^^  P]^  ^  ^  the  govern- 
itwXan  additional  horror.  ,  Complaints  were  i^^^  denouncing  the  persecu- 
me^t  by  the  states,  the  magistrates,  an^  the  l^o^^^^^^  ^^,^^^  -^^  ^,eiy  house, 
S  to  which  they  wer^^^Pf^VS  w^  secure,  eith  V^lTZ 

watching  looks,  words,  gestures.  ,^^^^  "\^"  i^Sble  slavery.'  Meanwhile  the 
propertl  The  public  g^^^^^^^^^^^^^  n  prq^^^^^^  }^'^  ^'''''^'' '  ^"^ 
huguenot  emissaries  were  f>»^y  ^^  Jl?' seed  of  revolution.  .  ,  .^  ,, 
v?ith  the  work  of  reform  was  mnf\^^  ^^f/^f  Vlhings,  and  her  impotence  to 
The  re'ent  felt  the  danger  of  this  sUte  of  thin^s^  informing  him 

matters  to  become  so  entangled  in  tl^e  bow  v.^  ^  ^^       ^  njend 

he    mailer  noUes  in  leadmg-grmg^    I    >^    "P  ^.„,,^^^^ 

f^l'^me  matted  from  ^^^^Tt^X':^''  proceeding,  .t  ^  no 


.  .«  And  everywhere  great  endeavours  were 

*^""^ir  tmf  new  mV^ol  Ae.^l^iu^ 
execuliou.  thit.  new  .  ^^^  ^^^^^^ 

them,  which  the  King  u  ^^.^^  ^^, 

was  now  put  in  Py^f.'^f',,;" bound  the  con- 
monlyperlorn.edthus.   luey  "^  ^^^^^ 

demnVd  person  "^^^^^f^^.^J^re  he  lay  till  he 
^'"^  ^"^te  iuflc::^ared '• '  BraTdt  KefJrmatiun 

s.'tbruVcJrtr&j.i.i.p.i^ 

'  Ibid.,  torn.  i.  P- 1&** 


-  Correspondance  de  Philippe  11.,  torn.  I. 
P'-^^lf^tde  detain  sMiexr^ 
principals  re^l"ti<'";"    ,f  ^r^S."'   ^,. 
k4s^de^a^SS,n ^^^^^^^^^^  -m.  i. 

P-.f  f.n  y  en  a  qui  sont  plus  Roys  que  le 
Roy."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

> '  "  Le  Koi  aura  bien  dc  la  peine  a  bc 
trer  honm.e."     "^d    "%upra.  ^^^  j. 

'^  Correspondance  de  l:'iiuippe  *x., 

p.  358. 


232  PHILIP'S  INFLEXIBILITY. 

communications  to  the  government  of  Flanders.  That  he  did  not  announce 
it  in  a  more  absohite  and  unequivocal  form  may  well  have  ar  ben  fioni  the 
apprehrs  on  tlS  present  irritable  state  of  the  people  this  might  rou^ 
Sr  pS^  into  a  flame.  At  least,  it  might  be  reserved  for  a  ^t  res^^^^^^ 
Meanwhile  he  hoped  to  weary  them  out  by  maintaining  an  attitude  of  cold 
fSve  unti  convh^^  of  the  hopelessness  of  resistance  they  won  d  cease 
I  ogeth  r  f^^^^^^^^^^  In  short,  he  s^med  to  deal  with  the  f  et  .erlands  Id^  a 
Dati?nt  aiiLder,  who  allows  the  trout  to  exhaust  hinise If  by  his  own  etlorts, 
Srth^n  by  a  violent  movement  risk  the  loss  of  him  altogether.  It  is  clear 
Philip  did  not^nde^^^^  th^  '^'^'^'^^'  ^^  *^'  Netherlander,-as  dogged  and 
"^"iderinl  ihe  Sral  bent  of  the  king's  disnosition  there  seems  no  reason 
to  chaiie  Granvelle,  as  was  commonly  done  in  the  Low  Countries  with  having 


"affairs  wi  become  worse  m  rianuers  uuui  i-^^j  "'^  •"  ' 7 Vi^'  ofofoc 
change  should  be  allowed  in  the  coundl  of  state.-  A  ffj^^f'll'^^^ll 
general  would  inflict  an  injury  which  the  king  would  ^«?y2r^^^^^\^.Y.an.  [n 
to  come  »  Granvelle  maintained  a  busy  correspondence  with  his  i^aitisans  in 
the  Lot  Countries,  and  sent  the  results  of  it-fremiently  tl-e  ongina  le  te« 
themselves-to  Madrid.  Thus  Philip,  by  means  of  the  [fP^^s  of  the  great 
nobles  on  the  one  hand,  and  of  the  Cardinahsts  on  the  other, ^  as  enabkd  to 
observe  the  movements  in  Flanders  from  the  most  opposite  points  of  view 

The  king's  replies  to  the  letters  of  the  minister  were  somewhat  scanty,  to 
judge  from  the  complaints  which  Granvelle  made  of  his  neglect  With  all 
Sfthe  cardinal  professes  to  be  well  pleased  that  he  is  "l,^,^/^^."^^ 
an  office  as  that  of  governing  the  Netherlands.  ^  "  Here,'  he  ^"es  to  hs 
friend  Viglius,  "I  make  good  cheer,  busying  myself  with  my  own  flairs,  and 
preparinlmy  despatches  in  quiet,  seldom  leaving  the  house,  except  to  take  a 
S,  to  Ittend  church,  or  to  visit  my  mother."  -  In  this  ^P^P^f^^J^y  f^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
philosophic  statesman  seems  to  have  passed  his  time  to  h  s  own  ^tif  action, 
though  it  is  evident,  notwithstanding  his  professions  .tl^at  hf  fast  many 
a  longing  look  back  to  the  Netherlands,  the  seat  oV"%^"pvri.  «  a&iPtrn,P 
hatre^d  tlie  people  of  Flanders  bear  me,"  he  wntes  to  Philip  a^Hicts  me 
sorelv  •  but  I  console  myself  that  it  is  for  the  service  of  God  and  my  king 
T^e  LVdinal  amid  his  complaints  of  the  king's  ne^^lect,  affected  the  "^ost  en  ii^ 
submission  to  Ids  will    «  I  -ould  go  anywhere    he  ^i^^l/  S 


1565.  he  vieiuea  to  tne  regenLs  iiupuibwiunc.^  twiv*  v,v,aw..-.*..v.^ — ,r:       \      , 
transfer  ^s  residence  to  Rome.    The  cardinal  would  not  move.   "  AnyAvhere,' 
hewroto  to  his  master,  "but  to  Rome     That  is  a  place  of  f  re^m^^^^^^^^^ 
empty  show,  for  which  I  am  nowise  qualified.    Besides,  it  would  look  too  much 

m.-ner,  il  faire  exerdcp  k  I'egllse,  et  vera 
Mrt.lame,  ct  faisant  nies  deposches  oil  je  doibtz 
correspondre.  sans  bruyct."  I'apiers  d'Ktat 
de  Grnnvelle,  torn.  ix.  p.  639. 

"  Correppondance  de  Piiilippe  II.,  torn.  i. 


DESPATCHES  FROM  SEGOVIA. 


233 


'^  ♦'  Le  Roi  peut  etre  certain  que,  s'il  ac- 
corde  que  les  edits  ne  pVxecutent  pas,  jamais 
plus  le  peupl"  ne  souffrira  qu'on  ci-atie  les 
heret jques ;  et  Ips  chos  s  iront  ainsi  aux  Pays- 
has  beaucoup  plus  nial  qu'eu  Fraiv  e."  Cor- 
respondancp  de  I'hilippe  XL,  torn.  i.  p.  323. 

'•  Ibid.,  p.  371. 

'■  Acliives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau, 

torn.  i.  p  246  . 

"■•  "  Kutendant  senllement  a  mez  .nffairea, 
ne  bougeai.t  de  ma  cbambre  synon  pour  prou- 


p.  326.  ^,.        - 

i»  t.  II  ]ui  puffit,  pour  se  contpnter  d  etre  on 

il  est,  de  s  tvoir  que  c'est  h\  vo  onte  du  Roi,  et 

cela  lui  suffia  pour  aUer  aux  Indes.  ou  en 

qu"lque  autre  lieu  que  ce  suit, « t  meme  pour 

se  Jeter  dans  le  feu."    Ibid.,  p.  301. 


k 


like  a  submission  on  your  part.    My  diocese  of  Mechlm  has  need  of  me ;  now, 
I  KKto  Spafn,^^^^  lo6k  as  if  I  went  to  procure  the  aid  ^^"ch  it 

80  much  req^uires  »^»  But  the  cabinet  of  Madrid  were  far  from  desiring  the 
nreTence  of^^o  cunning  Vsta^^  to  direct  the  roya  counsels  The  orders 
wem  reteaterto  go  to  Rome.  To  Rome,  accordingly,  the  reluctant  minis- 
tor  went  and  we  ir^^^^^  lettor  from  him  to  the  king,  dated  from  that  capital, 
hUrst  ofTibruary,  1566,  in  which  he  counsels  his  --^er  b^  nc^m«.ns  to 
ih\u\c  of  introducing  the  Spanish  Inquisition  into  the  J>letherianas  ix 
Kt  sLmf'^^Zi^^^^  Proverb^^  change  of  climate  had  wrought 
chan'e  in  the  disposition  of  the  cardinal.  From  this  period,  Oranvelle,  so 
?on^  the  terror  of  the  Low  Countries,  disappears  from  the  management  of  their 
Srs  He  does  not  however,  disappear  from  the  political  theatre  We  shal 
Sn  meet  wiKe  ^^^^^  and  ambitious  prelate,  first  as  viceroy  of  Naples  and 
X"warl  It  Madrid  occupying  the  highest  station  m  the  councils  of  his 

'""EarivTu  July,  1565,  the  commission  of  reform  appointed  by  Philip  trans^- 
mitted  its  repolt  to  Spain.  It  recommended  no  change. in  the  present  laws 
^xcent  soflr  as  to  authorize  the  judges  to  take  into  consideration  the  age  and 
tfoY  the  Reused  and  in  case  6f  penitence  to  commute  the  capital  punish- 
ment of  thrcTvk^^^^^  for  banishment.  PhiUp  approved  of  the  report 
ill  all  particS-^xcept  the  only  particular  that  involved  a  change,  that  of 

"Tt'lenVth^^e"kh;g  Sei^  on  such  an  absolute  declaration  of  his  will  as 
should  K^  the  matter  at  rest  and  relieve  him  from  fu^^^^^^^^^ 

po^tunity     On  the  seventeenth  of  October,  1565,  he  addressed  that  memo- 
?abe  letter  to  his  sister  from  the  Wood  of  Segovia,  ^hich  ^^^th  ^ 
determined  the  fate  of  the  Netherlands    .Phihp,  m  this  ntunates  his  s^^ 
that  his  letters  should  appear  to  Egmont  inconsistent  with  what  he  naa  nearu 
from  hi  lins  at S^^^^    His  desire  was  not  for  novelty  m. anything.    He 
wo    d  hav'th'e    nqui^^^      conducted  by  the  inquisitors,  as  ^t  had  hi^^^^^^^ 
beei    and  as  by  rigrit,  divine  and  human,  belongecf  to  them."    For  ^he  edicts 
T^k!nl  Un/in'the  present  state  of  religion  to  make  any  cha^^^^^^         hi 
own  and  those  of  his  father  must  be  executed.    The  Anabaptists— a  sect  lor 
S,  as  threspecial  butt  of  persecution,  nmch  intercession  U  been  «iade^ 
must  be  dealt  with  according  to  the  rigour  of  the  >^w.     Phih^^^^^^^ 
poninrinff  the  rc'^ent  and  the  lords  in  the  council  faithfully  to  ooey  nis 
ron  ma  is    as  K  do  iig  they  would  render  the  greatest  service  to  the 
Sr"f  relfgic^?  and  of  Lir  «- which  last,  ^h^  a4ds,  without  the 
execution  of  these  ordinances,  would  be  of  little  worth. 

In  a  private  letter  to  the  regent  of  nearly  the  same  date  with  these  puMic 
despatches,  Philip  speaks  of  the  proposed  changes  "^  the  X"f  ™   ff,^* 
subject  on  which  he  had  not  ma5e  up  his  mind.^*  ;„^L  nreSnt  dLr^^^^^^^ 
posed  convocation  of  the  states-general  as  a  thing,  m  the  present  ak>oraers  oi 


"  Correspondance  de  PhlUppe  II.,  torn.  i. 
p.  380. 

«•  Ibid.,  p.  396. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  372.— Hopper,  Recueil  et  Me- 
morial, p.  57.  .It 

*'  "Car,  quant  a  rinquisition.  raon  inten- 
ti«»n  est  quelle  se  face  par  les  inquisiteurs 
coinm'elle  s'est  faicte  jusques  a  maintenant, 
et  coinmil  lenr  appertient  par  droitz  divins 
etliumdiH."  Correspond  lucede  Philippe  11., 
torn  i.,  •'  llapport,"  p  cx.\ix.  note. 


"  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  .,  .^    . 

'^  This  letter  was  dat^d  the  twentieth  oj 
October.  All  hesitation  seems  to  have  vunisiied 
in  a  letter  addressed  to  Granvelle  only  two 
days  atVr,  in  which  Philip  says,  "  As  to  the 
proposed  changes  in  the  government,  there  is 
iiot  a  question  about  th.-m."  "Quant  aux 
changements  qu'on  lui  a  ecrit  devoir  se  faire 
dans  le  pouvernement,  il  n'en  est  pas  ques- 
tion "  Correspoudance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn. 
1.  p.  375. 


234  PHILIPS  INFLEXIBILITY. 

the  countrr  alto<'ether  inexpedient."  Thus  the  king's  despatches  covered 
SSrlTaU  Se  de&Uble  gronnd  on  which  the  contest  had  been  so  long  going 
Ttetweln  the  crown  and  the  country.  There  couW  ^"o  longer  any^com^ 
Xint  of  ambiaiiitv  or  reserve  n  the  expression  ol  the  royal  will.  t>ou 
Cows  "  wrto Iffc  "  what  wry  faces  were  made  In  the  councd  on  leam.n;^ 
f.?  uVwi^ni  ^f  hit  nmio^itv ' ''"  There  was  not  one  of  its  members,  not 
Itfthfpllntor  BShLt,who  dki  not  feel  the  necessity  of  bending 
tothe  teiui^srs^  far  as  to  suspend,  if  not  to  mitigate  the  ngpur  of  the  a«. 
Thav  Innkpd  to  the  future  w  th  ff boiny  api.rehension.  Viglms  strongly 
l.id  KThede^tches  should  n?t  be  mJe  public  till  some  further  com 
Sd^n  should  t  had  with  Philip  to  ««'^h'm  o'  'he  conse<^.en^^^  ,.In 
this  he  was  oDDOsed  by  the  prince  of  Orange.  It  was  tw  late,  ne  saia,  lo 
to  t  of  what^^^^oSlient  to  be  done.  Since  the  will  of  his  majesty  was  so 
^nPouivoc^llv  ™st^^  remained  for  the  government  was  to  execute 

U '' -    irvair^^^^^^^^  to  take  the  whole  responsibiUty  of  the  de  ay 

on  himself  Wiliam's  opinion,  supported  by  Egmont  and  Hoorne,  orevailed 
w^tSe  re-eiit  too  timui,  by  such  an  act  of  disobedience,  to  hazard  the  dis- 
Slasire  of  lier  brother.  As,^late  in  the  evening,  the  councd  broke  up,  William 
wSl  Srd  toexSi!  "  Now  we  shall  see  the  beginning  of  a  fine  tragedy  !  '* 
IiATrniontS  December,  the  regent  caused  copies  of  the  despatches,  with 
ex  r^cts' tan^he  ti  her  Jf   to  be  ^^^J^^^^  ^Z^^^:,t\^^ 

Sill  elefuLr ^a"  m^^^^^^^  wte^Vt^^K^^ 

itt  as Tert^inh^  mS  in  which  these  orders  were  fulfilled,  and  to  report 

^"e'^ultXXt^^^^^^^  been  foreseen.    The  publication  of. the  despatches 

_i)Lrro7thf  words  of  a  Flemish  writer-created  a  sensation  throughout 

^P^(ZntrT  little  short  of  what  would  have  l)een  caused  by  a  declaration  of 

v^kr-    u/der  e^^^^^  "i«"  had  flattered  themselves,  up  to  thi^ 

per'od,  w^fh  the  expectation  of  some  change  for  the  better.    The  constan  ly 

FncJe^ing  number  ^f  the  Reformers,  the  persevering  resistance  to  the  Inqui- 

suTorihl  reiterated  remonstrances  to  the  government,  the  general  persuasion 

fhat  the  er^t  nobles,  even  the  regent,  were  on  their  side,  had  all  combined  to 

os4  thl^^^^^^^^  to  some  extent,  would  eventuaHy  1^  conceded 

bv  PhiliD  "    This  hope  was  now  crushed.    Whatever  doubts  had  been  enter- 

Uined  were  dispelled  by  these  last  despatches,  which  came  like  a  hurricane, 

Sn^awaTK^^^^  that  had  so  long  blinded  the  eyes  of  men,  and  laying 

ODen  thi  policy  of  the  crown,  clear  as  day,  to  the  dul  est  apprehension.    The 

Se  pLsW  to  the  extremity  of  despair.    The  Spanish  Inquisition,  with  its 


EFFECT  ON  THE  COUNTRY. 


235 


•*  Documentos  Inedltos,  torn.  iv.  p.  333. 

••  "  Dleu  s^ait  que  vlsaiges  lis  ont  monstrez, 
et  que  mescontemement  ils  ont,  voyans  I'ab- 
Bolute  volunte  du  Koy."  Archives  de  la 
Maison  d'Orange-Nassau.  totn.  i.  p.  442. 

■"  Hopper,  Recueil  el  Memorial,  p.  59. 

»•  "Qua  conclusione  accepta,  Princeps 
Auriacencls  cuidam  in  aurem  dixit  (qui  post 
id  retulit)  quasi  l«tU8  gloriabundusque: 
visuros  nos  brevi  egregise  tragediaj  initium.' 

Vita  Viglii,  p.  45. 

■"  "  Une  declaration  de  guerre  n  aurait  pas 
fait  plus  d'impression  sur  le«  esprits,  que  ces 
depeches,  quand  la  connalspance  en  parvint 
Bu  public."  Vandervynckt,  Troubles  des 
Pays-Baa.  torn.  ii.  p.  94. 

»»  "  Se  comienza  a  dar  esperanza  al  pueblo 


de  la  libertad  de  conciencia,  de  las  mudanzas 
del  gobierno."     Renotn  de  Francla,  AUwrotos 
de  Flat  idea,  MS.  — "Sonic  demand  a  mitigation 
of  the  edicts;  others,"  as  Viglius  peevishly 
complains  to  Granvelle,  *•  say  that  they  want 
at  least  as  much  toleration  as  is  vouchsafed  to 
Christians  by  the  Turks,  who  do  not  persecute 
the  enemies  ol  their  faith  as  we  persecute 
brethren  of  our  own  faitli  for  h  mere  difference 
in  the  interpretation  of   Scripture!"    (Ar- 
chives de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau,  torn.  i. 
p  2*<7  )    Viglius  was  dnubtless  of  the  opinion 
of  M.Gerlache,  that  lor  Pliilip  to  have  granted 
toleration  would  have  proved  the  signal  for  a 
general  massacre.    Vide  Hist,  du  Royaume 
dea  Pays-Bas,  torn.  i.  p.  83. 


train  of  horrors,  seemed  t<>t>e  already  mth^^  thJatrocit  es 

mind  all  the  tales  of  ^'o^.^^^y  ^^1^"^^^^^^  however  erroneously, 

perpetrated  by  the  Spaniards  m  the  New  ^^ria,  >        ,  ^^..^^  «  ^^^^ 

ghey  charged  on  the  Holy  Othce^  ^M  IndS  ^  ^  slaughtered  by 
Bhall  tamely  wait  here,  l^l^e  Jf  ®  T^^nto  knots,  in  the  streets  and  public 
millions." '»    Men  were  seen  gather  ng  "^^o  ^^^^^^^^  gloomily  talking  of 

squares,  discussing  the  conduct  of  the  g^^^^'^^^^^^^^^  stialthily  held  in  the 
secret  associations  and  \^eign  alliances  J^^f  X^^i^e  audience  listened  to 
woods,  and  in  the  ^^^^^^^^s  of  the  gr^^^^^^  ,^  reUgious  reform, 

fanatical  preachers,  .^^^o,  while  discussing  tne  ^  circulated,  in 

darkly  hinted  at  resistance,    tracts  were  prnu    ,  ^  ^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^^^ 

which  the  reciprocal  obligations  of  ord  and  ^^^^^^  ^«\\^,^  ditficult  questions 
of  resistance  was  maintained  ;  and  ^^  ^^^^J^'"'^^^^^^^  form  was  that  of  satire 
were  handled  with  decided  ability^    A  ^o^e  con^^^^^^^^  Reformers.    Their 

and  scurrilous  lampoon,-a  favourite  ve^^^^^^^^  ^^^  ^'hurch.  .The 

satirical  sallies  were  Jevelleji  mdirteieir^y  aUhe  tnro     ^^^^^^^  ^^^^^ 

bishops  were  an  obvious  mark     No  one  was  s^^  ^^  printing-more 

to  ridicule  the  clergy.    Ne^^r  since  the  discovery  o  ^^  ^^ 

than  a  century  ^^ore-had  the  press^^^^^^  revolution  in  the  Nether- 

political  importance  ^  in  the  ^rerstog^^^      ^  ,^  ^^  ^.^.^  ,^p,^  y 

lands.    Thousands  of  the  seditio^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^^oble 

circulated  among  a  people  the  hi  m blest  oiw^  _P  ^^^.^       pj       j^ 

in  other  lands,  at  that  day,  .^f^^^f^  L^^^^^  of  the  cities,  proclaiming 

were  nailed  to  the  ^oors  of  the  magisjiate^^^^^^^^  ^^^^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^^      ^ 

that  Rome  stood  m  need  of  her  15  utus     ^^'^*^^    ^      ^  ^,.^  their  country." 
Orange  and  Egmont,  calling  on  U^^^^^^^^  throughout  the 

Margaret  was  hlled  with  alam  at  t^  e^^^^^^  She  wrote  again  and  again 

land.    She  felt  the  g^omid  rembl^^^^  ^         sentiment,  and  the 

to  Philip,  giving  Jull  particulars  f^  the  sto^  o    tn   P  ^^^  intimated  her 

seditious  spirit  which  seemed  01  the  verge^^^^^^^  ^^j^^,  ^^^    t^tes- 

wish  to  resign  the  government.'    ,f  ^^..^\f  ^^^^^^^^     in  person  and  take  the 
general  to  be  summoned,  and,  at  all  events,  to  come       y       ^  ^^ 

?eins  from  ^  hands,  too  weak  to^^^^^  rphey  had  been 

was  sorry  the  despatches  !^om  Segm  la  haa^^^^^  country."  " 

desigiied  only  for  the  service  of  God  and  th^fecm  ^^^  the  stage,  im- 

In  this  general  fermentation,  a  new  ci^^  o^  ^  as  yet  in  political 

Dortant  by  their  numbers,  though  they  had  taKen  no  p^         j     honourable 
E"    'These  were  the  lower  "ob^^^^^^^^^ 

descent,  and  many  of  them  allied  by  blood  or  ma"  a^«      fortunes;  fallen  into 
of  the  land.    Thiy  were  too  often  men  of  dU^^^^^  Many  had 

decay  through  their  own  prod^f  hty  or   ha^^oMhei^^^^^^^^   ^^  ^^^^.^^  ^.^^^^^ 

i^iisKi^^iPI^^ 


•■  "On  deflaitles  Espagnole  de  trouver  a« 
Pav..B«9   ces  Btupiiles   Atnencains  et  ces 

ne  sav  aient  pas  se  deienure.       '*  •' 

^^r^^flS^rMriJnVoranv^^^^^ 
Janu^y  ^Tth.  1566.  Archives  de  la  Maisoa 
d'urange-Nassau,  buppleiuent,  p.  ii. 


Correspondance  de  Philippe  IL,  torn.  I. 

^•"^"11  a  apprisavec  peine  que  le  contenu 
de  sa  lettre,  dat€e  du  bois  de  Segovie,  a  ete 

^Taccuemi  aux  P?y«-B^;.«f,%l"^,^'^iS  Se 
tendant  qu'au  service  de  Dieu  et  au  bven  ae 
ceSlutsrcomme  lamour  qu'il  leuT  porte  1  y 
oblige."    Ibid.,  p.  400 


238  PHILIP'S  INFLEXIBILITY. 

which  naturally  made  them  prefer  any  change  to  the  existing  order  of  things. 
They  were,  for  the  most  part,  bred  to  arms,  and  m  the  days  of  Charles  the 
Fifth  had  found  an  ample  career  opened  to  their  ambition  under  the  imperial 
banners.  But  Philip,  with  less  policy  than  his  father,  liad  neglected  to  court 
this  class  of  liis  subjects,  who,  without  fixed  principles  or  settled  motives  of 
action,  seemed  to  float  on  the  surface  of  events,  prepared  to  throw  their 
weight,  at  any  moment,  into  the  scale  of  revolution. 

Some  twenty  of  these  cavaliers,  for  the  most  part  young  men,  met  together 
in  the  month  of  November,  in  Brussels,  at  the  house  of  Count  Culemborg,  a 
nobleman  attached  to  the  Protestant  opinions.  Their  avowed  purpose  was  to 
hsten  to  the  teachings  of  a  Flemish  divine,  named  Junius,  a  man  of  parts  and 
learning,  who  had  been  educated  in  the  school  of  Calvin,  and  wlio,  having 
returned  to  the  Netherlands,  exercised,  under  the  very  eye  of  the  regent,  the 
dangerous  calling  of  the  missionary.  At  this  meeting  of  the  discontented 
nobles  the  talk  naturally  turned  on  the  evils  of  the  land  and  the  best  means  of 
remedying  them.  The  result  of  the  conferences  was  the  formation  of  a  league, 
the  principal  objects  of  which  are  elaborately  set  forth  in  a  paper  known  as 

the "  Compromise."  '*  ,    ,  ,         .    i      j  u       -i 

This  celebrated  document  declares  that  the  king  had  been  induced  by  evil 
counsellors,— for  the  most  part  foreigners,— in  violation  of  his  oath,  to  estab- 
lish the  Inquisition  in  the  counti}  ;  a  tribunal  opposed  to  all  law,  divine  and 
human,  surpassing  in.  barbarity  anything  ever  yet  practised  by  tyrants, 
tending  to  bring  the  land  to  utier  ruin,  and  the  inhabitants  to  a  state  of 
miserable  bondage.  The  confede  -ates,  therefore,  in  order  not  to  become  the 
prey  of  those  who,  under  the  name  of  religion,  seek  only  to  enrich  themselves 
at  the  expense  of  life  and  property,"  bind  themselves  by  a  solemn  oath  to 
resist  the  establishment  of  the  Inquisition,  under  whatever  form  it  may  be 
introduced,  and  to  protect  each  other  against  it  with  their  lives  and  fortunes. 
In  doing  this,  they  protest  that,  so  far  from  intending  anything  to  the  dis- 
honour of  the  king,  their  only  intent  is  to  maintain  the  king  in  his  estate,  and 
to  preserve  the  tranquillity  of  the  realm.  They  conclude  with  solemnly 
invoking  the  blessing  of  the  Almighty  on  this  their  lawful  and  holy  con- 
federation. 1    ,,    . 

Such  are  some  of  the  principal  points  urged  in  this  remarkable  instrument, 
in  which  little  mention  is  made  of  the  edicts,  every  other  grievance  being 
swallowed  up  in  that  of  the  detested  Inquisition.  Indeed,  the  translations  of 
the  "  Compromise,"  which  soon  appeared,  in  various  languages,  usually  bore 


•*  Historians  have  usually  referred  the  origin 
of  the  "  Union  "  to  a  meeting  of  nine  nol^les  at 
Jireda,  as  reported  hy  Strada.  (De  Bello  Bel- 
gico,  torn.  i.  p.  2UH.)  But  we  have  the  testi- 
mony of  Junius  himself  to  tlie  fact,  as  stated 
in  the  text ;  and  this  testimony  is  accepted  by 
Groen,  who  treads  with  a  caution  that  secures 
him  a  good  footing  even  in  the  slippery  places 
of  history.  (See  Archives  de  la  Maison 
d'Orange-Nassau,  torn.  ii.  p.  2.)  Brandt  also 
Adopts  the  report  of  Junius  (Reformation 
in  the  Low  Countries,  tom.  i   p  162.) 

■'•  "  inique  et  contraire  a  touti-s  loix  divines 
et  humaines,  surpassant  la  plus  grande  bar- 


brtrie  que  oncques  fut  practiquee  entre  lea 
tirans."  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange- 
Nassiju.  torn  ii.  p.  3.— One  m\\i\\i  imagine 
that  the  confederates  intended  in  the  first  part 
of  this  sentence  to  throw  the  words  of  Philip 
back  upon  himself, -"comm*  il  leur  apperti- 
entpardroifz  divins  et  humains."  Depeche 
du  hois  de  Segovie,  October  17th.  1565. 

=•'  "  Affln  de  n'estr.'  exposez  en  proye  4 
ceulx  qui,  soubs  ombre  de  rr-ligion,  voudroient 
s'enrichir  aux  despens  de  nostre  sang  et  de 
nos  biens."  Archives  de  ia  Maibon  d'Orange- 
Nassau,  tom.  ii.  p.  4. 


*  [The  proper  orthography  of  this  name  is 
Kuiltnburg  ,  but,  like  some  other  Dutch  and 
Flemish  names  connected  v\  ith  the  history  of 


this  period,  it  has  become  familiar  to  English 
readers  in  the  form  used  by  French  authori- 
ties.—Eo.J 


THE  COxMPROMISE. 


237 


the  title  of  "  League  of  the  Nobles  of  Flanders  against  the  Spanish  Inqvii- 

^^  It^will  hardly  be  denied  that  those  who  si^ed  this  instrument  had  already 
made  a  decided  move  in  the  ^ame  of  rebellion.  They  openlv  arrayed  them- 
selves against  the  execution  of  the  law  and  the  authority  of  the  crown,  i  hey 
cliarged  the  king  with  having  violated  his  oath,  and  they  accused  him  of 
abetting  a  persecution  which,  under  the  pretext  of  religion,  had  no  other  object 
than  the  spoil  of  its  victims.  It  was  of  little  moment  that  all  this  was  done 
under  professions  of  loyalty.  Such  professions  are  the  decent  cover  with  which 
the  first  apiiroache-s  are  always  made  in  a  revolution  The  copies  of  the 
instrument  ditter  somewhat  from  each  other.  One  of  these,  before  me,  as  it 
to  oive  the  edge  of  personal  insult  to  their  remonstrance,  classes  in  the  same 
cateirory  "  the  vagabond,  the  priest,  and  the  Smiitard."  "       ^       .    , 

Among  the  small  company  who  first  subscribed  the  document  we  find  names 
that  rose  to  eminence  in  the  stormy  scenes  of  the  revolution.  There  was  Count 
Louis  of  Nassau,  a  younger  brother  of  the  prince  of  Orange,  the  bon  cheva- 
lier" as  William  used  tc  call  him,-a  title  well  earned  by  his  generous  spint 
and  many  noble  and  humane  qualities.  Louis  was  bred  a  Lutheran,  and  was 
zealously  devoted  to  the  cause  of  reform  when  his  brother  took  but  a  com- 
paratively  languid  interest  in  it.  His  ardent,  precipitate  temper  w^s  often 
kept  in  check,  and  more  wisely  directed,  by  the  prudent  counsefs  of  William  ; 
while  he  amply  repaid  his  brother  by  his  devoted  attachment,  and  by  the  zeal 
and  mtrepidity  with  which  he  carried  out  his  plans.  Louis,  indeed,  might  be 
called  the  riglit  hand  of  William.  .,,*«..   a  u        a       tt«  «-oa 

Another  of  the  party  was  Phihp  de  Mamix,  lord  of  St.  Aldegonde.    He  was 
the  intimate  friend  of  William  of  Orange     In  the  words  of  a  Bel^^n  wn^/» 
he  was  one  of  the  beautiful  characters  of  the  time;"  distinguished  alike  as 
a  soldier,  a  statesman,  and  a  scholar.     It  is  to  his  pen  that  the  composition 
of  the  *'  Compromise  "  has  generally  been  assigned.    Some  cntics  have  fomid 
its  tone  inconsistent  with  the  sedate  and  tranquil  character  of  his  mmd.     Yet 
St..  Aldegonde's  device,  ''Bepos  aiUeurs,"*'  would  seem  to  indicate  a  fervid 
imagination  and  an  impatient  spirit  of  activity.        _^.,    .  ,    .,     ^  «„.  „,^^« 
But  the  man  who  seems  to  have  entered  most  heartily  into  these  first  move- 
ments of  the  revolution  was  Henry,  viscount  of  Brederode     He  sprang  from 
an  ancient  line,  boasting  his  descent  from  the  counts  of  Holland.     I  he  only 
possession  that  remained  to  him,  the  lordship  of  Viana  he  stdl  claimed  t^ 
hold  as  independent  of  the  king  of  Spain  or  any  other  POt^»^^:. ,,f  ^,  J*;"' 
monv  had  been  wasted  in  a  course  of  careless  indulgence,  and  little  else  was 
left  than  barren  titles  and  pretensions,- which,  it  must  be  o^^^d,  he  was  not 
diffident  in  vaunting.    He  was  fond  of  convivial  pleasures,  and  had  a  free, 
reckless  humour,  that  took  with  the  pe9ple,  ^  whom  he  was  sUll  more 
endeared  by  his  sturdy  hatred  of  oppression.    Brederode  was  in  short,  one 
of  those  busy,  vapouring  characters  who  make  themselves  felt  at  the  outset  of 
a  revolution,  but  are  soon  lost  in  the  course  of  it ;  like  those  ominous  birds 
which  with  their  cries  and  screams  herald  in  the  tempest  that  soon  sweeps 

*^  Coptics  of  'tL^"  Compiimise,"  with  the  names  atUched  to  it,  were  soon 


"  Vandervynckt,  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas, 

tom.  ii.  p.  134.  _ 

^«  ••  I)e  sorte  que  si  un  Prestre,  un  Espa- 
gnoU  ou  qiielque  mauvais  gara<ment  veut 
mal,  ou  nuyre  a  autruy,  par  le  moyen  de 
r  Inquisition,  11  pourra  I'accuser,  faire  appre- 


hender,  voire  faire  mourlr,  soit  h  droit,  soit  k 
tort."    Supplen.ent  a  Strada,  tom.  ii.  p.  300.^^ 

♦"  •*  L'un  des  beaux  caracteresde  ce  temps. 
Borguet,  Philippe  II.  et  la  Belgique,  p.  43. 

*'  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


238 


PHILIP'S  INFLEXIBILITY. 


distributed  through  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  eagerly  sipied  by  great 
numbers,  not  merely  of  the  petty  nobility  and  gentry,  but  of  substantial 
burghers  and  wealthy  merchants,  men  who  nad  large  interests  at  stake  in  the 
coni^mnnity.  Hames,  king-at-arms  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  who  was  a  zealous 
confederate,  boasted  that  the  names  of  two  thousand  such  persons  were  on 
his  paper."  Among  them  were  many  Roman  Catholics  ;  and  we  are  again 
called  to  notice  that  in  the  outset  this  Protestant  revolution  received  impor- 
tant support  from  the  Catholics  themselves,  who  forgot  all  religious  diti'erences 
in  a  common  hatred  of  arbitrary  power. 

Few,  if  any,  of  the  great  nobles  seem  to  have  been  among  the  number  of 
those  who  signed  the  "  Compromise," — certainly  none  of  the  council  of  state. 
It  would  hardly  have  done  to  invite  one  of  the  royal  councillors — in  other 
words,  one  of  the  government— to  join  the  confederacy,  when  they  would  have 
been  bound  by  the  obligations  of  tneir  office  to  disclose  it  to  the  regent.  But 
if  the  great  lords  did  not  become  actual  parties  to  the  league,  they  showed 
their  sympathy  with  the  object  of  it,  by  declining  to  enforce  the  execution  of 
the  laws  against  which  it  was  directed.  On  the  twenty-fourth  of  January, 
1566,  the  prince  of  Orange  addressed,  from  Breda,  a  letter  to  the  regent,  on 
the  occasion  of  her  sendmg  him  the  despatches  from  Segovia  for  the  rule  of 
his  government  in  the  provinces.  In  this  remarkable  letter,  William  exposes, 
with  CTeater  freedom  than  he  was  wont,  his  reasons  for  refusing  to  comply 
with  the  royal  orders.  "  I  express  myself  freely  and  frankly,"  he  says,  "  on  a 
topic  on  which  I  have  not  been  consulted  ;  but  I  do  so  lest  by  my  silence  I 
may  incur  the  responsibility  of  the  mischief  that  nnist  ensue."  He  then 
briefly,  and  in  a  decided  tone,  touches  on  the  evils  of  the  Inquisition,— intro- 
duced, as  he  says,  contrary  to  the  repeated  pledges  of  the  king, — and  on  the 
edicts.  Great  indulgence  had  been  of  late  shown  in  the  interpretation  of  these 
latter ;  and  to  revive  them  on  a  sudden,  so  as  to  execute  them  with  their 
ancient  rigour,  would  be  most  disastrous.  There  could  not  be  a  worse  time 
than  the  pre>ent,  when  the  people  were  sorely  pressed  by  scarcity  of  food,  and 
in  a  critical  state  from  the  religious  agitations  on  their  borders.  It  might 
cost  the  king  his  empire  in  the  Netherlands,  and  throw  it  into  the  hands  of  his 
neighbours." 

"  For  my  own  part,"  he  concludes,  "  if  his  majesty  insists  on  the  execution 
of  these  measures,  rather  than  incur  the  stain  which  must  rest  on  me  and  my 
house  by  attempting  it,  I  will  resign  my  office  into  the  hands  of  some  one 
better  acqj^iiainted  with  the  humours  of  the  people,  and  who  will  be  better  able 
to  maintam  order  in  the  country."  ** 

In  the  same  tone  several  of  the  other  provincial  governors  replied  to  Mar- 
garet, declaring  that  they  could  never  coolly  stand  by  and  see  fifty  or  sixty 
thousand  of  their  countrymen  burned  to  death  for  errors  of  religion.**  The 
regent  was  sorely  perplexed  by  this  desertion  of  the  men  on  whom  she  most 
relied.  She  wrote  to  them  in  a  strain  of  expostulation,  and  besought  the 
prince,  in  particular,  not  to  add  to  the  troubles  of  the  time  by  abandoning 


"  Strada,  De  Bello  BelRico,  torn.  1.  p.  209. 

*"  "  Mettant  le  tout  en  hazard  de  venir  es 
inain><  de  nos  voisins."  Correspotidance  de 
GuiUaume  leTaciturne,  torn.  ii.  p.  109. 

"  "  J'aimerois  mieulx,  en  cas  que  Sadictc 
Majeste  ne  le  veuille  dilaier  jusqups  A  \k,  et 
des  a  present  persiste  sur  cette  inquisition  et 
exdcntion,  qn  eUe  commisse  quelquc  autre  en 
ma  place,  mieutx  entendant  les  humeui-n  du 
peuple,  et  plus  habile  que  mol  k  los  raaint-nlr 
en  palx  et  repos,  plustost  aue  d'encourir  la 


note  dont  mol  et  les  miens  porrions  estre 
souilles,  si  quelque  inconvenient  advint  au 
pays  d«  mon  gouvernement,  et  duiant  ma 
charge."  Correspondance  de  Guiilaume  le 
Taciturne,  tom.  ii.  p.  109. 

■•*  "  Addidere  aliqui.  nolle  se  in  id  operam 
conferre,  ut  quinquaginta  aut  sexaginta  bo- 
minum  millia,  se  Provincias  administranti- 
bus,  igni  concrementur."  Strada,  De  Bello 
Bolgico,  tom.  i.  p.  2^'3. 


ALARM  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


239 


his  post,  where  the  attachment  of  the  people  gave  him  such  unbounded 

intluence.*' 

The  agitations  of  the  country,  in  the  mean  time,  continued  to  increase. 
There  was  a  scarcity  of  bread,— so  often  the  foreninner  of  revolution,— and 
this  article  had  risen  to  an  enormous  price.  The  people  were  menaced  with 
famine,  which  might  have  led  to  serious  consequences,  but  for  a  temporary 

relief  from  Spain.*^  ,      .    ,  ,  .  .       *  r>u-i- 

Rumours  now  began  to  be  widely  circulated  of  the  speedy  coming  of  Fhilip, 
with  a  large  army,  to  chastise  his  vassals  ;  and  the  rumours  gained  easy  credit 
with  those  who  felt  they  were  already  within  the  pale  of  rebellion.  Duke 
Eric  of  Brunswick  was  making  numerous  levies  on  the  German  borders,  and  it 
was  genei-ally  believed  that  their  destination  was  Flanders.  It  was  m  vam 
that  Margaret,  who  ascertained  the  falsehood  of  the  report,  endeavoured  to 

undeceive  the  people."  ,      ,  ^  •  i.     •       u  ^  *  i  ^„ 

A  short  time  previously,  in  the  month  of  June,  an  interview  had  taken 
place,  at  Bayonne,  between  the  queen-mother,  Cathenne  de  Medicis,  and  her 
daughter,  Isabella  of  Spain.  Instead  of  her  husband,  Isabella  was  accom- 
panied at  th^s  interview  by  the  counsellor  in  whom  he  most  trusted,  the  duke  ot 
Alva  The  two  queens  were  each  attended  by  a  splendid  retinue  of  "Ohles. 
The  meeting  was  prolonged  for  severa  days,  amidst  a  succession  of  balls, 
tourneys,  and  magnificent  banquets,  at  which  the  costly  dress  and  equipage  of 
the  French  nobility  contrasted  strangely  enough  with  the  no  less  ostentatious 
simplicity  of  the  Spaniards.  This  simplicity,  so  contrary  to  the  usual  pomp  of 
the  Castilian,  was  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  Philip,  who,  foreseeing  the 
national  emulation,  forbade  the  indulgence  of  it  at  a  foolish  cost,  which  m  the 
end  was  severely  felt  by  the  shattered  finances  of  France. 

Amid  the  brilliant  pageants  which  occupied  the  public  eye,  secret  in- 
ferences were  daily  carried  on  between  Catherine  and  the  duke  of  Alva.  Ihe 
results  were  never  published,  but  enough  found  its  way  into  the  light  to  show 
that  the  principal  object  was  the  extermination  of  heresy  in  France  and  the 
Netheriands.  The  queen-mother  was  for  milder  measures,— though  slower  not 
less  sure.  But  the  iron-hearted  duke  insisted  that  to  grant  hberty  of  con- 
science wa^  to  grant  unbounded  license.  The  only  way  to  exterminate  the 
evil  was  by  fire  and  sword  !  It  was  on  this  occasion  that,  when  Catherine 
suggested  that  it  was  easier  to  deal  with  the  refractory  commons  than  with 
the  nobles,  Alva  replied,  "  True,  but  ten  thousand  frogs  are  not  worth  the  head 
of  a  single  salmon,'^"— an  ominous  simile,  which  was  afterwards  remembered 
against  its  author  when  he  ruled  over  the  Netheriands.»» 

The  report  of  these  dark  conferences  had  reached  the  Low  Countnes,  where 
it  was  universally  believed  that  the  object  of  them  was  to  secure  the  co-opera- 
tion of  France  in  crushing  the  liberties  of  Flanders'* 

"»  Henry  the  Fourth,  when  a  boy  of  eleven 
years  of  age,  was  in  the  train  of  Catherine, 
and  was  present  at  one  of  her  interviews  with 
Alva.  It  is  said  that  he  overheard  the  words 
of  the  duke  quoted  in  the  text,  and  that  they 
sank  deep  into  the  mind  of  the  future  cham- 


♦•  Correspondance  de  Guiilaume  le  Taci- 
turne, tom.  ii.  p.  112. 
*'  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  tom.  i. 

p.  378. 
*"  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orangc-Nassau, 

tom.  ii.  p.  33. 

*"  "  A  ce  propos  le  ducd'Albe  r^pondit  que 
dlx  mille  grenouilles  ne  valoient  pas  la  tete 
d'un  saumon."  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Frangais, 
tom.  xviii.  p.  447.— Davila,  in  teUing  the 
same  story,  reports  the  saying  of  the  duke  In 
somewhat  different  words  :  "  Diseya  che  .  .  . 
b^Bognava  pc^ca^e  i  pescl  grossi,  e  non  si 
curare  dl  prendere  le  ranocchie."  Guerre 
civili  dl  FranciaCMilano,  1807),  tom.  i.  p.  341. 


pion  of  Protest«nti>m.  Henry  reported  them 
to  his  mother,  Jeanne  d'Albret,  by  whom 
they  were  soon  made  public,  Sismondi, 
Hist,  des  Fran^ais,  tom.  xviii.  p.  447.--For 
the  preceding  paragraph  see  also  De  Thou, 
Hist,  universelle,  tom.  v.  p.  34,  et  seq.— 
Cabrera,  Filipe  Seguiido,  lib.  vi.  cap.  23.— 
Brantome,  CEuvres.  tom.  v.  p.  58,  et  seq. 
"  It  is  a  common  opinion  that  at  the  meeting 


240  PHILIP'S  INFLEXIBILITY. 

In  the  panic  thus  spread  throughout  the  country,  the  more  timid  or  pru- 
dent, especially  of  those  who  dwelt  in  the  sea-ports,  began  to  take  measures 
for  Avoiding  these  evils  by  emigration.  They  .rshtrefugem  Protest 
states,  and  especially  in  Endand,  where  no  less  than  thirty  thousand,  we  are 
told  by  a  contemporary,  took  shelter  under  the  sceptre  of  Elizabeth.  iliey 
swarmed  in  the  cities  of  London  and  Sandwich  and  the  politic  queen  assigned 
them  also  the  sea-port  of  Norwich  »  as  their  residence.  Thus  Famish  industry 
was  transferred  to  English  soil.  The  course  of  tmde  between  t^e  two  natio^^^^^ 
now  underwent  a  change.  The  silk  and  woollen  sturts  which  had  formerly 
been  sent  from  Flanders  to  England  became  the  staple  of  a  large  export-trade 
from  England  to  Flandei-s.  "  The  Low  Countries,'^  writes  the  correspondent 
of  Granvelle,  "  are  the  Indies  of  the  English,  who  make  war  on  our  purses,  as 
the  French,  some  years  since,  made  war  on  our  towns. 

Some  of  the  Flemish  provinces,  instead  of  giving  way  to  despondency, 
appealed  sturdily  to  their  charters,  to  rescue  them  from  the  arbitrary  measures 
of  the  crown.  The  principal  towns  of  Brabant,  with  Antwerp  at  their  head, 
intrenched  themselves  behind  their  Joytuse  Entree.  The  question  was  brought 
before  the  council ;  a  decree  was  given  in  favour  of  the  applicants,  and  ratinea 
by  the  regent ;  and  the  free  soil  of  Brabant  was  no  longer  polluted  by  the 

presence  of  the  Inquisition."  ,    ,       ,  r  ^u  4.     n*  oii  ;« 

The  gloom  now  became  deeper  round  the  throne  of  the  regent.  Ui  an  in 
the  Netherlands  the  person  least  to  be  envied  was  the  one  who  ruled  over 
them.  Weaned  from  her  attachment  to  Granvelle  by  the  mthience  of  the 
lords,  Margaret  now  found  herself  compelled  to  resume  the  arbitrary  policy 
whicfi  she  disapproved,  and  to  forfeit  the  support  of  the  very  party  to  which  of 
late  she  had  given  all  her  confidence.  The  lords  in  the  council  withdrew  from 
her,  the  magistrates  in  the  provinces  thwarted  her,  and  large  masses  of  the 
population  were  arrayed  in  actual  resistance  against  the  government,  it  may 
ieem  strange  that  it  was  not  till  the  spring  of  1566  that  she  received  positive 


at  Bayonne  it  was  arranged    between   the 
queen-mother  and  Alva  to  revive  the  tragedy 
of  the  Sicilian  Vespers  in  the  honid  massacre 
of   St,   iiartholomew.    I    find,  however,  no 
warrant  for  such  an  opinion  in  the  letters  of 
either  the  duke  or  Don  Juan  Manriqu  •  de 
Lara,   major-domo   to   Queen    Isabella,  the 
originals  of  which  are  still  preserveii  in  the 
Royal  Library  at  Paris.    In  my  copy  of  these 
MSS.  the  letters  of  Alva  to  Philip  the  Second 
cover  much  the  largest  space.     They  are  very 
minute  in  their  account  of  his  conversation 
witli  the  queen-mother.     His    gr»it    object 
seem.s  to  have  been  to  persuatle  her  to  abandon 
her  temporizing  policy,  «nd,  instead  of  en- 
deavouring to  hold  the  balance  between  the 
contending  parties,  to  assert,  in  the  most  un- 
c<jmpromising  manner,  the  supremacy  of  the 
Roman  Catholics.     He  endeavoured  to  fortify 
her  in  this  course  by- the  example  of  his  own 
master,  the  king  of  Spain,  repeating  Philip's 
declaration,  so  often  quoted,  under  various 
forms,  that  "  he  would  surrender  his  kingdom, 
nay,  life  itself,  rather  than  reign  over  heretics." 
While  the  duke  earnestly  endeavoured   to 


overcome  the  arguments  of  Catherine  de 
Medicis  in  favour  of  a  milder,  more  rational, 
and,  it  may  be  added,  u)ore  politic  course  in 
reference  Uy  the  Huguenots,  he  cannot  justly 
be  charged  with  having  directly  recommended 
those  atrocious  measures  which  have  branded 
her  n.ime  with  infamy.  Yet,  on  the  other 
hand,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  this  bloody 
catastrophe  was  a  legitimate  result  o»  the 
policy  which  he  advised. 

"'  "On  voit  journelement  gens  de  ce  pays 
aller  en  Angleterre,  avec  leurs  families  et 
leurs  instruments;  et  ja  Londres,  Zandvich 
et  le  pays  allenvimn  est  si  plain,  que  Ton  dit 
que  le  nombre  surpasse  30,000  testes."  As- 
sonleville  to  Granvelle,  January  16th,  1565, 
Correspondaiice  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p. 

392. 

-•>  "  II  y  a  longtemps  que  ces  Pals-Ba«  sont 
les  Indes  d' Angleterre,  et,  tant  qu'ilz  lea 
auront,  llz  n'en  ont  besoing  d'aultres."  Cr- 
resptmdance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  382. 

**  Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays-Ris,  torn,  i.^  fol. 
39,  40.— Correspondance  de  Marguerite  d'Au- 
triche,  p.  17. 


i^ 


ALARM  OF  THE  COUNTRY. 


241 


tidings  of  the  existence  of  the  league,  when  she  was  informed  of  it  by 
Egmont  and  some  others  of  the  council  of  state."  As  usual,  the  rumour 
went  beyond  the  truth.  Twenty  or  thirty  thousand  men  were  said  to  be  in 
arms,  and  half  that  number  to  be  prepared  to  march  on  Brussels  and  seize  the 
person  of  the  regent,  unless  she  complied  with  their  demands." 

For  a  moment  Margaret  thought  of  taking  refuge  in  the  citadel.  But  she 
soon  rallied,  and  showed  the  spirit  to  have  been  expected  in  the  daughter  of 
Charles  the  Fifth.  She  ordered  the  garrisons  to  be  strengthened  in  the  for- 
tresses throughout  the  country.  She  summoned  the  companies  of  ordonnance 
to  the  capital,  and  caused  them  to  renew  their  oaths  of  fidelity  to  the  khig. 
She  wrote  to  the  Spanish  ministers  at  the  neighbouring  courts,  hiforming  them 
of  the  league,  and  warned  them  to  allow  no  aid  to  be  sent  to  it  from  the  coun- 
tries where  they  resided.  Finally,  she  called  a  meeting  of  the  knights  of  the 
Golden  Fleece  and  the  council  of  state,  for  the  twenty-seventh  of  Mjirch,  to 
deliberate  on  the  perilous  situation  of  the  country.  Having  completed  these 
arrangements,  the  duche.ss  wrote  to  her  brother,  informing  him  exactlv  of  the 
condition  of  things  and  suggesting  what  seemed  to  her  counsellors  the  most 
effectual  remedy.  She  wrote  the  more  freely,  as  her  love  of  power  had  yielded 
to  a  sincere  desire  to  extricate  herself  from  the  trials  and  troubles  which 

There  were  but  two  courses,  she  said,  force  or  concession.*'  The  former,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  ruin  it  would  bring  on  the  land,  was  rendered  difficult  by 
want  of  money  to  pav  the  troops,  and  hy  the  want  of  trustworthy  officers  to 
command  them.  Concessions  must  consist  in  abolishing  the  Inquisition,— a 
useless  tribunal  where  sectaries  swarmed  openly  in  the  cities,— in  modifying 
the  edicts,  and  in  granting  a  free  pardon  to  all  who  had  signed  the  Compro- 
mise, provided  they  would  return  to  their  duty.*'  On  these  terms,  the  lords  of 
the  council  were  willing  to  guarantee  the  obedience  of  the  people.  At  all 
events,  they  promised  Margaret  their  support  in  enforcing  it.  She  would  not 
express  her  own  preference  for  either  of  the  alternatives  presented  to  Fhilip, 
but  would  faithfully  execute  his  commands,  whatever  they  might  be,  to  the 
best  of  her  ability.  Without  directly  expressing  her  preference,  it  was  pretty 
clear  on  which  side  it  lay.  Margaret  concluded  by  earnestly  beseeching  her 
brother  to  return  an  immediate  answer  to  her  despatches  by  the  courier  who 

bore  them.  , 

The  person  who  seems  to  have  enjoyed  the  largest  share  of  Margaret  s  con- 
fidence, at  this  time,  was  Egmont.  He  remained  at  Brussels,  and  still  kept 
his  seat  in  the  council,  after  William  had  withdrawn  to  his  estates  m  Breda. 
Yet  the  prince,  although  he  had  left  Brussels  in  disgust,  had  not  taken  part 
with  the  confederates,  much  less— as  was  falsely  rumoured,  and  to  his  great 
annoyance— put  himself  at  their  head.""  His  brother,  it  is  true,  and  some  of 
his  particular  friends,  had  joined  the  league.  But  Louis  declares  that  he  did 
so  without  the  knowledge  of  WilUam.    When  the  latter,  a  fortnight  after- 


*  [Sandwich  is  not  a  city,  and  Norwich, 
though  accessible  to  vessels  of  small  tonnage, 
is  not  a  sea-port ;  but  in  the  sixteenth  century 


both  places  were  relatively  more  important 
than  they  now  are,  and  had  a  direct  trade 
with  Antwerp.— Ed.1 


"  Supplement  a  Strada,  tom.  ii.  p.  293. 

'••  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.— Strada,  De  Bello 
Belgico,  tom.  i.  p.  212. 

"  Correspondance  de  Philippe  XL,  tom.  i. 
p.  402.— Strjda,  De  Bcllo  Belgico,  tom.  i.  p. 
212.— Corpspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Taci- 
turne,  torn.  ii.  p.  I32. 

*•  Supplement  a  Strada,  tom.  ii.  p.  294. 

•'  "Ostant  rinquisition,  qui  en  ce  temps 
est  tant  odieuse  .  .  .  et  ne  sert  quasi  de  i  iens, 
p<»ur  estre  les  Sect  aires  assez  cognuz;  mode- 
rant  quaut  et  quant  U  rigour  des  Placcarts ; 


.  .  .  publiant  aussy  quant  et  quant  pardon 
general  pour  ceulx  qui  se  sont  meslez  de 
laditte  Ligue."    Ibid.,  p.  295. 

"■"  ••  Le  Prince  d'Oranges  et  le  Comte  de 
Homes  disoyent  en  plain  conseil  qu'ils  estoy- 
eiit  d'intention  de  se  voulloir  retirer  en  leut;8 
maisons,  .  .  .  se  deuillans  mesmes  le  dit 
Prince,  que  I'on  le  tenoit  pour  suspect  et  pour 
chief  de  ceste  Confederation."  Extract  from 
the  Proces  d'Egmont,  in  the  Archives  de  la 
Malson  d'Orange-Nassau,  tom.  ii.  p.  42. 


242 


PHILIP'S  INFLEXIBILITY. 


ORANGE  AND  EGMONT. 


243 


wards,  learned  the  existence  of  the  league,  he  expre<?sed  his  entire  disapproba- 
tion of  it.**  He  even  used  his  authority,  we  are  told,  to  prevent  the  confede- 
rates from  resorting  to  some  violent  measures,  among  others  the  seizure  of 
Antwerp,  promising  that  he  would  aid  them  to  accomplish  their  ends  in  a 
more  orderly  way.*"'^  What  he  desired  was  to  have  the  states-general  called 
together  by  the  king.  But  he  would  not  assume  a  hostile  attitude,  like  that 
of  the  confederates,  to  force  him  into  this  unpalatable  measure."  When 
convened,  he  would  have  had  the  legislature,  without  transcending  its  con- 
stitutional limits,  remonstrate,  and  lay  the  grievances  of  the  nation  before  the 
throne. 

This  temperate  mode  of  proceeding  did  not  suit  the  hot  blood  of  the  younger 
confederates.  "Your  brother,"  writes  Hanies  to  Louis,  "is  too  slow  and 
lukewarm.  He  would  have  us  employ  only  remonstrance  against  these  hungry 
wolves ;  against  enemies  who  do  nothing  in  return  but  behead,  and  banish,  and 
burn  us.  We  are  to  do  the  talking,  and  they  the  acting.  We  must  fight  with 
the  pen,  while  they  fight  with  the  sword."  " 

The  truth  was,  that  William  was  not  possessed  of  the  fiery  zeal  which  ani- 
mated most  of  the  Reformers.  In  his  early  years,  as  we  have  seen,  he  had 
been  subjected  to  the  influence  of  the  Protestant  religion  at  one  period,  and 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  at  another.  If  the  result  of  this  had  been  to  beget  in 
him  something  like  a  philosophical  indifference  to  the  great  questions  in  dis- 
pute, it  had  proved  eminently  favourable  to  a  spirit  of  toleration.  He  shrank 
from  that  system  of  persecution  which  proscribed  men  for  their  religious 
opinions.  Soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  despatches  from  Segovia,  William 
wrote  to  a  friend,  "  The  king  orders  not  only  oostinate  heretics,  but  even  the 
penitent,  to  be  put  to  death.  I  know  not  how  I  can  endure  this.  It  does  not 
seem  to  me  to  be  acting  in  a  Christian  manner."**  In  another  letter  he  says, 
"  I  greatly  fear  these  despatches  will  drive  men  into  rebellion.  I  should  be 
glad,  if  I  could,  to  save  my  country  from  ruin,  and  so  many  innocent  persons 
from  slaughter.  But  when  I  say  anything  in  the  council  I  am  sure  to  be 
misinterpreted.  So  I  am  greatly  perplexed;  since  speech  and  silence  are 
equally  bad."  *' 

Actmg  with  his  habitual  caution,  therefore,  he  spoke  little,  and  seldom 
expressed  his  sentiments  in  writing.    '*  The  less  one  puts  in  writing,"  he  said 


'"  "De  laqueUe  estant  advertis  quelques 
quinze  jours  apres,  devant  que  les  conf^der^ 
8e  trouvassent  en  court,  nous  declarames 
ouvertement  et  rondement  qu'eUe  ne  nous 
plaisoit  pas.  et  que  ce  ne  nous  sambloit  estre 
le  vray  moyen  pour  maintenir  le  repos  et 
tranquillite  pnblique."  Extract  from  the 
"Justification"  of  William  (1567),  in  the 
Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau,  torn. 
U.  p.  11. 

•'  This  fact  rests  on  the  authority  of  a  MS. 
ascribed  to  Junius.  (Brandt,  Reformation  in 
the  Low  Count! ies,  Vi.l.  i.  p.  162.)  Groen, 
however,  distrusts  the  authenticity  «)f  this 
MS.  (Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau, 
torn.  ii.  p.  12.)  Yet,  whatever  may  be  thought 
of  the  expedition  against  Antwerp,  it  appears 
from  WilliamV  own  statement  that  the  con- 
federates did  meditate  some  dangerous  enter- 
prisen  from  which  he  dissuaded  them.  See 
his  "Apology."  in  Dumont,  Corps  diplo- 
matique, tom.  V.  p.  392. 

"  "  Les  estatz-generaulx  ayans  plelne  puis- 
sance, est  le  seul  remede  a  nos  maulx ;  nous 


avons  le  moyen  en  nostre  povoir  sans  aucune 
double  de  les  faire  assembler,  mais  on  ne  veult 
estre  gueri."  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange- 
Nassau,  tom.  ii.  p.  37. 

•^  "  lis  veullent  que  k  I'obstination  et  en- 
durclssement  de  ces  loups  affamez  nous  oppo- 
sions  remonstrances,  requestes  et  en  fin 
parolles,  la  ou  de  leur  coste  lis  ne  ce8.'»ent 
<le  brusler,  coupper  testes,  bannir  et  exercer 
leur  rage  en  tuutes  fa^ons.  Nous  avons  le 
moyen  de  les  refrener  sans  trouble,  sans  diffi- 
culle,  sans  effusion  de  sang,  sans  guerre,  et 
oil  ne  le  veult.  Soit  donques,  prenons  la 
p'lume  et  eux  I'espee,  nous  les  parolles,  eux  le 
faict."    Ibid  .  p.  :<6. 

•■  "Ire  Ma'-  gar  ernstlich  bevelt  das  man 
nitt  allain  die  sich  in  andere  leren  so  begeben, 
sol  verbrennen,  sonder  auch  die  sich  widdn- 
rumb  l)ekeren.  sol  koppen  lasen ;  welges  ich 
wahrlich  im  hertzen  liab  gefUlt,  dan  I>ei  mir 
nit  fiiiden  kan  dascrisilich  nochthuulich  ist." 
Ibid.,  tom.  i.  p.  440. 

••  Ibid.,  tom.  ii.  p.  30. 


i 


to  his  less  prudent  brother,  « the  better."  "   Yet  when  the  occasion  demanded 
it  he  did  not  shrink  from  a  plain  avowal  of  his  sentiments,  b<>th  m  speaking 
and  writing.    Such  was  the  speech  he  delivered  m  council  before  Egmonts 
jTrney  to  Spain  ;  and  in  the  .ame  key  was  the  letter  which  he  addressed  to 
the  regent  on  receiving  the  despatches  from  Segovia.   But^  ^^l*^^"^^' J!!'!.^^^. 
his  reserve,  his  real  opinions  were  not  misunderstood.    He  showed  them  too 
plainly  by  his  actions.    When  Philip's  final  instructions  were  made  known  to 
him  by  Margaret,  the  prince,  as  he  had  before  done  under  Granvelle,  ceased 
to  attend  thi  meetings  of  the  council,  and  withdrew  from  ^mssels  "    H^^^^^^^^ 
in  Breda,  and  afterwards  in  Hoogstraten,  m  the  spring  of  1566,  a  n^^ni^er  of 
the  principal  nobles,  under  cover,  as  usual,  of  a  banquet     Discussions  took 
place  on  the  state  of  the  country,  and  some,  of  the  confederates  who  vs.ere 
mesent  at  the  former  place  were  for  more  violent  measures  than  William 
approved.    As  he  could  not  bring  them  over  to  his  own  ,[ei"Perate  policy,  he 
acuuiesced  in  the  draft  of  a  petition,  which,  as  we  shall  see  m  the  ensuing 
chap  er"pre.4nted  to  the\egent.-    On  the  whole,  up  to  the  penod  at 
which  we  are  arrived,  the  conduct  of  the  prince  of  Orange  must  be  afiowed  to 
have  been  wise  and  consistent.    In  some  respects  it  forms  a  contrast  to  that 
of  his  more  brilliant  rival,  Count  Egmont. 

This  nobleman  was  sincerely  devoted  to  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.  He  was 
staunch  in  his  loyalty  to  the  king.  At  the  same  time  he  was  ardent^  attached 
"country,  and  felt  a  generous  indignation  at  the  wrongs  she  «}itfemHrom 
her  rulers  Thus  Egmont  was  acted  on  by  opposite  feehngs ;  and,  as  he  was 
a  man  of  impulse,  hi!  conduct,  as  he  yielded  sometimes  U>  the  one  and  sonie- 
times  to  the  other  of  these  influences,  might  be  charged  with  inconsistency. 
None  chartred  him  with  insincerity.  ,     ,  ,  .,  i.    i.-  ^ 

Therrwrthat  in  Egmont's  character  which  eariy  led  the  penetrating 
Granvelle  to  point  him  out  to  Philip  as  a  man  who  by  politic  treatnient  might 
be  s^cu  ed  t^^^^^^^  cause.-    PUp  and  his  sister,  the  regent  both  acted 

on  thrhii  t  They  would  hardly  have  attempted  as  much  with  Wilham. 
Egmont's  personal  vanity  made  him  more  accessible  to  their  Woaches^  t 
wis  this,  perhaps,  quite  as  much  as  any  feeling  of  loyalty,  )^hich,  not  with- 
stendiniT  the  affront  put  on  him,  a.s  he  conceived  by  the  king,  induced  hiin  to 
rmain  at  BriLssels  Lid  supply  the  place  in  the  counsels  of  the  regent  which 
wXni  had  left  vacant.  \et  we  find  one  of  Granvelle's  correspondents 
sSigTEglnt  2  t^  closely  united  with  the  lords  to  be  detacfied  from 
Kf^' To  sly  truth,''  says  the  writer,  "  he  even  falters  in  his  religion  •  and 
whatever  he  Sr  a^^^^^  on  this  point,  he  will  be  sure  to  say  the  contrary 
to  morrow^^^^  a  man,  who  coJdd  not  be  true  to  himself,  could  hardly 

'"Thef  pVt"^^^^^^  writes  the  regent's  secretaiy,  «  as  the  boldest 

7hlt  other  men  dare  not  say."^*    This  was  after  the  despatches  had 


to  say 

•'  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau, 
tom.  i.  p.  432. 

"  Hopper,  Recueil  et  Memorial,  p.  67. 

••  "  Tant  y  a  que  craignant  qu'il  n'en  suivit 
une  tres  dangereuse  issue  et  estimant  que 
cette  voye  e.stoit  la  plus  douce  et  vrayment 
juridique,  je  confesse  n'avoir  trouve  mauvais 
que  la  Requeste  fut  presentee."  Apology,  in 
Dumont,  tom.  v.  p.  392. 

'"  "  He  escripto  diversas  vezes  que  era  men 
ganar  a  M.  d'Aigmont;  el  es  de  quien  S.  M. 
puede  hechar  mano  y  conflar  mas  que  de  todos 
los  otros,  y  es  amigo  de  humo,  y  hazieudole 


algun  favor  extraordinario  sefialado  que  no 
se  haga  &  otros,  demas  que  sera  ganarle 
mucho,  pondra  zelos  &  los  otros."  Granvelle 
to  Gonzalo  Perez.  June  27th,  1563,  Papiers 
d'fitat  de  Granvelle,  tom.  vii.  p.  115. 

'»  "  II  est  tant  lye  avec  les  Seigneurs,  qu  u 
n'y  a  moien  de  le  retirer,  et  pour  dire  vray, 
nutat  in  religione,  et  ce  qu'il  dira  en  ce 
aujourd'huy,  il  dira  tout  le  contraire  lende- 
main."  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange- 
Nassau,  Supplement,  p.  25.  ,  .      ,       , 

"  "  Ce  seigneur  est  a  present  celui  qui  parte 
le  plus,  et  que  les  autres  mettent  en  avant, 


244 


THE  CONFEDERATES. 


been  received.  " He  complains  bitterly,"  continues  the  writer,  "of  the  king's 
insincerity.  The  prince  has  move  Jinesse.  He  has  also  more  credit  with  the 
nation.  If  you  could  gain  him,  you  will  secure  all."^»  Yet  Philip  did  not 
try  to  gain  him.  With  all  his  wealth,  he  was  not  rich  enough  to  do  it.  He 
knew  this,  and  he  hated  William  with  the  hatred  which  a  despotic  monarch 
naturally  bears  to  a  vassal  of  such  a  temper.  He  perfectly  understood  the 
character  of  William.  The  nation  understood  it  too;  and,  with  all  their 
admiration  for  the  generous  qualities  of  Egmont,  it  was  to  his  greater  rival 
that  they  looked  to  guide  them  in  the  coming  struggle  of  the  revolutioa 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  CONFEDERATES. 
Designs  of  the  Confederates— They  enter  Brussels— The  Petition— The  Gueux. 

1666. 

The  party  of  the  malecontents  in  the  Netherlands  comprehended  persons  of 
very  ditferent  opinions,  who  were  by  no  means  uniformly  satisfied  with  the 
reasonable  objects  proposed  by  the  Compromise.  Some  demanded  entire 
hberty  of  conscience.  Others  would  not  have  stopped  short  of  a  revolution 
that  would  enable  the  country  to  shake  off  the  Spanish  yoke.  And  another 
class  of  men  without  principle  of  any  kind— such  as  are  too  often  thrown  up 
in  strong  political  fermentations— looked  to  these  intestine  troubles  as  ottering 
the  means  of  repairing  their  own  fortunes  out  of  the  wreck  of  their  country's. 
Yet,  with  the  exception  of  the  last,  there  were  few  who  would  not  have  been 
content  to  accept  the  Compromise  as  the  basis  of  their  demands. 

The  winter  had  passed  away,  however,  and  the  confederacy  had  wrought 
no  change  in  the  conduct  of  the  government.  Indeed,  the  existence  of  the 
confederacy  would  not  appear  to  have  been  known  to  the  regent  till  the  latter 
part  of  February,  1566.  It  was  not  till  the  close  of  the  following  month  that 
it  was  formally  disclosed  to  her  by  some  of  the  great  lords.*  If  it  was  known 
to  her  before,  Margaret  must  have  thought  it  prudent  to  affect  ignorance  till 
some  overt  action  on  the  part  of  the  league  called  for  her  notice. 

It  became  then  a  question  with  the  meml)ers  of  the  lea^e  what  was  next 
to  be  done.  It  was  finally  resolved  to  present  a  petition  in  the  name  of  the 
whole  body  to  the  regent,  a  measure  Avhich,  as  already  intimated,  received 
the  assent,  if  not  the  approbation,  of  the  prince  of  Orange.  The  paper  was 
prepared,  as  it  would  seem,  in  William's  own  house  at  Brussels,  by  his  brother 
Louis,  and  was  submitted,  we  are  told,  to  the  revision  of  the  prince,  who  thus 
had  it  in  his  power  to  mitigate,  in  more  than  one  instance,  the  vehemence,  or 
rather  violence,  of  the  expressions.* 


pour  dire  les  choses  qu'ils  n'oseraient  dire 
eux-memes."  Correspondance  de  Philippe 
Jl.,  torn.  i.  p.  391. 

■"'  "  Le  prince  d'Orange  precede  avec  plus 
de  finesse  que  M.  d'Kgniont:  11  a  plus  de 
credit  en  general  et  tn  particulier,  et,  si  Ton 
pouvait  le  gagner,  on  s'assurerait  de  tout  le 
reste."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

'  Ibid.,  pp.  399, 401. 


»  "  Libello  ab  Orangio  ca>terisque  in  lenius 
verbiirum  genus  commutito."  Vander  Haer, 
De  Initiis  Tumultuuni.  p.  207. — Aionzo  del 
Canto,  the  royal  conlador,  takes  a  different 
and  by  no  means  so  probable  a  view  of  Wil- 
liam's amendments:  "Quand  les  seigneurs 
tenaient  leurs  assemblees  secretes  a  Bruxelies, 
c'etaiten  la  maison  du  prince  d'Orangp,  ou  ils 
entraient  de  nuit  par  la  porte  de  derriere :  ce 


) 


I 


I] 


THEIR  DESIGNS. 


245 


To  give  greater  effect  to  the  petition,  it  was  determined  that  a  large  depu- 
tation from  the  league  should  accompany  its  presentation  to  the  regent. 
Notice  was  given  to  four  hundred  of  the  confederates  to  assemble  at  the 
beginning  of  April.  They  were  to  come  well  mounted  and  armed,  prepared 
at  once  to  proceed  to  Brussels.  Among  the  number  thus  enrolled,  we  find 
three  gentlemen  of  Margaret's  own  household,  as  well  as  some  members  of 
the  companies  of  ordonwince  commanded  by  the  prince,  and  by  the  Counts 
Egmont  and  Hoorne,  and  other  great  lords.'  ,.        ,  ^u  -i 

The  duchess,  informed  of  these  proceedings,  called  a  meeting  of  the  council 
of  state  and  the  knights  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  to  determine  on  the  course  to 
be  pursued.  The  discussion  was  animated,  as  there  was  much  ditlerence  of 
opinion  Some  agreed  with  Count  Barlaimont  in  regarding  the  measure  m 
the  light  of  a  menace.  Such  a  military  array  could  have  no  other  object  than 
to  overawe  the  government,  and  was  an  insult  to  the  regent.  In  the  present 
excited  state  of  the  people,  it  would  be  attended  with  the  greatest  danger  to 
allow  their  entrance  into  the  capital.*    ,,  ,        ,,  ^,  ,       ,      ..^ 

The  prince  of  Orange,  who  had  yielded  to  Margaret's  earnest  entreaties 
that  he  would  attend  this  meeting,  took  a  different  view  of  the  matter.     Ihe 
number  of  the  delegates,  he  said,  only  proved  the  interest  taken  in  the 
petition     They  were  men  of  rank,  some  of  them  kinsmen  or  personal  mends 
of  those  present.    Their  characters  and  position  in  the  country  were  sufficient 
sureties  that  thev  meditated  no  violence  to  the  state.    They  were  the  repre- 
sentatives of  an  ancient  order  of  nobility  ;  and  it  would  be  strange  indeed  if 
thev  were  to  be  excluded  from  the  right  of  petition,  enjoyed  by  the  humblest 
individual.    In  the  course  of  the  debate,  William  made  some  personal  allusions 
to  his  own  situation,  delivering  himself  with  great  warmth.     His  enemies,  he 
said,  had  the  royal  ear,  and  would  persuade  the  king  to  kill  him  and  confiscate 
his  property  *    He  was  even  looked  upon  as  the  head  of  the  confederacy,    it 
was  of  no  use  for  him  to  give  his  opinion  in  the  council,  where  it  was  sure  to 
be  misinterpreted.    All  that  remained  for  him  was  to  ask  leave  to  resign  his 
offices  and  withdraw  to  his  estates.^    Count  Hoorne  followed  m  much  the 
same  key,  inveighing  bitterly  against  the  ingratitude  of  Phihp.     1  he  two 
nobles  yielded,  at  length,  so  far  to  Margaret's  remonstrances  as  to  give  their 
opinions  on  the  course  to  be  pursued.    But  when  she  endeavoured  to  recall 
them  to  their  duty  by  reminding  them  of  their  oaths  to  the  king,  they  boldly 
replied,  they  would  willingly  lay  down  their  lives  for  their  country,  but  would 
never  draw  sword  for  theldicts  or  the  Inquisition.^    William's  views  m  regard 
to  the  admission  of  the  confederates  into  Brussels  were  supported  by  much 
the  greater  part  of  the  assembly,  and  finally  prevailed  with  the  regent. 

On  the  third  of  April,  1566,  two  hundred  of  the  confederates  entered  the 
gates  of  Brussels.    They  were  on  horseback,  and  each  man  w^  furnished 
with  a  brace  of  pistols  in  his  holsters,  wearing  in  other  respects  only  the  usua 
arms  of  a  private  gentleman.    The  Viscount  Brederode  and  Louis  of  Nassau 
rode  at  their  heacL"    They  prudently  conformed  to  WOliam's  advice,  not  to 


fut  la  que  la  requete  des  conf^deres  fut  mo- 
difiee  et  rendu  pire."  Corre.-pondance  de 
Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  411. 

^  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau, 
tom.  ii.  p.  59,  et  seq. 

*  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  tom.  i.  p.  213. 

"  "  Homines  genti  Nassavi*  infensissimos 
de  nece  ipsius  deque  fortunarum  omnium 
publicatione  agitavisse  cum  Rege."  Vander 
Haer,  De  Initiis  Tumultuum.  p.  215.  bee 
also  CoiTJspoiulance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i. 


p.  403.  ,  „ 

•  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  II. 

p.  404. 

■'  "  lis  repondirent  qu'ils  ne  vonlaient  pa.<* 
se  battre  pour  le  maintien  de  I'inquisition  et 
des  placards,  nlais  qu'ils  le  feraient  puur  la 
conservation  du  pays."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

*  "Eo  ipso  die  sub  vesperam  c«»njuratl 
Bruxellas  advenere.  Erant  ilU  in  equls  om- 
nlno  ducentl,  forensi  veste  ornati,  gesta- 
bantque  singull  bina  ante  ephippium  solo- 


246 


THE  CONFEDERATES. 


hrinff  anv  forei^mers  in  their  train,  and  to  enter  the  city  quietly,  without 
Sipt^ncr  to  stir  the  populace  bv  any  iniHtary  display,  or  the  re^K>rt  of  fire- 
frms  •  Thei?  comiiu^  wai  welcomed  with  general  joy  by  the  inhabitants  who 
CTSted  then  as  a  ba7id  of  patriots  ready  to  do  battle  for  the  ibert.es  of  their 
Stry  They  easily  foiinJ  quarters  in  the  houses  of  the  principal  citizens^; 
and  Louis  ai/d  Brederode  were  lodged  in  the  mansion  of  the  prmce  of 

^  oXe  following  day  a  meeting  of  the  confederates  was  held  at  the  hotel 
nf  Count  Smborff  where  they  listened  to  a  letter  which  Brederode  had  just 
?eSfrl^  nforinin/him  of  the  death  of  Morone,  a  Flemish  noble- 

mfn  well  knowriotheni  all,  who  had  perished  in  the  flames  of  the  Inquisi- 
Son  ^^  With  feelings  exasperated  by  this  gloomy  recital,  they  renewed  m 
the  most  siLnmai'mer,  their  oaths  of  fidelity  to  the  e<igue  An  apphcation 
was  then  made  to  Margaret  for  leave  to  lay  their  Petition  before  her.  The 
day  following  was  assigned  for  the  act ;  and  at  noon  on  the  fifth  of  April 
thJ  whX  company  walked  in  solemn  procession  through  the  streets  of 
Brusrels  to  th™ mlace  of  the  regent.  She  received  them,  surrounded  by  the 
krds  in  the  gre^t  Si  adjoining  the  council-chamber.  .  As  they  defiled  before 
hPr  the  confederates  ran-ed  tliemselves  along  the  sides  of  the  apartment 
MlVgaret  s^Sis  ^^^^^^^^^  somewhat  disconcerted  by  the  presence  o    so 

martial  an^rmy  within  the  walls  of  her  palace.    But  she  soon  recovered  her- 

"tt"df;illK^^^^^^^  the  petition,  and  he  prefaced  it  by  a 

short  addres.s.  They  had  come  in  such  numbers,  he  said,  the  better  to  show 
their  respect  to  the  regent,  and  the  deep  interest  they  took  in  the  cause. 
They  had  been  accused  of  opening  a  correspondence  with  foreign  pnnces, 
which  he  affirmed  to  be  a  malicious  slander,  and  boldly  demanded  to  be  con- 
Fronted  with  the  authors  of  it.»  Notwithstanding  this  stout  denial,  it  is  very 
possible  the  audience  did  not  place  implicit  confidence  in  the  assertions  of  the 
beaker  He  then  presented  the  petition  to  the  regent,  expressing  the  hope 
tCshe  wSild  approve  of  it,  as  dictated  only  by  tleir  desire  to  l^romote  t^^^^ 
Xv  of  the  king  and  the  good  of  the  country.  If  this  was  itsM^biect  Mai- 
faret  repM,  shf  doubted  not  she  should  be  content  with  it.-  The  following 
day  was  named  for  them  again  to  wait  on  her  and  receive  her  answer. 

The  instrument  began  with  a  general  statement  of  the  distresses  of  the 
land,  much  like  that  in  the  Compromise,  but  couched  in  more  respectful  lan- 
guac^e.  The  petitioners  had  hoped  that  the  action  of  the  great  lords,  or  of 
the  states-general,  would  have  led  to  some  reform.  But  finding  these  had 
not  moved  in  the  matter,  while  the  evil  went  on  increasing  from  day  to  day, 
until  ruin  was  at  the  gate,  they  had  come  to  beseech  her  highness  to  lay  the 
subject  herself  before  the  king,  and  implore  his  majesty  to  save  the  country 
from  perdition  by  the  instant  abolition  of  both  the  Inquisition  and  the  edicts 
Far  from  wishing  to  dictate  laws  to  their  sovereign,  they  humbly  besought 
her  to  urge  on  him  the  necessity  of  convoking  the  states-general  and  devising 
with  them  some  etfectual  remedy  for  the  existing  evils.    Meanwhile  they 


peta,   pra?ibat  ductor  Brederodius,  juxtaqiie 
Ludovicus     NassaviuB.  '      Strada,    De   Bello 
Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  221. 
•  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau, 

torn.  ii.  pp.  7*t  75- 

'»  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  I.  p.  221. 

"  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

"  Ibid,     pp.     222.     226.— Vandervynrkt. 
Troubles  deg  Pays-Bas,  torn.  ii.  p.   13«.— 


Meterpn,  Hist,  des  Pays-Baff,  fol.  40. 

»*  "  Nobiles  enixi  earn  rogaie,  ut  proforat 
noxnina  eorum  qui  hoc  detuhre:  cogatqie 
illos  accuRationem  legitime  ac  palam  adur- 
nare."    Strada,    De    Bello    Belgico,   torn.   i. 

p.  222. 

•"  "Quando  nonnipi  R'^gls  dipmitfltem,  pa- 
triipque  s.ilutem  8p<H^tabant.  liaud  dubie  |kj8- 
tulatis  featlsfacturam."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


THE  PETITION. 


247 


m 


"'fesixth,  the  confeden^tes  a.---";t^,i%tn^£e:^^^^^^^^^^ 

day,  and  her  answer  was  made  to  them  in  writing,  oemg  luuui 
""sTannounoed  in  it  her  purpose  of  .^ing  all  her  i-^^^'^^^^^  j:\^ 

Fleece,  prepared  a  scheme  for  moderating  the  ed^s,  w^ 
majesty,  ™hich  she  trusted  would  satisfy  the  nation^   ihey       ^^  ^^^  ,^^.^ 
be  aware  that  she  herself  had  no  P°*f '  t«„^"f,l^!^  '  tn  nroceed  with  all  d  s- 
But  she  would  send  instructions  to  the  '"<1"  f  Xv  .hou?d  teirn  the  kings 
cretion  in  the  exercise  oJ  the.r  f unctio..^^^^^^^^  Sd  so  den^™  thenu^elvi 

t^r^r^t  r^^^^l^^f^^^z'Zt  t^llt^dt  tier's 
^^Lty=u^:?:^ra;/ruhthT;s^ 

rather  to  uphold  it  m  all  its  Y^^o^^'  •  ,      favourable  in  its  import, 

she  laboured,  and  they  thanked  her  for  *««  f  ^  pr^eedln^  cSinect«d  with 
it  may  be  remarked,  slie  never  did  give-that  all  P[f5^^'",^aiesty's  pleasure 
the  Inouisition  and  the  edicts  ~  he  ^^X^^Xcoiifor^  to  wLtev^^  the 

^ruk^rhTdrfLih-^i?^^^ 

tion  to  her  highness.  .    ,  ^^^  for  offence 

To  this  the  duchess  briefly  replied,  that  it  tnere  were  diiy  ^ 


»»  The  copy  of  this  documpnt  given  by 
Groen  is  from  the  papers  of  Count  r^ms  of 
Nassau,  Archives  de  la  Maison  d  Orange- 
Nassau,  torn.  ii.  pp.  80-84.  , 

'•  ••  Lesquels  ue  doibvent  esperer.  sinon 
toute  chose  digne  et  conforme  a  sa  bentgmte 
naijve  et  accoustumee."  Archiyos  de  la 
Maison  d'Orange-Nassau  torn.  ii.  p.  84^-TbB 
plirase  mupt  have  sounded  oddly  enough  in 
the  ears  of  the  confederates. 


"  "Pendant  que  s'attend  sa  responce.  Son 
Altezedonnera  ordre,  que  tant  P^r  les  mqm- 
siteurs,  ou  il  y  en  a  en  jusques  ores,  que  par 
£  Siers  reVctivementj^soit  procede  d.8. 

cretement  et  mode«temcnt  "    Ibid  ,  p.  85. 

'•  "Ne  desious  sii.un  d'ensuyvre  tout  ce 
que  par  Sa  Ma'-*-  avecq  I'advis  et  consente- 
^nt^des  estats-generaulx  f^^^^ez  ^^^^J 
ordonne  pour  le  niaintenement  de  1  anchieune 
religion."    Ibid.,  p.  86. 


248 


THE  CONFEDERATES. 


hereafter  it  would  be  chargeable  not  on  her,  but  on  them.  She  prayed  the 
confederates  henceforth  to  desist  from  their  secret  practices,  and  lo  invite  no 
new  member  to  join  their  body.*" 

This  brief  and.  admonitory  reply  seems  not  to  have  been  to  the  taste  of  the 
petitioners,  who  would  willingly  have  drawn  from  Margaret  some  expression 
that  might  be  construed  into  a  sanction  of  their  proceedings.  After  a  short 
deliberation  among  themselves,  the^  again  addressed  her  by  the  mouth  of  one 
cf  their  own  number,  the  lord  of  Kerdes.  The  speaker,  after  again  humbly 
thanking  the  regent  for  her  favourable  answer,  said  that  it  would  have  given 
still  greater  satisfaction  to  his  associates  if  she  would  but  have  declared,  in  the 
presence  of  the  great  lords  assembled,  that  she  took  the  union  of  the  con- 
federates in  good  part  and  for  the  service  of  the  king ; "  and  he  concluded 
with  promising  that  they  would  henceforth  do  all  in  tlieir  power  to  give  con- 
tentment to  her  highness. 

To  all  this  the  duchess  simply  replied,  she  had  no  doubt  of  it.  When  again 
pressed  by  the  persevering  deputy  to  express  her  opinion  of  this  assembly, 
she  bluntly  answered,  she  could  form  no  judgment  in  the  matter.''  She  gave 
pretty  clear  evidence,  however,  of  her  real  opinion,  soon  after,  by  dismissing 
the  three  gentlemen  of  her  household  whom  we  have  mentioned  as  having 
joined  the  league.'^'' 

As  Margaret  found  that  the  confederates  were  not  altogether  satisfied  with 
her  response  to  their  petition,  she  allowed  Count  Hoogstraten,  one  of  her 
councillors,  to  inform  some  of  them,  privately,  that  she  had  already  written  to 
the  provinces  to  have  all  processes  in  affairs  of  religion  stayed  until  Philip's 
decision  should  be  known.  To  leave  no  room  for  distrust,  the  count  was 
allowed  to  show  them  copies  of  the  letters.*' 

The  week  spent  by  the  league  in  Brussels  was  a  season  of  general  jubilee. 
At  one  of  the  ban([uets  given  at  Culemborg  House,  where  three  hundred  con- 
federates were  present,  Srederode  presided.  During  the  repast  he  related  to 
some  of  the  company,  who  had  arrived  on  the  day  after  the  petition  was  de- 
livered, the  manner  in  which  it  had  been  received  by  the  duchess.  She  seemed 
at  first  disconcerted,  he  said,  by  the  ninnber  of  the  confederate^,  but  was 
reassured  by  Barlaimont,  who  told  her  "  they  were  nothing  but  a  crowd  of 
beggars."  2*      This  greatly  incensed  some  of  the  company,— with  whom, 

Erobably,  it  was  too  true  for  a  jest.  But  Brederode,  taking  it  more  good- 
uraouredly,  said  that  he  and  his  friends  had  no  objection  to  the  name,  since 
they  were  ready  at  any  time  to  become  beggars  for  the  service  of  their  king 
and.  country."    This  sally  was  received  with  great  applause  by  the  guests, 

people  might  not  Interpret  it  into  a  condem- 
nation of  their  procetdings.  To  this  Mar- 
garet replied,  with  Rome  ppiiit.  that  it  was 
her  own  |>rivate  aff.iir.  and  she  claimed  the 
right  tliat  belonged  to  every  other  individual, 
of  managing  her  own  household  in  her  own 
way.— One  will  readily  b<'lleve  thnt  T/juis 
did  not  act  by  the  advice  of  his  brother  in  this 
matter.  See  the  correspondence  as  collected 
by  the  diligent  Groen,  Archives  de  la  Maison 
d'Orange-Nassau,  tom.  ii.  pp.  100-105. 

"■'  Metrren,  Hist,  des  I'ays-Bas,  fol.  41. 

"*  "Ilium  quidem,  ut  Gubornatricis  anl- 
mam  firmaret,  ita  locutnra,  qua.si  n  hil  ei  & 
mendicis  ac  nebulonibus  pertiniescendum 
esset."    Strada,  De  Bt  llo  Belgico,  tom.  1.  p. 


"  ••  VotiB  prians  de  ne  passer  plus  avant 
par  petites  practicques  secretes  et  de  n'attirer 
plus  personne."  Archives  de  la  Maisun 
d'Orange-Nassau,  tom.  ii.  p.  88. 

ao  1.  ffQ  bonne  part  et  pour  le  service  du 
Roy."     Ibid.,  p.  89. 

•'*  "Et  comme  ma  dite  dame  respondit 
qu'elle  le  croyt  ainsy.  n'affermant  nullenient 
en  quelle  part  elle  recevoit  noatre  ussemblee, 
luy  fut  replicque  par  le  dit.  S""  de  Kerdes : 
Madame,  il  plairast  a  V.  A.  en  dire  ce  qu'elle 
en  sent,  a  qiioy  elle  respondit  qu'elle  ne  pou- 
voit  juger."  Ibi'i.,  ubi  supra. — See  also 
Strada  (De  Bello  Belgico,  t<>m.  i.  p.225\  who, 
however,  despatches  ibis  interview  with  the 
Seigneur  de  Kerdes  in  a  couple  of  sentences. 

'■■'  Count  Louis  drew  up  a  petition  to  the 
duchess,  or  rather  a  remonstrance,  requesting 
her   to  state  the  motives  of  this  act,   that 


226. 

"  «•  Se  ver6  libenter  appellationcm  lUam, 
qua:  ea  cumquc  esset,  accipere,  ac  Regis  pa- 


THE  GUEUX. 


249 


who,  as  they  drank  to  one  another,  shouted  forth,  "  Vivent  les  Gueuxl" — 
"  Long  live  the  beggars  ! " 

Brederode,  finding  the  jest  took  so  well,— an  event,  indeed,  for  which  he 
seems  to  have  been  prepared, — left  the  room,  and  soon  returned  with  a  beggar's 
wallet,  and  a  wooden  bowl,  such  as  was  used  by  the  mendicant  fraternity  in 
the  Netherlands.  Then,  pledging  the  company  in  a  bumper,  he  swore  to 
devote  his  life  and  fortune  to  the  cause.  The  wallet  and  the  bowl  went  round 
the  table  ;  and,  as  each  of  the  merry  guests  drank  in  turn  to  his  confederates, 
the  shout  arose  of  "  ViveiU  les  Gueux  !  "  until  the  hall  rang  with  the  mirth 
of  the  revellers.'* 

It  happened  that  at  the  time  the  prince  of  Orange  and  the  Counts  Egmont 
and  Hoorne  were  passing  by  on  their  way  to  the  council.  Their  attention  was 
attracted  by  the  noise,  and  they  paused  a  moment,  when  William,  who  knew 
well  the  temper  of  the  jovial  company,  proposed  that  they  should  go  in  and 
endeavour  to  break  up  their  revels.  "We  may  have  some  business  of  the 
council  to  transact  witii  these  men  this  evening,"  he  said,  "  and  at  this  rate 
they  will  hardly  be  in  a  condition  for  it."  The  appearance  of  the  three  nobles 
gave  a  fresh  impulse  to  the  boisterous  merriment  of  the  company  ;  and  as  the 
new-comers  pledged  their  friends  in  the  wine-cup,  it  was  received  with  the 
same  thundering  acclamations  of  "  Vivent  les  Gueux  /  " ''  This  incident,  of 
so  little  importance  in  itself,  was  afterwards  made  of  consequence  by  the  turn 
that  was  ^ven  to  it  in  the  prosecution  of  the  two  unfortunate  noblemen  who 
accompanied  the  prince  of  Orange. 

Every  one  knows  the  importance  of  a  popular  name  to  a  faction,— a  nom  de 
guerre,  under  which  its  members  may  rally  and  make  head  together  as  an 
independent  party.  Such  the  name  of  ^^  Gu£u.v"  now  became  to  the  con- 
federates. It  soon  was  understood  to  signify  those  who  were  opposed  to  the 
government,  and,  in  a  wider  sense,  to  the  Roman  Catholic  religion.  In  every 
language  in  which  the  history  of  these  acts  has  been  recorded,— the  Latin, 
German,  Spanish,  or  English,— the  French  term  Gueux  is  ever  employed  to 
designate  this  party  of  malecontents  in  the  Netherlands.'* 

It  now  became  common  to  follow  out  the  original  idea  by  imitations  of  the 
diflerent  article.^  used  by  mendicants.  Staffs  were  procured,  after  the  fashion 
of  those  in  the  hands  of  the  pilgrims,  but  more  elaoorately  carved.  Wooden 
bowls,  spoons,  and  knives  became  in  great  request,  though  richly  inlaid  with 
silver,  according  to  the  fancy  or  wealth  of  the  possessor.  Medals  resembling 
those  stuck  by  the  beggars  in  their  bonnets  were  worn  as  a  badge ;  and  the 
"  Gueux  penny,"  as  it  was  called,— a  gold  or  silver  coin,— was  hung  from  the 
neck,  bearing  on  one  side  the  ethgy  of  Philip,  with  the  inscription,  "  Fideles 
au  roi  ;  "  and  on  the  other,  two  hands  grasping  a  beggar's  wallet,  with  the 
further  legend,  '^jusques  d  porter  la  besace  ;  "— "  Faithful  to  the  king,  even 

et  les  comtes  d'Egmont  et  de  Homes  vinrent 
a  la  maison  de  Culembourg  apres  le  diner ; 
ils  burent  avec  les  confederes,   et  crierent 


trispque  raus4  Gheusios  se  mendicosque  re 
ipsa  futuros."  Strada,  De  Bello  B  Igico,  ubi 
supra. 

"•  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico.  ubi  supra.— 
Vander  Haer,  De  Initiis  Tumultuum,  p.  211. 
— Correspondance  de  Philippe  IL,  tom.  i.  p. 
149. — Vandervynckt.  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas, 
tom.  ii.  p.  142,  et  seq. — This  last  author  tells 
the  story  with  uncommon  animation. 

"  So  says  Strada.  (De  Bello  Belgico,  tom. 
II.  p.  227.)  But  the  duchess,  in  a  letter  written 
in  cipher  to  the  king,  tells  him  that  the  three 
lords  pledged  the  company  in  the  same  toast 
of  "  Vivent  les  Gueux!"'  that  had  been  going 
the  rounda  of  the  table.  "  Le  prince  d'Oranges 


aussi  vivent  les  gueux ! "    Correspondance  de 
Philippe  II.,  tom.  \.  p.  409. 

'"  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  tom.  i.  p.  227. 
— Vandervynckt,  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas,  tom. 
ii.  p.  143. — The  word  gueux  is  derived  by 
Vander  Haer  from  Goth^  in  the  old  German 
form,  Geute :  "  Eand^m  esse  earn  vocem  gai- 
licam  qusB  esset  Teutonum  vox,  Geut-n, 
quam  maiores  vel  Gothis  genti  Barbarap  trl- 
buissent,  vel  odio  Gothici  nomini-j  convicium 
fecissent."    De  Initiis  Tumultuum,  p.  212. 


250  FREEDOM  OF  WORSHIP. 

.      xi-        n  *.  »2»    T?van  ihp  frariTients  of  the  mendicant  were  affected 

?;iaUT|h1  t^'^Ttu^  t^^  ^^tsSfand  the  other  cities  of  th« 

Netherlands. "»  „„„f«lpratps  auitt«d  Brussels,  in  the  orderly 

On  the  tenth  of  April,  the  «'P;^t^*^,%g"I™,issi,i„,,f,.oni  the  gate,  they 
mannerinwhichtheyhadentered.;  except  that, on  1^^^^^^  |l^.^|.  ^^^ 

announced  their  departure  >>y  ^img  ^..^^'l^W  m^onour  ^^^^^^^^  ^^^  _^^^ 
given  them  so  hospitable  a  we'coine        ineir  throughout  the  country, 

created  a  great  sensation  •"  *«X*''  as  H  were,  life  a  band  of  secret 
Hitherto  tie  ^<>^^^f^l^t:'^thf.'^ltrthe  light  of  day,  boldly 
conspirators.  But  they  haa  '»™  "^"'•;  '"  ,  Jemanding  redress  of  the  wrongs 
presenting  themselves  before  *>'«  ^ ^?en>  *" J„%3^' "Sok  heart,  as  they  saw 
Snder  which  the  nation  was  g[<»'"»K-„>,°lPKsaults  of  arbitrary  power. 
?his  broad  a^gis  extended  over  *«"^ »»  "*[„*^,  ?^Ttt  il.^^^  the 

Their  hopes  grew  ^tron|^r^  a  they  te«m^  a^^^^  eould^ardly  doubt 

regent  and  the  great  lords  m  tneir  javour ,  »i  j  government, 

that  the  voice  o!  the  country,  b^^^ed  as  it  was  by  t^iat  oi         g      ^  ^^^^ 
would  make  itself  heard  at  «»' "d,  and  tltet  m^^^^  a     ^h^^^  ^^.^^^ 

Ef^lSf  ;™vir""rf^  yett  K^e  c'Cacter  of  their  sovereign. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

FBEEDOM  OF  WORSHIP. 

,  ,    mv    ■..-..    Th»  Public  PreacMnns— Attempt  to  supprCM  them— 
Tbe  Edict,  »«»P«-»'«d-'I^;,S^*|rT™.d%Sulp"  CoocUons. 

1666. 

On  quitting  Brussels,  the  confederates  left  the^fo^^^^^ 

sort  of  committee  to  watch  over  the  "'t«^^f  .l$''*Se  road  to  Antwerp, 
of  the  remainder,  with  Brederode  at  *e.r  hei«^,  took   he^^         ^^^.^^. , 

They  were  hardly  established  '"their  quarto^  ^,.^_^^^  ^ 

was  surrounded  ty  thou^nds  ««  *« '°]^ti?^"*^1fSony,  and,  a.ldressing 
tumultuous  welcome.     Brfderode  came  out  on  we  ^aic  ^,        ,  ^^.^  ^^ 

the  crowd,  told  them  that  he  had  c°n  e  ther^  at  t^e  na  ^.^  ^^^^^^ 

&it'Z>t:.tAV'^r.  ret^al'th'^o^ft  ^il^  in  the  farthest 

'  .    •  «  _  .     rk -,..>.     Ti^m      ^r\n\ 


THE  EDICTS  SUSPENDED. 


251 


\ 


-  Vaiider  Haer,  De  Initlis  TumuUuum, 
loc  cit  — StTrtda,  De  Belio  Iklgico,  torn.  i.  p. 

des  Vaderland8,ha8  given  engravings  of  theNe 
medals,  on  which  the  devices  and  mscnptions 
were  not  always  precisely  the  same  Some 
of  these  mendicant  parai.hemalla  are  still  to 
be  found  in  ancient  cabmets  in  the  Uw 
Suntrl.  8,  or  were  In  the  time  of  Vander- 


vynckt.    See  his  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas,  torn. 

"*- Sufda,  l^  Bello  Bel gico  torn.  i.  p.  228. 
-Vander  Haer,   De  Initiis  Tumultuum.  p. 

*^^'  "En  sortant  de  la  porte  de  la  viUe,  lis 
ont  fait  une  grande  de^^^arge  de  leurs  pis- 
tolets."  Correspondance  de  I'hiUppe  11.,  torn, 
i.  p.  408. 


I/'/ 


march  of  the  revolution.  ^nnfpdprates  from  Brussels,  the  regent 

Soon  after  the  departure  of  .tj^^/^^i^f,^^^^^^  the  recent  pro- 

despatched  an  embassy  to  Madrid  to  ^^.^^'f  ^rms  foS    by  the  league, 
ceedings  and  to  urge  tis  acquiescence  i"  ^he  refoni^^^^^^^^^^^  |  .^ 

The  envoys  chosen  were  the  baron  de  ^^ntigny    wno  nau  u*  g^^  ' 

may  be  reniembered,  of  a  similar  mission  ^ef ore-and  t^^^^^ 
a  nobleman  of  liberal  principles,  but  who  soo^^^^ 

regent.'    Neither  of  the  parties  showed  f  »y  ^^^^^^^^^^^  ?he  dread  monarch  in 
sion  which  was  to  bring  tliem  so  f  ^^^^^^^^^"^^^^  a  tennis- 

»;si-diavri^  ;Ts=^^^^^^ 

relief  of  the  country,  ter.mnatuig  as  usual,  with^^^^^^^ 

of  the  states-general,  as  the  nwst  eftectual  rmedy  lor^^^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^ 

rrrtmS;t:rL:rnl""trn  W^^^^^^^^^^^  receive  the  most 

which  she  had  alluded  m  her  reply  to  the  co^^^^^^^^  wn  ^^^.^ 

was  sent  to  the  governors  of  the  severa   I^T^^^Swodd  recommend  its 
respective  ledslatures.    Their  ^"^^Vf '^^,,.^^ 

adoption  to  tiie  people  at  lar^e     It  was  fij'^^J^,'^";;^^^^^  subservient 

states,  as  Artois,  Namur,  anS  Luxemto^^^^^^^  ^j^^  j 

to  the  wishes  of  the  government.  J^  w^^ J*f,^J^^^^^^^^  be  influencedV 

states,  as  Brabant  and  I*  lenders  whose  deternnn^^^^^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^^ 

the  concessions  It  involved  o»\f"®^,aV^^^-,.\^'^^^  penalty  of  death  on  all 

those  demanded  by  the  P^^^^prf  r^^^^^^^^^  them  ; 


>  -Vos  8i  mecum  in  hoc  preclaro  opere 
consenlitis,  agite,  et  q^* /^«''-"°\,f*  7"J 
libertatem,  me  duce  volent,  pro|.matum  hoc 
Bibi  puculum,  benevolentiae  me«  sig.ufica- 
tlonemgenialiter  accipiant,  idqne  man-is  in- 
dici^Tontestentur."   Struda,  De  Bello  Belgico. 

'°™;.E5ans  inesmes  personnagos  p!  prudes, 
discrete  et  tant  imbusde  lout  ce  que  couMent 
reraonstrer  a  V.  M.,  outre  I  a^ej^"'"  ^"^  ^  */ 
toujours  trouve  en  ^ux.  t«nt  ado- nezau  ser- 
vice d'icelle."   Cor:espondance  de  Marguerite 

^'^"C^rederes  id  ab  illius  accidisso  genio.  qui 


non  contentus  admonmdo  aurem  ei  yellicasse. 
nunc  quasi  compedibus  injectis,  ne  infaustum 
it^r  iuRrclcretur,  attinertt  pedes.  Strad.i. 
Dp  Bello  lieleico,  torn.  i.  p-  23.*). 

«  "Lis  seules  reponseS  qu'il  ait  obtenues 
de  S.  M..  sont  qu'elle  y  pensera,  que  ces 
affaires   sont   de    grande   in\Port«^<f»„«VL- 
Correspondance  de  Philippe  "••  t"™i*:  P^  J^S- 

^  Meteren  Hist.  df>8  Pays-Bas,  fol.  41.— 
Hopper.  Kecueil  et  Memorial,  p.  78.— V  ander 
Jiaer,  De  Initiis  TumuUuum.  p.  21b. 

•  "Ceste  moderation,  que  le  comun  peuple 
apell  it  meurderaUon."  Meteren,  Hist,  dea 
Pays  Bas,  foL  41. 


252  FREEDOM  OF  WORSHIP. 

the  regent  as  with  most  other  half-way  measures.  It  satisfied  neither  of  the 
parties  concerned  in  it.  The  king  thought  it  as  much  too  lenient  as  the 
people  thought  it  too  severe.  It  never  received  the  royal  sanction  and  of 
course  never  became  a  law.  It  would  therefore  hardly  have  deserved  .the  time 
I  have  bestowed  on  it,  except  as  evidence  of  the  conciliatory  spirit  of  the 

regent's  administration.  ik^^^^  *«  „;,.^  « 

In  the  same  spirit  Margaret  was  careful  to  urge  the  royal  officers  to  give  a 
liberal  interpretation  to  the  existing  edicts,  and  to  show  the  utmost  discretion 
in  their  execution.  These  functionaries  were  not  slow  m  obeying  f  mnmnds 
which  released  them  from  so  much  of  the  odium  that  attached  to  their 
unirrateful  ottice.  The  amiable  temper  of  the  government  received  support 
from  a  singular  fraud  which  took  place  at  this  time  An  instrument  wa^ 
prepared  purporting  to  have  come  from  the  knights  of  the  Golden  Heece,  in 
which  this  bidy  guaranteed  to  the  confederates  that  no  one  in  the  Low 
Countries  should  be  molested  on  account  of  his  religion  ""til  otheivvise 
determined  by  the  king  and  the  states-general.  This  document  which  caried 
its  spurious  origin  on  its  face,  was  nevertheless  eagerly  caught  »P  and  circu- 
lated among  the  people,  ready  to  believe  what  they  most  desired  In  vaiii  the 
regent,  as  soon  as  she  heard  of  it,  endeavoured  to  expose  the  fraud.  It  ^as 
toS  late ;  and  the  influence  of  this  imposture  combined  with  the  tolerant 
measures  of  the  government  to  inspire  a  confidence  m  the  community  w'hich 
was  soon  visible  in  its  results.  Some  who  had  gone  into  exile  returned  to  their 
country.  Many  who  had  cherished  the  new  doctrines  in  secret  openly  avowed 
them  ;  while  others  who  were  wavering,  now  that  they  were  relieved  from  all 
fear  of  consequences,  became  fixed  in  their  oninions.  In  short,  the  Reforma- 
tion, in  some  form  or  other,  was  making  rapid  advances  over  the  country. 

Of  the  three  great  sects  who  embraced  it,  the  Lutherans,  the  least  numerous, 
were  the  most  eminent  for  their  rank.  The  Anabaptists,  far  exceeding  them 
in  number,  were  drawn  almost  wholly  from  the  huinbler  classes  of  the  people 
It  is  sinc-uiar  that  this  sect,  the  most  quiet  and  inoffensive  of  all,  should  have 
been  umfornily  dealt  with  by  the  law  with  peculiar  rigour.  It  may  perhaps 
be  attributed 'to  the  bad  name  which  attached  to  them  from  the  excesses 
committed  by  their  brethren,  the  famous  Anabaptists  of  Munster.  The  third 
denomination,  the  Calvinists,  far  outnumbered  both  of  the  other  two.  Ihev 
were  also  the  most  active  in  the  spirit  of  proselytism.  They  were  stimulated 
by  missionaries  trained  in  the  schools  of  Geneva  ;  and  as  their  doctrines  spread 
silently  over  the  land,  not  only  men  of  piety  and  learning,  but  persons  of  the 
hicrhest  social  position,  were  occasionally  drawn  withm  the  folds  of  the  sect. 

'The  head-quarters  of  the  Calvinists  were  in  Flanders,  Hainault,  Artois,an(l 
the  provinces  contiguous  to  France.  The  border-land  became  the  residence  of 
French  Huguenots,  and  of  banished  Flemings,  who  on  this  outpost  diligently 
laboured  in  the  cause  of  the  Reformation.  The  press  teemed  with  publica- 
tions — vindiciitions  of  the  faith,  polemical  tracts,  treatises,  and  satires  against 
the  Church  of  Rome  and  its  errors,-those  s].iritual  missiles,  i"  snort,  which 
form  the  usual  magazine  for  controversial  warfare.  These  were  distributed  by 
means  of  peddlers  and  travelling  tinkers,  who  carried  them,  in  their  distant 
wanderings^  to  the  humblest  firesides  throughout  the  country.  There  they 
were  left  to  do  their  work  ;  and  the  ground  was  thus  prepared  for  the  labourers 
whose  advent  forms  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  the  Reformation. 

■>  <;tr«dA  D«»  Rpllo  Beltrico  torn.  i.  pp.  233,  "  V  -ndervynckt.  Troubles  des   Pays-Bas, 

234    Sf^&^d?   Reforu  aUon^n  th;  T.ow  torn,   ii    p.    150.   et  8eq.-Strada.De    Bello 

C^unS's  voM  p  170.-See  the  forge-i  d.>cu-  B  Igico.  torn.  1.  PP-  239.  240.  -Corrospon- 

S  nie: TioniiPin  the  text  tn  the  Supple-  dance  de  Marguerite  d'Autricbe.  p.  127. 
nient  a  Strada,  torn.  U.  p.  3J0. 


THE  PUBLIC  PREACHINGS. 


253 


!■• 


These  were  the  ministers  or  missionaries,  whose  pubhc  preaching  s(X)n 
caused!  Treat  sensation  throughout  the  land.    They  first  macte  their  appear- 

rncfhiX^e:^^^^^^^  befo're  small  audienc^  ^.f  nYi^tXey  SS 

iu  thP  rrloom  of  the  forest  and  m  the  silence  of  night,     iney  graauaiiy 
Pmerlf  Xthe  open  plains,  thence  proceeding  to  the  villages,  until,  growing 

S'rtitt^^^^^^^^^  ^^-'^^.*^l^^^"J^^^  E 

towns  and  cities.     On  these  occasions,  thousands  of  the  mhabitan^^^ 

women,  and  children,  in  too  great  force  for  ^^e  magistr^^^^^^^ 

poured  out  of  the  gate,  to  hear  the  preacher.    In  the  ^"^^^^^/iL^^er 

ratoTer'  circi;  usually  furnish^  with  arms,-swords  P/-.  ™"„^keU  ^ 
flnv  wpannn  thev  could  pick  up,  for  the  occasion.  A  patrol  oi  norse  occupicu 
tL^SdbeTonT  to  protect  the  assembly  and  prevent  interruption.  A 
barriS  of  wis  and  other  vehicles  was  thrown  across  the  f  emies  that 
IprfJatLnlace  to  defend  it  against  the  assaults  of  the  magistrates  or  the 
mmtary  fens'sSned  alo^g  the  high-roads  distributed  religious  tracts, 
and  invited  the  passengers  to  take  part  m  the  services.  g^customed  to 

The  preacher  was  frequently  some  converted  pnest  or  friar,  a^customea  w 
speak  inTubhc,  who,  having  passed.the  greater  par  o^ ,^^^V^^,^^^^^^^ 
thTrhurch  now  showed  equal  zeal  m  overturning  it.    It  might  be,  »?owever 

«S  drpw  tSrs  from  every  eye,  and  at  others  gave  vent  to  a  torrent  of  fierj 
doqtncTthS  Med  theVit  of  the  ancient  martyr  m  the  bosoms  of  h>3 

^g^^Srhifate^^^'lnS^  their  a^^^^^^^^ 
tions  as  if  thev  had  been  spectators  m  a  theatre.  Ihe  service  was  '""""fj  "•' 
Sng  ^me>ition  of  th'e  Psalms  in  the  Freneh.vers.on  of  Marot,  o^  m  a 
TiV,t/.v,  tnnslation  which  had  recently  appeared  m  Holland,  ana  wmcn, 
S£i  t,Tfficiently  rude,  ^ssed  with  the  simple  people  for  a  wonderful  com- 
™^3  After  this,  it  was  common  for  those  who  attended  to  present  their 
ffinSfor  tepti-i ;  and  niany.couples  profited  by  the  ofas,o"J^  h^^^^^^ 


•  Languet,  Eplst.  Beer.,  quoted  by  Groen. 
Archive?  de  la  Maison  dOrange-Nassau.  torn, 
ii.  p.  180.-Sec  al-o  Strada.  De  Bello  Belgico. 
torn.  1   p.  241.— Brandt,  Reformation  in  the 


Low  CountrieP.  torn.  i.  p.  172. 

>°  Brandt,  Reformation  m  the  Low  Coun' 
tries,  ubi  supra. 


ii 


254 


FREEDOM  OF  WORSHIP. 


motive  than  amusement,  to  laugh  at  the  oddity-perhaps  the  buffoonery-of 
the  preacher.  But  far  the  larger  portion  of  the  audience  went  with  the  pur- 
pose of  joining  in  the  religious  exercises  and  worshippnig  God  ni  their  own 
wav  "  We  may  imagine  what  an  influence  must  have  been  exercised  by  these 
meetings,  where  so  many  were  gathered  together  under  a  sense  of  common 
daugerfto  listen  to  the  words  of  the  teacher,  who  taught  them  to  hold  all 
hunfan  law  as  light  in  comparison  with  the  higher  law  of  conscience  seated  in 
their  own  bosoms.  Even  of  those  who  came  to  scotf,  few  there  were,  probably, 
who  did  not  go  away  with  some  food  for  meditation,  or,  it  may  be,  the  seeds 
of  future  conversion  implanted  in  their  breasts.  i         x/r        *    i 

The  first  of  these  public  preachings— which  began  as  early  as  May— took 
place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Ghent.  Between  six  and  seven  thousand 
Arsons  were  assembled.  A  magistrate  of  the  city,  with  more  valour  than 
discretion,  mounted  his  horse,  and.  armed  with  sword  and  pistol,  rode  in 
among  the  multitude  and  undertook  to  arrest  the  minister  But  the  people 
hastened  to  his  rescue,  and  dealt  so  roughhr  with  the  unfortunate  othcer  that 
he  barely  escaped  with  life  from  their  hands.'*  ^ 

From  Ghent  the  preaching  extended  to  Ypres,  Bniges,  and  other  great 
towns  of  Flanders, -always  in  the  suburbs,— to  Valenciennes,  and  to  rournay, 
in  the  province  of  Hainault,  where  the  Reformers  were  strong  enough  to 
demand  a  place  of  worship  within  the  walls.  Holland  was  ready  for  the  Word. 
Ministers  of  the  new  reli'jion,  as  it  was  called,  were  sent  Iwth  to  that  ciuarter 
and  to  Zealand.  Gatherings  of  great  multitudes  were  held  in  the  environs  of 
Amsterdam,  the  Hague,  Haarlem,  and  other  large  towns,  at  which  the  magis- 
trates were  sometimes  to  be  found  mingled  with  the  rest  of  the  burghers 

But  the  place  where  these  meetings  were  conducted  on  the  greatest  scale 
was  Antwerp,  a  city  containing  then  more  than  a  hundred  thousand  inhabi- 
tants, and  the  most  important  mart  for  commerce  m  the  Netherlands^  It  was 
the  great  resort  of  foreigners.  Many  of  these  were  Huguenots  who,  under 
the  pretext  of  trade,  were  much  more  busy  with  the  concerns  of  their  religion. 
At  the  meetings  without  the  walls  it  was  not  uncommon  for  thirteen  or  four- 
teen thousand  persons  to  assemble."  Resistance  on  the  part  of  the  magistrates 
was  ineffectual.  The  mob  got  possession  of  the  keys  of  the  city  ;  and,  as  most 
of  the  Calvinists  were  armed,  they  constituted  a  formidable  force.  Conscious 
of  their  strength,  they  openly  escorted  their  ministers  back  to  the  town,  and 
loudly  demanded  that  some  place  of  worship  should  be  appropnated  to  them 
within  the  walls  of  Antwerp.  The  ouiet  burghers  became  alarmed.  As  it 
was  known  that  in  the  camp  of  the  Reformers  were  many  reckless  and  dis- 
orderly persons,  they  feared  the  town  might  be  dven  over  to  pillage.  AU 
trade  c^sed.  Many  of  the  merchants  secreted  their  effects,  and  some  pre- 
pared to  make  their  escape  as  speedily  as  possible  '*  ^  ,  ,  ..  .  „, 
The  magistrates,  in  great  confusion,  applied  to  the  regent,  and  besought  her 


"  Brandt,  Reformation  In  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, torn.  i.  p.  173. 

'^  Ibid.,  p.  171. 

"  •'  Se  y  sont  le  dlmanche  d»>mier  encoires 
faict  deux  prescheB.  I'une  en  fran^ois,  I'autre 
en  flamand,  en  plein  jour,  et  estoient  ces 
deux  assemblees  de  13  4  U  mille  personnes." 
Correspondance  de  Marguerite  d'Autriche,  p. 

65. 

'*  Correspondance  de  Marguerite  d'Au- 
triche. pp.  80-M8.— StradH,  De  Bello  Belpico, 
torn.  I.  p.  ?4.3.— Mettron,  H-at.  des  Pays-Bas, 
fol.    42. — Corrt spoudance  de  I'hilippe  11., 


torn.  i.  p.  433.— A  Confession  of  Faith,  which 
appe.ired  in  1563,  was  reviswl  by  a  Calvinistic 
eynod,  and  reprinted  at  Antwerp,  in  May  of 
the  present  yenr,  I5h6*.  'Ihe  prefatory  let(»r 
addressed  to  King  Philip,  in  which  the  Re- 
formers appealed  to  their  creed  and  to  their 
general  conduct  as  affording  the  best  refuta- 
tion of  the  calumnies  of  their  enemies,  b  Idly 
asserted  that  their  number  in  the  Nether- 
lands at  that  time  was  at  least  a  hundred 
thousand.  Brandt,  Reformation  in  the  Low 
Countries,  vol.  I.  p.  158. 


\ 


THE  PUBLIC  PREACHINGS. 


255 


Antwerp,  and  whose  influence  "'*  the  people  vas  u.u.         u^  ^ 

to  them     MarL-aret  hesitated  as  to  this  ;  «»[.''°^.J'*''J°™X^         attitude 

WiUiam  with  3  strust,  o^f^^^  T^lterLTT^nLherli»eLd  him  to 

rs^erHfiS^e.to^  ^^tir^i^^"':^x'^^r'^  % 

{S-Ss,  h^a^^  &\red t  w^^rt^gre  in  their  manage- 

the  gates  of  the  capital "    The  peoP  e  ra"  »  L,Ue  thev  thronsed  round  the 
psalms,  or  shouting.  "  Vtvent  lesO^u:,'    ^^^^^^^l^e^ffhi^  to  force 

rrie^-'^iTthtrdeTo^strSi^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
SSy  ;  and  he  felt  no  P'«--f /,^  ^^^i^^eTarf^^^^ 

^KrsVr^^S^^^^ 

trates  were  sitting,  and  took  counsel  witninem  as  lu  .     burghers  from 

ing  the  popular  excitement  and  of  preventing^  t^^^^^  ^,^. 

qiritting  the  city     During  tl^ejew  weeks  ne  ^^'^a^^^  ^   J   ^jj;   ^t^^en 
Aicted  affairs  so  discreetly  "s  to  bring  »bout  a  better  nn  .^^^^  ^^  , 

I'kllf  TwLrWi"L^  4te\raro&Uutary  to%port  him 
mr  Sar^  tlSt  iJiC%Ct  siii^  would  make  one  of  the  company  at 


»  "I^  Duquesa,  ya  domasiado  informada 
de  las  platics  inclinacioncs  y/l*^i°""'f '^'^l 
de  este  Principe,  defirio  a  resolven.e  en  eUo. 
Renom  de  Francia,  Alborotos  de    Hauaes, 

*^"  Strada,'  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  1.  p.  214. 

"  A  mob  of  no  less  than  thirty  thousand 
men,  according  t<.  William's  ">J  "  ''^^^ement^ 
.'A   mon  semblant,  trouvis,  tant  hors  que 
dedans  la  ville.  plus  de  trente  mil  hommes 
Correspondance  de  Guillaume  de  Taciturne, 

^™' "  Viiiereiit,  per  Deum,  quid  agf rent :  ne, 
Bi  pergerent,  cos  allquando  pceniteret.    htrafla. 


De  Bello  Belgico,  torn,  i- P- 244. 

'«  For  the  account  of  the  proceedings  at 
Antwerp,  see  Correspondance  de  Guillaume 
le  Taciturne,  tom.  ii.  PP-  l^^b,  138,  14o.  et 
geq.-Strada,  De  liello  Belgico.  toni.  i.  PP- 
244-248.-Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas,  fol. 
42.-Hopper,  Recueil  et  Memorial,  pp.  90, 
91.-Brandt.  Reformation  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, vol.  i.  pp.  l73-l76.-Renomde  Francia, 
Alborotos  de  Klandos,  MS.  „^^^ 

'"  "  Insignia  etiam  h  mercatonbus  usurpan 
coepta."  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  tom.  i.  p. 
238. 


\ 


256  FREEDOM  OF  WORSHIP. 

the  head  of  her  guard,  seize  the  preacher,  and  hang  liim  up  at  the  gates  of  the 
citv  '  *'    This  menace  had  the  desired  effect.  ,.    ,     ,  , 

during  these  troublous  times,  Margaret,  however  little  she  may  ^^^e  accom- 
plished, ?ould  not  be  accused  of  sleeping  on  her  post  She  caused  fasts  to  be 
observed,  and  prayers  to  be  ottered  In  all  the  churches  to  avert  the  wrath  of 
HTven  from  t^eland.  She  did  not  confine  herself  to  these  spintual  weapon^ 
but  called  on  the  magistrates  of  the  towns  to  do  their  duty,  and  on  all  good 
ckizens  to  support  them.  She  commanded  foreigners  to  leave  Antwerp,  except 
"only  X  were  there  for  traffic.  She  caused  placards  to  be  everywhere 
posted  up,  reciting  the  terrible  penalties  of  the  law  against  heretical  teachers 
and  those  who  abutted  them  ;  and  she  offered  a  reward  of  six  hundred  flonns 
to  whoever  should  bring  any  such  offender  to  punishment."  She  strengthened 
tL  garrisoned  ?iwns,  and  /ould  have  levied  a  force  to  overawe  the.refractorv ; 
but  f he  had  not  the  funds  to  pay  for  it.  She  endea>X)ure.l  to  provide  hese  hy 
means  of  loans  from  the  great  clergy  and  the  principal  towns ;  but  with  in- 
Sent  s^ess.  Most  of  them  were  already  creditors  of  the  government, 
and  they  liked  the  security  too  Httle  to  make  further  advances  In  her  ex- 
tremity, Margaret  had  no  resource  but  the  one  so  often  trie4,--that  of  invoking 
the  ail  0^^  "  I  have  no  refuge,"  she  wrote,     but  in  God  and  vour 

majesty.  It  is  with  anguish  and  dismay  I  must  admit  that  my  efforts  have 
whilly\iled  to  prevent  the  public  preaching,  which  has  ^F.^ad  over  every 
ouarter  of  the  country.""  She  bitterly  complains,  in  another  letter,  that 
Xr"  so  many  pressing  applications,  she  should  be  thus  left,  without  aid  and 
without  inTiXns,  to  ^ope  her  ^ay  at  random,"  -  She  a^ain  beseeches 
Philip  to  make  the  concessions  demanded,  m  which  event  the  great  lords 
assure  her  of  their  support  in  restoring  order.  ..  ..    ,x     mu  i 

T  wc-^  the  policy  ol  the  cabinet  of  Madrid  not  to  commit  itself.  The  royal 
answers  were  brief,  vague,  never  indicating  a  new  measure,  generally  mti- 
maring  sTtisfaction  witi  the  conduct  of  the  regent,  and  throwing  as  far  as 
possible  all  responsibility  on  her  shouMers.  u;^o«i* 

^  But,  besides  his  sister's  letters,  the  king  was  careful  Jo  provide  himself 
with  other  sources  of  information  respecting  the  state  of  the  Netherlands. 
From  some  of  these  the  accounts  he  received  of  the  conduct  of  the  great  lords 
were  even  less  favourable  than  hers.  A  letter  from  the  secretary  Armenteros, 
Ti^ks  of  the  difficulty  he  finds  in  fathoming  the  designs  of  the  Drince  of 
Omnge,-a  circumstance  which  he  attributes  to  his  probable  change  of  religion. 
^ He  relies  much,"  says  the  writer,  "on  the  support  he  receives  m  Germany, 
on  his  1  um^^^^^^^  at  home,  ind  on  the  general  distrust  entertained  of 

the  king:  The  prince  is  making  preparations  in  good  season,"  he  concludes, 
"  for  defending  himself  against  your  majesty."  " 


»»  "  lis  auralent  prPche  hors  de  Brixelles, 
bI  Madame  n'y  avail  pourvu,  allant  jusqu'a 
dire  qu'avec  sa  pcrsonne,  sa  maison  et  Fa 
garde,  elle  s'y  opposerait.  et  forait  pendre  en 
sa  presence  les  miiiistres."  Corre-pondance 
de  Philippe  II..  torn.  i.  p.  447. 

■'-  "  So  p  na  de  proceder  contra  los  FreUl- 
cadores  ministros  y  semejantes  ccn  el  ultimo 
guplicio  y  confiscacion  de  hacienda  per  apli- 
carlo  al  provecho  de  los  que  bavian  la  apre- 
hension  de  ellos  y  por  falu  de  hacienda,  su 
mairostad  mandari  librar  del  suyo  selscientos 
florines."  Kenom  de  Francia,  Alborotos  de 
Flandes,  MS. 

-^  "Je  suis  forcee  avccq  douleur  et  an- 
goisse  d'esprit  lui  dire  de  recblef  que  nonob- 


stant  tous  les  debvoirs  que  je  fais  journelle- 
ment,  .  .  .  je  ne  puis  remedier  ny  empescher 
les  assemblees  des  preaches  publicques." 
Correspondance  de  Marguerite  d'Autriche,  p. 

72. 

'*  "Sans  aide  et  sans  ordres,  de  maniere 
que,  dans  tnut  ce  qu'elle  fait,  elle  doit  aller 
en  tatonnant  et  au  ha.«<ard."  CorrcHpondance 
de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  428. 

'"  "Le  prince  se  prepare  de  longue  main  a 
la  defense  qu'il  sera  force  de  faire  con' re  le 
Roi  "  Ibid.,  p.  431  .—It  was  natural  that  the 
relations  of  William  with  the  party  of  reform 
should  have  led  to  the  persuasion  tliat  he  had 
returned  to  the  opinions  in  which  he  bad 
been  varly  educated.    These  were  Lutheran. 


MEETING  AT  ST.  TROND. 


257 


Ypt  Philii)  did  not  betray  any  consciousness  of  this  unfrien(Uytemper  in 

fi,      nWof  ^  'S  the  oriTce  of  Orange,  in  particular,  he  wrote,  *^You  err  m 

nfJ  nW  thJt  I LK  en  ii-e?onfiAence  in  you.    Should  any  one  seek  to 

ti?e  blame  o„  Philip.    "Resolved  to  deceive  aU,»  he  said,  "he  begins  by 
•^Tt'waf  aiiuUhe  middle  of  July  that  an  event  occurred  which  caused  still 

ISfloiWlifd^nil^fattl^^^^^^^^ 

ESr^n  z-x  riotef rjr.ntte%^Ti!Sts  M? 

Sn ^?re  now  foVdemanding  absolute  toleration  in  matters  of  religion 

*''Mtr^iret'much"alarmed  by  these  new  demonstrations^sent  Orange  and 
E^loK'-coS  wHhThfco'iffederates  and  den'""/ J^y ,%  were  thus  met 
hf  an  unfriendly  attitude  towards  the  government  which  they  h^f-^a^y 


There  is  no  reas<m  to  suppose  that  at  the 
Dresont  time  he  had  espoused  the  doctrines 
uf  Calvin.  The  intimation  of  Armenteros 
respecting  the  prince's  change  of  religion 
seems  to  have  made  a  strong  impression  on 
Philip.  On  the  margin  of  the  letter  he  wrote 
against  the  passage,  "  No  one  has  said  this  so 
unequivocally  befure."-"  No  lo  ha  escnto 
nadie  asi  claro." 

»•  »•  Vos  OS  en^afiariades  murho  en  pensar 
aue  yo  no  tubi.se  toda  confiauza  de  vos.  y 
quando  hubiese  alguno  ouerido  hazer  oficio 
con  migo  en  contrario  d  esto,  no  soy  tan 
llviano  que  hubiese  dado  credito  i  ello  te- 
nlendo  yo  tanta  esperiencia  de  vuestra  lealtad 
y  d^  vucstros  Rervicios."  Correspondance  de 
OuiiUume  ie  Taciturae,  torn.  ii.  p-  171. 


='  "  Que  le  roi,  resolu  de  les  tromper  tous, 
commencait  par  tromper  sa  soeur."    Vander- 


vynckt,  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas,  torn.  n.  p.  148. 

"  This  responsibility  is  bluntly  charged 
on  them  by  Renom  de  Francia :  "  El  dia  de 
las  predicaciones  oraciones  y  cantos  estando 
concertado,  se  acordo  con  las  principales  villas 
que  fuese  el  San  Juan  siguiente  y  de  conti- 
nuar  en  adelante,  primero  en  los  Bosques  y 
montafias,  despues  en  los  arrabales  y  Aldeaa 
y  pues  en  las  villas,  por  medida  que  el  nu- 
mero,  la  audacia  y  sufrimiento  creciese. 
Alborotos  de  Flandes,  MS. 

"  "Qui  vulgari  joco   duodecim  Apostoii 
diccbantur."    Strada,  De  Bello  Itelgico,  tom. 

i.  p.  248. 
^°  "S'est  mlse  en  une  telle  colere  contre 

8 


f 


258  FREEDOM  OF  WORSHIP. 

The  memorial,  or  rather  remonstrance,  presented  to  her  was  not  calculated  to 

*  vfitlioiit  coinff  into  details,  it  is  only  necessary  to  say  that  the  confederates, 
after  stating  their  grounds  for  apprehension,  rciiuested  that  an  assurance 
should  be  men  by  the  government  that  no  liarm  was  mtended  theni.  As  to 
mrdon  f^r  the  past,  they  disclaimed  all  desire  for  it.  What  they  had  done 
Called  for  appW,  not  condemnation.  They  only  trusted  that  fiis  majesty 
would  be  pleased  to  grant  a  convocation  of  the  states-general,  to  settle  the 
affairs  of  tlie  country.  In  the  mean  time,  thev  besought  hnn  to  allow  the 
concerns  of  the  confederates  to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  prmce  of  Orange, 
and  the  Counts  Egmontand  Hoorne,to  act  as  their  mediators  with  the  crown, 
promising  in  all  tilings  to  be  guided  by  their  counsel..  Thus  would  tranquilig 
be  restored.  But  without  some  guarantee  for  their  safety,  they  should  be 
obliged  to  protect  themselves  by  foreign  aid.'» 

tTic  haughty  tone  of  this  memorial  forms  a  striking  contrast  with  that  oi 
the  petition  presented  by  the  same  body  not  four  inonths  before,  and  shows 
with  wliat  rapid  strides  the  revolution  had  advanced.    The  religious  agitations 
had  revealed  the  amount  of  discontent  in  the  country,  and  to  what  extent, 
therefore,  the  confederates  mi<rht  rely  on  the  sympathy  of  the  people.     Ihis 
was  most  unequivocally  proved  during  the  meeting  at  St.  Trond,  where  me- 
morials were  presented  by  the  merchants,  and  by  persons  of  the  Reformecl 
relidon,  praying  the  protection  of  the  league  to  secure  them  freedom  of  worship 
till  otherwise  determined  by  the  states-general.    This  extraordinary  request 
was  granted."    Thus  the  two  gieat  parties  leaned  on  each  otlier  for  support, 
and  gave  mutual  confidence  to  their  respective  movements.    The  confederates, 
discarding  the  idea  of  grace,  which  they  had  once  solicited,  now  darkly  inti- 
mated a  possible  a|ii)eal  to  arms.    The  Reformers,  on  their  side,  instead  of  the 
mitigation  of  penalties,  now  talked  of  nothing  less  than  absolute  toleration. 
Thus  political  revolution  and  religious  reform  went  hand  m  hand  together. 
The  nobles  and  the  commons,  the  two  most  opposite  elements  of  the  body 
politic,  were  united  closely  by  a  common  interest ;  and  a  formidable  opp)Osition 
was  organized  to  the  designs  of  the  monarch,  wluch  might  have  made  any 

monarch  tremble  on  his  throne.  ,i    i    i    j  r  -„    ^   «„«« 

An  important  fact  shows  that  the  confederates  coolly  looked  forward,  even 
at  this  time,  to  a  conflict  with  Spain.  Louis  of  Nassau  had  a  large  corre- 
spondence with  the  leaders  of  the  Huguenots  in  France  and  of  the  Lutherans 
in  Germany.  By  the  former  he  had  lieen  offered  substantial  aid  in  the  way 
of  troops.  But  the  national  jealousy  entertained  of  the  French  would  have 
maile  it  impolitic  to  accept  it.  He  turned  therefore  to  Germany,  where  he 
had  numerous  connections,  and  where  he  subsidized  a  force  consisting  of  four 
thousand  horse  and  forty  companies  of  foot,  to  be  at  the  disposal  of  the 
league  This  negotiation  was  conducted  under  the  eye,  and,  as  it  seems, 
partly  through  the  agency,  of  his  brother  William."  From  this  moment, 
therefore,  if  nOt  before,  the  prince  of  Orange  may  be  identified  with  the  party 
who  were  prepared  to  maintain  their  rights  by  an  appeal  to  arms. 

These  movements  of  the  league  could  not  be  kept  so  close  but  that  they 
came  to  the  knowledge  of  Margaret.    Indeed,  she  had  her  secret  agents  at  St 


nous,  qu'elle  a  pense  crever."  Archives  de 
la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau,  torn.  ii.  p.  178. 

''  "  Alloqui  externa  remedia  quamvis  in- 
vUos  po«trem6  quje^^ituros."  Strada,  De  BeUo 
Belfziro,  torn.  i.  p.  248. 

»»  The  memorials  ar^  given  at  length  by 


Green,    Archives   de   la   MalBon   d'Orange- 
Nassau,  torn.  ii.  pp.  159-167. 

"  See  the  letter  of  Louis  to  his  brother 
dated  July  2Cth,  1666,  Archives  de  la  Maison 
d'Orange-Naasau,  torn.  II.  p.  178. 


1 


MEETING  AT  ST.  TROND. 


259 


Trond,  who  put  her  In  possession  of  whatej^r-s  done,  -  ev^JS*^,^^ 

„menl»ithoutn.en,ormoney,or.them 

|o  arS,"  ^he  writes,  "and are  o^«^VeyThiu[dXnd^tte'J^and  :^ck 
them.    There  reniamsnothu^  but  that  they  shou^^^^  j^_.  „  „ 

being  perfectly  explicit.  ,  ^^  ^eady  access  to  Philip. 

Montigny,  on  reaching  ^^^u"  ,\fJnlA^f  Sn^w^^    allowed  to  witness, 
Bothhean(ihiscoimmnion,.themarc^^^^^^^^  ^^^^.^^^  ^^ 

Besides  these  there  ^f^^*,!;'^,,^,^%^?,'^„^^^^^^^  and  associate  of 

""T'  '^  T^^urstof  evening  ire  Neth^^^ 

reform.    The  course  oi  even^^  i"  "  *=        ,    ,  ^     y^^  ^^  secure  to  them- 

a  deliberate  and  ^^ell-concerted  scheme  of  the  ^^^^  ^he  removal  of 

selves  the  whole  power  of  t^e  country     i  ne  nr^i       v  ^^  ^^ 

Granvelle,  a  formidable  obstacle  ^  J„^f„  PJ^'^hands  of  the  council  of  stat«. 
concentrate  the  nianagement  o   f  «ai^^^^^^^^^^^  ^^g  edicts,  as  the  things 

This  was  followed  by  assaults  «»  ^^,^^^"J"'^^^^^  states- general ;  bv 

most  obnoxious  to  tlie  people  ;  }>y  ^^e  cry  m  ^^^^u^^^^^^^^^^    assemblies ;  and, 
the  league,  the  Compromise,  the  petitions   the  re^^  ^^^^^^ 

fuially,  ty  the  present  mission  ^^^P,^;"-^^  f^;'c?o^n^^  objtct  of  which 

as  part  of  a  regular  f.y^^":  .^.^.f^^^^^^^^^  their  own  authority  on 

was  to  overtuni  exis^ing^^  uti^^^^^^^^^^^    'these  proceedings  with  the  deepest 
the  rums.    While  the  onincii  ^e^^^  ^  bending  to  the  storm,  and  under 

Wr^ptt  difer  no  logger  his  visit  to  tlie  country." 


•■«*  The  person  who  seems  to  have  princi 
rallv  served  her  in  this  respectable  office  wm 
r-doSor^f  law,"  one  of  the  d^ief  counsel- 
lors of  the  confederates  .Count  ^^egen.  her 
ftgent  on  the  occasion,  bnl)ed  the  doctor  ny 
the  promise  of  a  seat  in  the  council  of  Bra- 
iSint^    Correspondence  de  Philippe  II..  tom. 

**  ^:  tte  tout  est  en  telle  desordre,"  she  sayB 
in  one  of  her  letters,  "  que.  en  *  pmspart  du 
tMiis  Ton  e=t  sans  loy.  fuy.  ni  Itoy.  Corre- 
j;jundance  de  Marguerite  d'Autnche.  p.  91.- 


Anarchy  could  not  be  better  described  in  so 

^^Z  u  n'^ne  reste  plus  sinon  qn'ils  s'assem- 
blent  et  que,  joincts  ensemble,  ils  se  livrent 
^faire  queliue  sac  d'egli>cs,  villes,  bourgs. 
Ju  paTs,rq^uoy  je  suis  en  merveilleusement 
trrnnde  crainte."  Ibid.,  p.  121. 
^-  Correspondauce  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i. 

^■-^The  fullest  account  of  the  doings  of  the 
council  is  given  by  Hopper,  one  of  its  mem- 
bers.   Recueil  et  Memorial,  pp.  81-»7. 


260  FREEDOM  OF  WORSHIP. 

ThP  disrns^ions  occupied  many  and  long-protracted  sittings  of  the  council ; 
«n^  Phi  in  Slv  Sered,  i„  his  own  closet,  on  the  results  after  the  discus- 
tfons  we  e  Sffi^  n.ost  faunliar  with  his  habits  ^  ere  amazed 

f  f L  innVLav  of  his  decision  in  the  present  critical  circumstances  "  The 
tt^^^^^^^^^^  it  Sirhcult  to  bend  to  the  required  conces- 

'^The  le^'tl'r  c^iaJlT  i^w^^^^^^^  to  his  sister,  and  was  dated  on  the 

The  f  tt^^/^  fJ"V^f^ '' ,  ,tfe  Wood  of  Segovia -the  same  place  from  which 

he  had  dictated  nismem^^^^^  continued  troubles  of  the  country. 

^ak^  That  aTv  change  hid  been  made  in  the  laws  since  the  days  of  Charles 
r^  \  Jf  h    Vt  l{  1^  it  wa^  much  more  agreeable  to  his  nature  to  proceed  with 

VelTcontenVtlhaUhe  Inquisition  should  be  abohshed  in  the  Netherlands, 
and  in  its  XcTli  substituted^  the  inquisitori^^  "?  the  bishops 

A<rto  fhe  edictrhe  was  not  pleased  with  the  plan  of  Moderation  devised  by 
Market    no^^^^^^  any  plan  would  satisfy  the  people  short  of 

Majgarei ,  nor  uiu  uc  ^  prepare  another  scheme, 

Tavhig  dSr^nce^to^the  nTattenance  of  the  CaUc  faith  and  h^  own 
auZritv     ThTs  fhust  be  submitted  to  him,  and  he  would  do  all  that  he 
•ffi'nnU  Jn  thP  matter  "    Lastly,  in  respect  to  a  general  pardon,  as  he 
^htMlIr^Jher^^^^^^^  would  answer  tlie  end  «  he  was  con^ 

?]nf  fW  it?hourd  be  extended  to  whomever  Margaret  thought  deserving  of 
H-alwavs  exceptiiS  S  already  condemned,  and  under  a  solemn  pleSge 
m^eter^  that^^^^^  abandon  the  lea^e  and  henceforth  give  their 

^^rd&^V&a^rrtLe  despatches  on  the  second  of  August, 
PiaUaS  wrote  to  his  sister,  touching  tL  summoning  of  the  states-general 
[•  f  K^n  Ka^cn  muoh  nre^^seA     He  had  given  the  subject,  he  said,  a  most 
Sfent  conslrS  an^dT^^^^^^  she  had  doni  right  in  refusing  t^ 

S  them  toSr  She  must  not  consent  to  it.  He  never  would  consent  to 
u"  H^  Imew  ti)  well  to  what  it  must  inevitably  lead.  Yet  he  would  not 
have  her  report  h^  decision  in  the  absolute  and  peremptory  terms  in  which  he 
D  riveirit  to  her,  but  as  intendetl  merelv  for  the  present  occasion ;  so 
fl!at  ?he  neop^  m^M  ^^^  she  was  still  looking  for  sometlung  of  a  dif- 
tlt^e^^^^^^  hope  of  obtaining  their  object  at  some  future 

"^^^iirkinsr  also  wrote  that  he  should  remit  a  sufficient  sum  to  Margaret  to 

enLle  hK  t^k^hiTo  her  nay  a  bocly  of  ten  thousand  Germ^^^^ 

thousand  horse,  on  which  she  could  rely  in  case  of  extremity.    He  lurtner 


'»  "  Ceux  du  cnnseil  d'fitat  Pont  etonnes  du 
delai  que  le  Roi  met  &  repondre."  Montigny 
to  Margaret,  July  21st,  Correspondance  de 
Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  434. 

*»  •'  I 'our  rinclinatiou  naturelle  que  J  ay 
toujours  eu  de  traicter  mcs  vassaulx  et  sub- 
jects plus  par  voye  d'amour  et  clemence,  qtie 
de  crainte  et  de  riseur,  je  me  suis  accommode 
&  tout  ce  que  m'a  este  possible."  Corre- 
gpondance  de  Marguerite  d'Autriche.  p.  100. 

*»  »'Ay  treuv6  convenlr  et  necessaire  que 
Ton  con<joive  certaine  auUre  forme  d"  m<Kle- 
ratiou  de  placcart  par  dela,  ayant  egard  que 


la  paincte  f<^y  catholique  et  mon  aiithoritfi 
soyent  gardees  .  .  .  et  y  feray  tout  ce  que 
possible  sera."    Ibid.,  p.  103. 

"  "  N'abliorrlssant  riens  tant  que  la  voye 
de  rigeur."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

"  '♦¥  assi  V08  no  lo  consentals,  ni  yo  lo 
consentlre  Un  poco."  Correspondance  de 
Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  439. 

44  .<  pero  no  conviene  que  esto  se  entienaa 
allii,  ni  que  vos  teneis  ePta  orden  mia,  sine 
es  para  lo  de  agora,  poro  que  la  epperais  i)ara 
adelante,  no  desesperando  ellos  para  eutouccs 
dello."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


PHILIP'S  CONCESSIONS. 


261 


.1 


Ihe  laws  and  maintain  order  throi^hout  tJ^e  conntry^^^^^^       hour,  to  his  sub- 
Such  were  the  concessions  granted  by  FhiUp,  at  tne  e'evenj^"  '■"    >  u^ 

rf  fier^,  indeed  frantic,  in^olef  uce  surpa^njg  eve,^^^^^^ 

At  the  accession  of  the  new  pope  ''\ef « ^'^F^ /?^^? 'if '!*"  „ho  had  done  great 
of  Milan,  Venice,  and  -n^"".,.,  emment  fo^^^^^^^^^  ^  ,i|^^^, 

service  to.  the  aiuse  of  letters  ■"^'''^{47"^^^^^^  these  scholars 

opinions  in  matters  of  faith.,  f  f  ,  "'%?,'",,,.^"'^tes  had  the  meanness  to 
should  all  he  de  vered  into  his  liaiids.    II  e  three  stares  iiiu  i 

compfy'   The  unfortunate  ^  "Thif wis' one  oF  the  fir'tS  o^f  the'  n°ew 
demiied,  and  burned  at  the  stoke.    This  was  one  01  I  e  pjft^  ,^^5   the 

rn'^=„isin^^  KteifT  »^  ^"'"^"" 

act  of  liis  reign  served  to  -=<>"hnn  l"«  d^ '^f  ^1^^^^^^  character  like 

indirterence,  and  their  ^^ff^'^'';^^^^^^^^  A 

well   known,  was  one  of    the  prominent  ^uses  oiine  ^^^^^^ 

reaction  followed. .  It  was  "^^^^^f/y  i^.^',^!?^  J,^^  but  without 

succeeded,  of  ascetic  temper,  reiiiarkablefo^^^^^^^^^^  v^r^        ^^^^  ^^^^,j 

a  touch  of  sympathy  for  the  J^^^,.^^,^  ^o^^^^^^^  As  the  influence 

devoted  to  the  ^^''f  t  wjk  o^^^^^^^^^  the  influence  of 

of  the  former  popes  had  opened  a  careeiiouiei^  ^  ^j^^^  ^^ 

^tKrtilCtEtJ^'tt  ■K:Sl.:'^:a^  ^^  ^  it  has  never  since 
''Tiut'rl^Kna.^ned,  beheld  with  deep_anxie^«^^^^^^^ 


Correspondance    de    Marguerite   d'Au- 

'•^^.^^'ame'l/nt  I'a  pas  fait  librement,  nl 
«pontanement,  il  n-entend  etre  jje  P^//^^^^^ 
autorisation,  mais  au  contraire  I  se  reserve 
de  punir  lea  coupables,  et   prmc.paleu.ent 


ceux  qui  ont  ete  los  auteurs  et  feuteurs  des 
seditions."  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II., 
torn.  i.  p.  443.-One  would  have  been  glad  to 
see  the  original  te.xt  of  this  protest  wh.ch  is 
iu  Latin,  instead  of  M.  Gachard's  abstract. 


260  FREEDOM  OF  WORSHIP. 

^Xfei'U?1t'S.n^i^pto  explain  to  the  hdy  fa«.e^^^^^^^ 

by  whose  authonty  It  mdteu  esU b  .hei  J^'^,ho«ever.^.^  ^aiesty  would 

•^'^^H.  ttW  tfhdLts  need  "Xbe  sc^  daltol  by  the  grant  of  a  general 
S™  ,S\^?er,S  only  towhat  concerned  the  king  personally,  where  he 

^ttry     Still,  he  would  march  in  person,  without  regard  to  h.s  own  peril,  and 


PHILIP'S  CONCESSIONS. 


233 


-    Strada,  De  Bello  Bclpco,  torn.  i.  p.  238. 
—Among  those  who  urged  tlie  kinf?  to  violent 
measures,  no  one  was  so  im|K>rtunatP  as  h  ray 
Lorenzo  de  Villacancio,  an  Augustm  monk, 
who  distinguished  himself  by  the  zeal  and 
intrepidity  with  which  he  ventured  into  the 
stroDffliold^  of  the  Reformers  an  «  openly  de- 
nounced their  doctrines.     Philip,  acquamt^ni 
with  the  uncompromising  temper  of  the  man, 
and  his  devoti«)n  to  the  Catholic  Church,  em- 
ployed him  both  as  an  agent  and  an  adviser 
in  regard  t..  the  affairs  of  the  Low  Countries, 
where  Fray  Lorenzo  was  staying  in  the  earlier 
periotl  of  the  troubles.     Many  of  the  friar  s 
letters  to  the  king  are  still    preserved    m 
Simaiicas,  and  astonish  one  by  the  boldness 
of   their  criticisms  on  the  conduct  of   the 
ministers,  and  even  of  the  monarch  nimself, 
whom    Lorenzo  openly   accuses  of   a  timid 
policy  towards  the  lleformers      In  a  me- 
inorial  on  the  state  of  the  country,  prepared, 
at  Philip's  suggestion,  in  the  beginning  of 
1566.   Kray  Lorenzo  urges  the  necessity  of 
the  most  rigorous  measures  towards  the  I  ro- 
testants  in  the  Netherlands,     "^ince  your 
majesty  holds  the  sword  which  God  has  given 
to  you,  with  the  divine  power  over  our  lives 
let   it    be   drawn    from    the   scalsbard.  and 
plunged  in  the  bloo.1  of  the  heretics,  if  you 
do  not  wish  that  the  hlood  of  Jesus  Christ, 
shed   by  these  birbariuns,  and  the  bUxnl  ot 
the  innocvnt  Catholics  whom  they  have  op- 
pressed, shiiuld  cry  alou.l  to  Heaven  for  ven- 
geance on  the  sacred  head  of  your  majesty ! 
The  holv  King  David  showed  no  pity 
for  "the  enemies  of   God.      He    slew  them, 
sparing  neither  man  nor  woman.    Moses  and 
his  brother,  in  a  single  day,  destroyed  three 
thousand  of  the  children  of  Israel.    An  angel. 


in  one  night,  put  to  death  more  than  sixty 
thousand  enemies  of  the  Lord.    ^  our  majesty 
is  a  king,  like  David;  like  Moses,  a, captain 
of  the  people  of  Jehovah;  an  angel  of  the 
Lord,— for  so  the  Scriptures  style  the  kings 
and  captains  of  his  people  ;-and  these  here- 
tics are  the  enemies  of  the  living  bod ! 
And  in  the  same  strain  of  fiery  and  fanatical 
eloquence  he  continues  to  invoke  the  ven- 
geance of  Philip  on  the  heads  of  his  unfor- 
tunate  subjects  In  the  Netherlands.     That 
the  ravings  of  this  hard-hearted  bigot  were 
not  distasteful  to  Philip  may  be  inferred  from 
the  fact  that  he  ordered  a  copy  of  his  me- 
morial to  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  Alya,  on 
his  departure  for  the  l^w  Countries.     It  ap- 
pears that  he  had  some  thoughts  of  sending 
Fray  Lorenzo  to  join  the  duke  there,-a  pro- 
ject which  received  little  encouragement  from 
the  latter,  who  probably  did  not  care  to  have 
go  meddlesome  a  person  as  this  frantic  friar 
to  watch  his  proceedings.      An  interesting 
notice  of  this  remarkable  man  «s  to  be  fotind 
In  Gacltard,  Correspondance  de  Philippe  11., 
torn.  ii..  Rapport,  pp.  xvi.-l. 

*•  "  Y  por  la  pi  iesa  que  dieron  en  esto,  no 
ubo  tiempo  de  consulUrlo  ii  Su  Siintidad, 
como  fuera  justo,  y  quiza  ayra  sido  asf  mej()r. 
pues  no  vale  nada,  sino  quitandola  Su  Santi- 
dad  que  es  que  la  pone ;  pero  vn  esto  conviene 
one  aya  el  srcreto  que  puede  considerar. 
Corrtspondance  de   Philippe  IL,  torn.  i.  p. 

445 

■•»  "Y  en  esto  conviene  el  mismo  secreto 
que  en  lo  de  arriba."    Ibid.,  ubl  supra.- 
These  injunctions  of  secrecy  are  luterpo  a- 
tions  in  the  handw     'ng  of  the  "prudent 
monarch  himself. 


J 


of  abolishing  thelnquisit  on  ^■'^."'XsoSe  »^^^  be  decided 

-mere  words,  to  amuse  the  Pe»^«  ""^ '""  !^^^^^^  spoken  with  candour, 

on.  The  kiiig  must  be  allow^,  or  on^  ^*^f  ^^,^Xf roracknowledging  to 
There  are  few  persons  who  would  not  nave  /uruxi^  '  <,v«t#ni  of  Derfidy  as 
thMr  own  heartT that  they  were  actn>g o"  s^f^'iSf/  YnS,  he^ms  U> 

Crippled  as  they  were  by  conditions,  *eyjere  re^raeu  in  ^ 

witKdistrust,  not  to  say. eoi'tempt    In  fa^t  tte  ^..m  wh^^^^^^         ^_^^^^ 

slowly  and  naiufully  arrived  had  ton  '""Lr^SsToTtLlked  much  more  of 
of  the  revoWn     The  men  of  the  N^the^^^^^^ 

recompense  than  of  pardon.    By  a  cnriotis  co'ne'™      -  gegovia,  was  pre- 

the  day  on  which  the  kmg  wrote  his  last  ae^W "7_""'j}f„A|s,  giving  the 

efforts.    Phiy«replyattotni;ewa.p^^^^^^^^  p.^ 

rZ^tXZ^^^^^^  nX'Llt'hIs  decision^,  since  he  was  so 

said  and  so  little  was  done,, seems  to  h^^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  ^ay  on 

wits  of  the  court.    The  prince  of  Astum^^^  Voyages  of 

the  cover  of  a  blank  book,  ^s  its  t^tle     The  ^reat  ana^^  ^^^^^  ^^  ^^^ 

King  Philip ; "  and  within,  for  t^f, ^^Pf  7,J^^^^^^  to  Aranjuez,"  etc., 

Parto,  from  the  Pardo  to  the  Escmial,  ^Jf^^^^f ^^^^"^"^6  are  not  told  how 
etc  "    This  jest  of  the  graceless  son  had  an  eage  w)  it. 
far*  it  was  relished  by  his  royal  father. 


""  ••  Perdere  todos  mis  eatados,  y  cien  vidas 
Gue  tuviesse.  porque  yo  no  pienso  ni  quiero 
?er  sefiorde  heregeB-"    CorreBpoiidauce  de 

^H*J*P^t,"au^e"ardldeVa'covocation  desdicts 
Estate  g^neraulx,  comme  je  vous  ay  escnpt 
mon  intention,  je  ne  treuve  qu'il  y  a  matiere 


TH>ur  la  changer  ne  qu'fl  conviengne  aulcune- 
K  qu'etTe^Be  face  en  mon  absence  mesmes 
oomme  je  suis  si  prest  de  mon  partem,  nt 
Co^Spondance  de'^Marguerlte  d'Autriche,  p. 

"  Brantome,  (Euvres,  torn.  iii.  p  321. 


264 


THE  ICONOCLASTS. 


CATIIEDKAL  OF  ANTWERP  SACKED. 


2r>5 


11 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  ICONOCLASTS. 

/^-♦v,n^«i  nf  AntwPTO  Racked— Sacrileeions  Ontrapes— Alarm  at  Brussels— Churches  granted  to 
^*Ve?or^fei^-Ma7ga^t  ^pe.^^  »'  Madrid-Sagacity  of  Orange- 

His  Religious  Opinions. 

lobb. 

While  Philip  was  thus  tardily  coming  to  concessions  which  even  then  were 
nofsh^cere  an  important  crisis'had  arrived  in  the  affairs  of  the  Netherlands. 
In  the  earl  er  stages  of  the  troubles,  all  orders,  the  nobles,  the  comnions  even 
the  re-ent,  had  united  in  the  desire  to  obtain  the  removal  of  certam  abuse^ 
ewially  the  Inquisition  and  the  edicts.  But  this  movementni  which  the 
CathoHc  loined  with  the  Protestant,  had  far  less  reference  to  the  interests  of 
Xon  C  toThe  personal  rights'of  the  individual.  Under  the  protection 
Ihif  aftbrded,  however,  the  Reformation  struck  deep  root  m  the  soil.  It 
flourished  stil  more  under  the  fav  our  shown  to  it  by  the  confederates  who  as 
we  have  seen,  did  not  scruple  to  miarantee  security  of  religious  worship  to 
some  of  the  sectaries  who  demanded  it. 

But  the  ele^ient  which  contributed  most  to  the  success  of  the  new  religion 
was  the  public  preachings.    These  in  the  Netherlands  were  what  the  Jacobin 
dubs  we?e  in  France,  or  the  secret  societies  in  Oemiany  and  Italy,-an  obvious 
means  for  bringing  together  such  as  were  pledged  to  a  common  hostility  to 
Sng  instit!^*ons,  and  thus  affording  them  an  opportunity  for  consulting 
on  their  grievances  and  for  concerting  the  best  means  of  redress     The  direct 
object  of  these  meetings,  it  is  true  was  to  listen  to  the  Jeachin^^^^^^ 
minister.    But  that  functionary,  far  from  confining  himself  to  sp  ritual  exer- 
cises, usually  wandered  to  more  exciting  themes  as  the  corruptions  of  the 
Church  and  the  condition  of  the  land.    He  rarely  faile<l  to  descant  on  the 
foriorn  circumstances  of  himself  and  his  flock,  condemned  thus  stealthily  to 
herd  together  like  a  band  of  outlaws,  with  ropes,  as  it  were,  about  their  necks, 
and  to  seek  out  some  solitary  spot  in  which  to  glorify  the  Lord,  while  their 
enemies,  in  all  the  pride  of  a  dominant  religion,  could  offer  up  their  devotions 
openly  ind  without  fear,  in  magnificent  temnles.    The  preacher  inveighed 
bitterly  airainst  the  richly  beneficed  clergy  of  the  nval  Church,  whose  lives  of 
pampered  ease  too  often  furnished  an  indifferent  commentary  on  the  doctrines 
they  inculcated.    His  wrath  was  kindled  by  the  pompous  ceremonial  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  so  dazzling  and  attractive  to  its  vptan^,  but  which  the 
Reformer  souriy  contrasted  with  the  naked  simplicity  of  the  Protestant 
service.    Of  all  abominations,  however,  the  greatest  m  his  eyes  was  the  woi-ship 
of  images,  which  he  compared  to  the  idolatr>'  that  m  ancient  times  had  so 
often  brought  down  the  vengeance  of  Jehovah  on  the  nations  of  Palest  me ; 
and  he  called  on  his  hearers  not  merely  to  remove  idolatry  from  their  hearts 
but  the  idols  from  their  sight.'    It  was  not  wonderful  that,  thus  stimulated 
by  their  spiritual  leaders,  the  people  should  be  prepared  for  scenes  similar  to 
those  enacted  by  the  Reformers  in  Fmnce  and  in  Scotland,  or  that  Margaret, 
aware  of  the  popular  feeling,  should  have  predicted  such  an  outbreak.    At 


»  "Accendnnt  animos  Ministri,  fngienda 
non  animo  motio,  se<i  et  corpore  UMa. :  pradi- 
cari.  extirpari  tantam  sunimi  I>ei  contumeliam 


opportere  afflmiant."    Vander  Haer,  De  Inl- 
tiia  TurauUuum,  p.  236. 


I 


\ 


length  it  came,  and  on  a  scale  and  with  a  degree  of  violence  not  surpassed 
either  by  the  Huguenots  or  the  disciples  of  Knox.  ,     .    ,    ,  ^,      .  , . 

On  the  fourteenth  of  August,  the  day  before  the  festival  of  the  Assumption 
of  the  Virgin,  a  mob  some  three  hundred  in  number,  armed  with  clubs,  axes, 
and  other  implements  of  destruction,  broke  into  the  churches  around  i?t.  Umer, 
in  the  T.rovince  of  Flanders,  overturned  the  images,  defaced  the  ornaiuents, 
and  in  a  short  time  demolished  whatever  had  any  value  or  beauty  in  the 
buildings.    Growing  bolder  from  the  impunity  which  attended  their  move- 
ments,they  next  proceeded  to  Ypres,  and  had  the  audacity  to  break  into  the 
cathedral  and  deal  with  it  in  the  same  ruthless  manner.  ^  Strengthen^  by  the 
accession  of  other  miscreants  from  the  various  towns,  they  proceeded  along 
the  banks  of  the  Lys,  and  fell  upon  the  churches  of  Menin,  Commes,  and 
other  places  on  its  borders.    The  excitement  now  spread  over  the  country 
Everywhere  the  populace  was  in  arms.    Churches,  chapels,  and  convents  were 
involved  in  indiscriminate  ruin.    The  storm,  after  sweeping  over  ^jaji^^ers  and 
desolating  the  flourishing  cities  of  Valenciennes  and  Tournay,  descended  on 
Brabant     Antwerp,  the  great  commercial  capital  of  the  country,  was  its  hrst 

""  The  usual  population  of  the  town  happened  to  be  swelled  at  this  time  by  an 
influx  of  strangers  from  the  neighbouring  country,  who  had  come  "P  to  ce  e- 
brate  the  great  festival  of  the  Assumption  of  the  Virgin.  Fo/tunately,  the 
prii^  of  Orange  was  in  the  place,  and  V  his  presence  prevented  any  molesta- 
tSn  to  the  procession,  except  what  arose  from  the  occasional  groans  and  hisses 
of  the  more  zealous  spectators  among  the  Protestants.  The  priests,  however 
on  their  return,  had  the  discretion  to  deposit  the  image  m  the  chapel,  instead 
of  the  conspicuous  station  usually  assigned  to  it  in  the  cathedral,  to  receive 
there  during  the  coming  week  the  adoration  of  the  faithful. 

On  the  following  dayf  unluckily,  the  prince  was  recalled  to  Brussels.  In  the 
eve^Ung  some  boys,  wL  had  found  their  way  into  the  church,  called  out  t^ 
thrVinrin  demanding  "why  little  Mary  had  gone  so  eariy  to  her  nest,  and 
IheKie  w^^^^^^^^^  to  s^how  her  face  in  public."'.  This  was  followed  bv 
oirof  the  p^^^^^  into  the  pulpit  ancf  there  mimicking  the  tones  and 

gestures  of  the^Catholic  preacher.  An  honest  waterman  who  ^.a?  jesent,  a 
Sous  son  of  the  Church,  scandalized  by  this  insult  to  his  religion,  sprang 
^to  the  pulpit  and  endea>;oured  to  dislodge  the  usurper.  The  If /esi^t^ 
i^  comrades  came  to  his  rescue  ;  and  a  struggle  ensued,  which  ended  in  bo  h 
the  parties  being  expelled  from  the  building  by  the  officers.*  This  s^ndalous 
Droceedin*',  it  may  be  thought,  should  have  put  the  magistrates  of  the  city  on 
E  S^^  thern  to  take  some  measures  of  defence  for  the 

cathedral.    But  the  admonition  was  not  heeded.  ^„f ^^«^ 

On  the  following  day  a  considerable  number  of  the  reformed  party  entered 
the  buiUlinrand  were  allowed  to  continue  there  after  vespers  when  the  rest 
of  the  cSk^tion  had  withdrawn.  Left  in  possession,  their  first  act  was  to 
break  fSinto  one  of  the  Psalms  of  David.  The  sound  of  their  own  voices 
seemed  t^^^  them  to  fury.    Before  the  chant  had  died  away,  they  nished 

forward  as  by  a  common  impulse,  broke  open  the  doors  of  the  ^haM  ajul 
draffffed  forth  the  image  of  the  Virgin.  Some  called  on  her  to  cry,  Kire/ic 
leXlvrluiZthevs  tore  off  her  embroidered  robes  and  rolled  the  dumb 
idol  in  the  dust,  amidst  the  shouts  of  the  spectators. 

.  Strada,  De  Belle  Belgico,  torn  i.  pp  250-  '  •'Si  ^^^^^^^ ^^ Xt^jiyjl^ir^ 

oKo     Vnniipr  Hupr    Dft  Inltiis  Tumultuuin,  Htot  en  son  nta.      i^oiTeBi»uiiuaii«.c  « 

r23T7ersfq.- "o'pper.  Recueil  et  Memorial,  laume  le  T^itun^e  torn.  i...  Preface,  p.  Id. 

p.  96.-Corre8pondance  de  Marguerite  d'Au-  *  Ibid.,  ubi  supra, 
tricbe,  pp.  183, 185. 


2ee  THE  ICONOCLASTS. 

Tl.is  was  the  simal  tor  havoc.    The  rioters  dispersed  in  all  directions  on 
tJt^nUeLIrction     NotM-g^scaPtth^  K^^tlSl 

tTthremg^'oUhlto'tS  er"«dSwUh  hin,.   The  mob  contrived 

Ke^nto  iVund^ed  frTments.    The  two  thieves,  it  was  remarked,  were 

'"'Ai^'i^^^r^T^^tt^  oteutIfel:^"which7fr  ^^'^T; 

Flemish  art,  even  then,  in  its  dawn,  giving  promise  of  the  glonous  day  whicn 

^%at  tl'ieVrili^'of  "Zm^^,  and  of  Antwerp,  was  the  great  or.an,  re- 
now  ed  throughout  the  Netlierlands,  not  more. for  its  diniensions  than  ts 
Set  workmanship.  With  their  ladders  the  rioters  scaled  the  lofty  fabric, 
Switrtheil?  implements  soon  converted  it,  like  all  else  they  laid  their  hands 

°\t^1nZlw  universal.  Nothing  beautiful  -thing  ji^ly  was  s^ared^ 
Thp  altars— and  there  were  no  less  than  seventy  in  the  vast  eaince  were 
ov'ertWn  one  after  another ;  their  richly  embrddered  covermgs^^^^^^^^  rent 
awav  their  cold  and  silver  vessels  appropriated  by  the  plunderers,  ine 
Smentll  bread  was  trodden  under  i6ot ;  the  wine  was  quatled  by  the  nns- 
SS^n  golden  c^^^^  to  the  health  of  one  another,  or  of  the  Gueux  ;  and 
thrhdv  ol  wlVpro^^^  used  to  anoint  their  shoes  and  sandals  rhe 
^ulDtury  traceTv  on  the  walls,  the  costlv  offerings  that  enricheci  the  shnnes 
?he  Lriit  oS^  bronze,  the  delicatefy  carvecfw^d-work  of  the  pulpit  the 
marb^e^nd  alKer  ornanients,  all  went  down  under  the  herce  blows  of  the 
rco;ocl^?s''Th^^^^^^^^^^^^^^  was  strewed  with  ^he juii^^^^^^^^^^^ 
church  which  in  si£e  and  magnificence  was  perhaps  second  only  to  bt.  I'eter's 
among  the  churches  of  Christendom  ,  ,.  , 

As  the  light  of  day  faded,  the  assailants  supplied  its  place  ^^t"  such  light  as 
thev  could  obtain  from  the  candles  which  they  snatched  from  the  altars.  It 
was  mSt  before  the  work  of  destruction  was  completed.  Thus  toiling  in 
da^knes^feebly  dispelled  by  tapers  the  rays  of  which  could  scarcely  penetrate 
thrvauffi^tances  of  the  catWdral,  it  is  a  curious  circumstance-if  true- 
tK  ^e  wis  1^^  by  the  heavy'masses  of  timber,  stone,  and  metal  that 
were  ever^w  ere  falling  around  them.*  The  whole  number  engaged  m  this 
workTs  SS  to  have  exceeded  a  hundred  men,  women,  and  boys,-women 
nf  thp  lowest  descrintion,  dressed  in  men's  attire.  ,    ,    •        j.u    j 

wLrtheir  S  was  Completed,  they  sallied  forth  in  a  body  from  the  doors 
of  the  cathedral,  some  singing  the  Psalms  of  David,  others  roaring  out  the 
fLatLl  war  cry  T'vivmt  tes  Gueux  !  "  Flushed  with  success,  and  joined 
oT  the  way  b^st^^^^^^  like  themselves,  they  burst  open  the  doors  of  oiie 
c  urch  Tfter  another ;  and  by  the  time  morning  broke,  the  principal  temples 
in  he  cHy  h^te^^  dealt  with  in  the  same  rut&ess  manner  as  the  ca^iedi^l* 
No  attempt  aU  this  time  was  made  to  stop  these  proceedings,  on  the  part 

work  was  done  under  the  Immediate  direction 
of  the  demons  of  hell ! "  ,^         ^ 

•  Ibid.,  pp.  255-258.— Vander  Haer,  De 
Initiis  Tumultuum,  p.  237,  et  seq.— Brandt, 
Reformation  in  the  IjOW  Coinitries,  vol.  I.  p. 
193.— Correspondiince  de  Guillaumc  le  Taci- 
tume,  torn,  il.,  Preface,  pp.  lill.,  Uv. 


SACRILEGIOUS  OUTRAGES, 


267 


•  "NuUus  px  eo  numero  ant  casu  affllctus, 
aut  ruina  ..ppressua  decidentium  ac  transvo- 
lantium  fragni  ntorum,  aut  occursu  collisuque 
fpBtlnantluiii  cum  fabrllibus  armls  levlssime 
sauciatus  sit  "  Strada,  1^  fVllo  Rolgico.  torn, 
i  p.  257.— "No  light  argnrapnt,"  adds  the 
historian,  "  that  with  God's  permission  the 


\% 


\ 


of  magistrates  or  citizens.  As  they  beheld  from  their  windows  *«  ^'R^j^J  «« 
arm(3^  men  hurrying  to  and  fro  by  the  gleam  of  their  torches,  and  listened 
to  the  sSs  ""Silence  in  the  distance,  tVy  S(^ra  to  have  been  ?truck  «.th 
a  panic  The  Catholics  remained  within-doors,  f'»*J'"g,^f,f  S' f '^^  of  the 
Protestants  The  Protestants  feared  to  move  abroad,  lest  they  shoum  oe 
confound^'with  the  rioters.  Some  imagined  their  9wn  turn  might  come 
S,  and  appeared  in  arms  at  the  entrances  of  their  houses,  prepared  to 
defend  them  against  the  enemy.  ,      ,    ,  ., 

When  gorged  with  the  plunder  of  the  city,  the  insurgents  poured  o  t  at  the 
eates  and  fell  with  the  same  violence  on  the  churches,  coiivents,  and  other  . 
fes  edifices  in  the  suburbs.  For  three  days  these  dismal  scenes  con- 
tinued, without  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  inhabitants.  Amidst  the  rum 
"'cathedral,  the  mob  had  spared  the  royal  arms  and  the  escu  che^^  oi 
the  knights  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  emblazoned  on  the  wa  Is  Calling  th^  to 
mind,  they  now  returned  into  the  city  to  ^^niplete  the york  J"^J;«"^^  J 
the  kniehts,  who  were  at  Antwerp,  collected  a  handful  of  the  r  followers,  ana, 
wifflwVthe  cftizens,  forced  their  way  into  the  cathe^lral,  arrested  e^^^^^^^ 
twelve  of  the  riotors,  and  ^sily  dispersed  the  remainder ;  while  a  gfov  erected 
on  an  eminence  admonished  the  otfenders  of  the  fato  that  awaited  them^^  The 
facility  with  which  the  disorders  were  repressed  by  a  few  resolute  men  natu- 
i^rs^iggests  the  inference  that  manyol  the  citizens  had  too  much  sympathy 

3  thfiuthors  of  the  outrages  to  care  to  check  thrvf^l'T,,^?iS^^^^^^ 
culprits  to  punishment.  An  orthodox  chronicler  of  the  time  vents  his  indigna- 
tion against  a  people  who  were  so  much  more  ready  to  stand  by  their  hearths 

'^The\totf  "rp  had  its  effect  on  the  country     The  flames  of  fanati- 
cism,  burning  fiercer  than  ever,  quickly  ^f'-^d  «ver  the  nort^^^^^ 
done  over  the  western  provmces.    In  Holland,  Utrecht,  i<  neslana,— every 
whreHn  short,  w^^^^  a  f^ew  exceptions  on  the  southern  borders  -roob^^^  rose 
against  the  churches.      In  some  places,  as  Rotterdam,  Dort,  Haarlem,  tne 
maristrat^s  were  wary  enough  to  avert  the  storm  by  delivering  up  the  iniages, 
r?t™b^  removing  them  from  the  buildings.^    It  was  rarely  that  any 
attomprwasUie  at  fesistance.     Yet  on  one  or  two  occasm^^^^^^^ 
succeeded  that  a  handful  of  troops  sufti(yd  to/out  ^^e  J^^^^^^^^^^^^  At  Ai^ 
chyn,  four  hundred  of  the  rabble  were  left  dead  on  the  field.    But  the  soldiers 
S  no  relish  for  their  duty,  and  on  other  occasions,  when  called  on  to  i^rfom 
it,  refused  to  bear  arms  against  their  countrymen."    The  leaven  of  heresy  was 

"^h^slK^k  rpiulder  devastation  went  on  vigorously  throughout 
the  land'    CaLdral'and  chapel,  monastery  and  nunnerv  reh^ous  1k^^^^^  o 
pverv  descrintion,  even  hospitals,  were  dehvered  up  to  the  tender  mercies  oi 
?hf  Itefo?S      The  monks  fled,  leaving  behind  them  treasures  of  manu- 
"S  w3i-stored  cellar.,  which  latte?  the  invade^ 
contents,  while  they  consigned  the  former  to  the  flames.    The  ternhed  nuns, 

BU  honra  por  caminos  y  formas  incompre- 
hensibles,  lo  ha  vengado  despuea  cruelmente, 
por  que  todos  esos  lugaree  donde  esas  cosas 
ban  acontecido  han  eido  tornados,  saqueados, 
despojados  y  arruinados  por  guerra,  pillage, 
peste  y  incomodidadee,  en  que,  asi  los  males 
V  culpados.  como  los  buenos  por  su  sufrimi- 
ento  y  connivencia,  han  conocido  y  confc-ado 
que  Dios  ha  side  corrido  contra  elloe.'  Kenom 
de  Francia,  Alborotos  de  Flandes,  Mb. 


»  "Pro    focis    pugnatur  interdum   acrius 
quim  pro  aria."    Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico, 

tom.  i.  p.  260.  ,       ^       ._j 

•  Brandt,  Reformation  In  the  Low  Countries, 

vol.  i.  p.  201.  .    ..  J     # 

•  But  the  Almighty,  to  quote  the  words  of 
a  contemporary,  jealous  of  his  own  honour, 
took  signal  vengeance  afterwards  on  all  those 
towns  and  villages  whose  inhabitants  had 
^too^^  tamely  bv  and  seen  the  profanation  of 
his  temples :  "  Dios  que  es  justo  y  zelador  de 


It 


268  THE  ICONOCLASTS. 

escaping  half  naked,  at  dead  of  night,  from  their  convents,  f^ere  too  happy  to 
find  a  ritreat  amonji  their  friends  and  kinsmen  m  the  city.>»    Neither  uionk 

such  indignities  as  might  express  the.r  contempt  for  tl^  a"j"h     ihey 
Z!^^l^'  Se^Xrtrtrge's  TA^^t^^  set 

ttXrchlfand'Sont  the  streets  with  t^em  in  njocke.T;yS?rB%,^ 
fhl  hnoks  with  butter,  that  they  nnght  hum  tlie  more  buskly.       i^y  ine 

Xtions^r«eS.^KLWu1he  flames  kindled  by  these 

^Thjfamount  of  injury  inflicted  during  this  dismal  period  it  is  not  possible 
*«  iftlnTte  Four  hundred  churches  were  sacked  by  the  insurgents  m  F  an- 
^ertKe  ■■«  The  dSge  to  the  cathedral  of  Antwerp,  including  its  precious 
m,?tentfwas  saw  to  amount  to  not  less  than  four  humlred  thousand  ducats  !■» 
The  loss 'o^^Snedby^^^^^  plunder  of  gold  and  silver  I.Uite  nnjrht  be  computed. 

rmarr|q^tua.y  a^^^^^^^ 

motLustf  gelu ' tvhkh  h^^^^^  cherished  by  the  generous 

rtZrefofcf Seism.  But  if  the  first  step  of  the  Reformation  was  on  he 
?^infn^^!rt  it  can  ot  be  denied  that  a  compensation  has  been  found  m  the 
•^  i  L*r'itwZ,ehv  breaking  the  fetters  of  the  intellect  and  opening 
ll^^e'X'e  in\ho^e  tolis'Se'nce  to  which  all  access  had  been  hrtherto 

■^^Thf'wide  extent  of  the  devastation  was  not  more  remarkable  than  the 
tiiue  in  which  it  was  accomplished.  The  whole  work  occupied  less  than  a 
fo  tnight  It  s^med  as  if  the  destroying  angel  had  passed  over  the  land  a.  d 
S  a.  bfow  had  consigned  its  noblest  edifices  to  ruin  !  The  method  and  dis- 
rinfine  f  I  maTsolay,  in  the  movements  of  the  iconoclasts  were  as  extraor- 
d^^rviitScelerit}  They  would  seem  to  have  been  directed  by  some 
&ha^dst1^nthos?  which  Lt  the  vulgar  eye.  The  quantity  of  gold  and 
?ilvlr  ulate  purloined  from  the  churches  and  convents  was  immense.  1  hough 
aSso'meLes  ap,.,ropriated  by  individuals  It  s^ms^n^^^^ 
to  have  been  gathered  in  a  heap  and  dehvered  to  the  minister,  wno,  eitner 


'"  Strada,  De  Bello  Etelgico,  torn.  i.  p.  259. 

"  "En  tou8  ces  monasleres  et  cloistres,  lis 
abattent  touttes  pepultures  des  comtes  et 
comtesses  de  Flandres  et  aultres."  Corre- 
Bpondance  de  Marguerite  d'Autriche,  p.  183. 

'"  •'  Htc  psittaco  gacroeanctum  Domini  cor- 
pus p"rrgerent:  Hic  ex  ordine  coUocatis 
imaginibus  ipnera  gubijcerent,  cjidentibus  m- 
Bultarent:  Htc  statuls  arnia  induertnt,  in 
armatos  depugtiarent,  deiectos,  Viuant  Geuj'ij 


clamare  Imperarent,  ut  ad  BC<»pum  sic  ad 
Christ!  imagine  m  iaculaturi  coUinjarent,  bbros 
bibliotbecarum  butiro  inunctoe  in  ignem 
conijcerent.  sacris  vestibus  sumnio  ludibrio 
per  vicos  palam  vterentur."  Vander  Haer,  De 
Initiis  Tuuiultuuni.  p.  238. 

"  Hooper,  Recueil  et  Memorial,  p.  98. 

»*  Correspondance  de  Marguerite  d'Autriche, 

P-  1«2. 
»»  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  260. 


ALARM  AT  BRUSSELS. 


2G9 


I 


of  himself,  or  by  direction  of  *«  con Jt^'sSSfei^.'"  We"l™iathize 

a  tn-eater  evil  than  the  loss  of  the  country."  »«  ii  ^«  !,nT  nrnKv  he  of  a 
to  lose  in  it "  replied  the  count,  somewhat  coo  ly,  "will  Probably  be  ot  a 
^tilrent  opi^  ion?»--an  answer  that  greatly  displeased  the  duchess 

Sours  ow  came  thick  on  one  another  of  the  outrages  committed  by  the 
imaee  b^r^kers  Fears  were  entertained  that  their  next  move  would  be  on 
thpSS  itself  Hitherto  the  presence  of  the  regent  had  preserved  Brussel^ 
Jl^t^tKnS  some  transient  denionstrations  among  the  people,  from  the 

mo"^ment  of  the'time,  the  capital  was  '^okf,  «»  ^.I'^o'JfoSlTe^^r'^^ 
"'^Tt'fnarXln's'ucf  foTon  Z%^  1  thoSldTnabilnhemTo  Seal 

ovro-Pnrv  ThrDrince  of  Orange  and  his  friends  earnestly  advised  that  Mar- 
exigency,  ihe  P""^®  ^^  •X'^p,  confederates  by  the  concessions  they  had 
garet  should  secure  ^^e  aid  ,^f  t^^®.f„^^^^^^  should  conciliate  the 

so  strenuously  demanded  ;  m  the  f  xt  p^a^,  ^^^'^  ^  ^^e  former  she 
Protestants,  by  consenting  to  ^^^^^^^^  sht&S^efus^^  "  It  would  te 
made  no  objection     But  .the  latter  sne  P^r^"^*^    J^.    ^j  ^j  ^^^t  two 

the  ruin  of  our  holy  religion,'  she  said.    It  was  jn  vam  iiiey  u  ^ 

Sfof'ttifrcfittXl^^nhlV^^^^^^ 

be  in  Brussels  and  massacre  every  priest  and  Roman  <;^ath^^^^^^  ^^^ 

qu'exigeait  le  service  de  Dieu,  parce  que  la 
ruine  de  la  religion  serait  un  plus  grand  mal 
que  la  perte  du  pays."  Correspondance  de 
Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  449.  . 

•»  "  n  repartit  que  tous  ceux  que  avaient 
quplque  chose  a  pordre,  ne  I'entendaient  pas 
de  cette  maniere."     Ibid.,  p.  450. 

»"  Vide  ante,  p.  255. 

•»  "  Et  me  disolent  .  .  .  que  le.s  sectaires 
voulloient  venir  tuer,  en  ma  presence,  tons 
les  prestres,  gens  d'eglise  et  cathohcques. 
Ck>rre8pondance  de  Marguerite  d'Autriche,  p. 
188. 


»•  «•  Y  de  lo  que  venia  del  saco  de  la  platerla 
y  cosas  sagradas  de  la  yglesia  (que  algunos 
ministros  y  los  del  consistorio  juntavan  en 
una)  distribuyendo  &  los  fieles  reformados 
algunos  frutos  de  su  reformacion,  para  con- 
tentar  a  los  hambrientos."  Renom  de  Francia, 
AUwrotos  de  Flandes,  MS.  .      j     i^„ 

•»  "  Haciendol.s  pagar  el  Precio  de  los 
azotes  con  que  fueron  azotados."    Ibid. 

'•  'Ml  repondit  que  la  premiere  chose  a 
faire  etait  de  rons-rver  I'fitat;  que,  ensu  te 
on  s'occuperait  des  cbosesde  la  religion,  bl  e 
repliqua,  non  sanshumeur.  qu'il  lu.  paraissait 
plus  u6ces8aire  de  pourvoir    daboid    a  ce 


270 


THE  ICONOCLASTS. 


CONCESSIONS  OF  THE  REGENT. 


271 


felt  herself  alone  in  her  extremity.  The  party  of  Granvelle  she  had  long 
since  abandoned.  The  party  of  Orange  seemed  now  ready  to  abandon  her. 
"  I  am  pressed  by  enennes  within  and  without,"  she  wrote  to  Philip  ;  "  there 
is  no  one  on  whom  I  can  rely  for  counsel  or  for  aid."  "  Distrust  and  anxiety 
brought  on  a  fever,  and  for  several  days  and  nights  she  lay  tossing  about, 
suffering  equally  from  distress  of  bodv  and  anguish  of  spirit." 

Thus  sorely  perplexed,  Margaret  felt  also  the  most  serious  apprehensions 
for  her  personal  safety.  With  the  slight  means  of  defence  at  her  command, 
Brussels  seemed  no  longer  a  safe  residence,  and  she  finally  came  to  the  reso- 
lution to  extricate  herself  from  the  danger  and  difficulties  of  her  situation  by 
a  precipitate  flight.  After  a  brief  consultation  with  Barlaiuiont,  Aerschot, 
and  others  of  the  party  opposed  to  the  prince  of  Orange,  and  hitherto  little  in 
her  confidence,  she  determined  to  abandon  the  capital  and  seek  a  refuge  in 
Mons,— a  strong  town  in  Hainault,  belonging  to  the  duke  of  Aerschot,  w-hich, 
from  its  sturdy  attachment  to  the  Romish  faith,  had  little  to  fear  from  the 

fanatics. 

Having  completed  her  preparations  with  the  greatest  secrecy,  on  the  day 
fixed  for  her  flight  Margaret  called  her  council  together  to  communicate  her 
design.  It  met  with  the  most  decided  opposition,  not  merely  from  the  lords 
with  whom  she  liad  hitherto  acted,  but  from  the  President  Viglius.  They  all 
united  in  endeavouring  to  turn  her  from  a  measure  which  would  plainly 
intimate  such  a  want  of  confidence  on  the  part  of  the  duchess  as  must  dis- 
honour them  in  the  eyes  of  the  world.  The  preparations  for  Margaret's  flight 
had  not  been  conducted  so  secretly  but  that  some  rumour  of  them  had  taken 
wind ;  and  the  magistrates  of  the  city  now  waited  on  her  in  a  body  and 
besought  her  not  to  leave  them,  defenceless  as  they  were,  to  the  mercy  of 
their  enemies 

The  prince  was  heard  to  say  that  if  the  regent  thus  abandoned  the  govern- 
ment it  would  be  necessary  to  call  the  states-general  together  at  once,  to  take 
measures  for  the  protection  of  the  country.'*  And  Egniont  declared  that  if 
she  fled  to  Mons  he  would  muster  forty  thousand  men  and  besiege  Mons  in 
person."  The  threat  was  not  a  vain  one,  for  no  man  in  the  country  could 
have  gathered  such  a  force  under  his  banner  more  easily  than  Egmont.  The 
question  seems  to  have  been  finally  settled  by  the  magistrates  causing  the 
gates  of  the  town  to  be  secured,  and  a  strong  guard  placed  over  them,  with 
orders  to  allow  no  passage  either  to  the  duche.s6  or  her  followers.  Thus  a 
prisoner  in  her  own  capital,  Margaret  conformed  to  necessity,  and,  with  the 
best  grace  she  could,  consented  to  relinquish  her  scheme  of  departure.'" 

The  question  now  recurred  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued  ;  and  the  more 
she  pondered  on  the  embarrassments  of  her  position,  the  more  she  became 
satisfied  that  no  means  of  extricating  herself  remained  but  that  proposed  by 
the  nobles.  Yet  in  thus  yielding  to  necessity  she  did  so  protesting  that  she 
was  acting  under  compulsion."    On  the  twenty-third  of  August,  Margaret 


*»  "  T^  duchesse  se  trouve  sans  conseil  nl 
assistance,  pressee  par  I'ennemi  an  dedans  et 
au  dehors."  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II., 
turn.  i.  p.  455. 

"  "  Nonobstant  touttes  ces  raisons  et  re- 
monstrances, par  plusieurs  et  divtrs  jours,  je 
n'y  ay  voullu  entendre,  donnantpar  plusieurs 
fois  soupirs  et  signe  de  douleur  et  angoisse  de 
coeur,  jusques  a  la  que,  par  aulcuns  jours,  la 
fiebvre  m'a  d^tenue,  et  ay  passe  plusieurs 
nuicte  sans  repos."  Correspondance  do  Mar- 
guerite d'Autriche,  p.  194. 


"*  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i. 
p.  454. 

'*  "Egmont  a  tenu  le  m?me  langage,  en 
ajoutant  qu'on  leverait  40,000  bomraes,  pour 
aller  assi^ger  Mons.     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

'*  Correspondance  de  Marguerite  d'Autriche, 
p.  196. — Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  1.  p. 
266.— Vita  Viglii,  p.  48.— Hopper,  Recueil  et 
Memorial,  p.  99. 

"  At  MargaretV  command,  a  detailed  ac- 
count of  the  circumstances  under  which  theve 
concessions  were  extorted  from  her  was  drawn 


I 


executed  an  instrument  by  which  she  engaged  *''tXv^[l'''°SheTm4CT 
the  members  of  the  league  for  anything  hitherto  done  by  th*^ J'J^  ^^^^l 

nowhere  otter  disturbance  to  the  Catholics.  ,  ,  ^  , ,  .^.  „„  „_^- 
On  the  twenty-fifth  of  the  month  the  confederate  nob  es  signed  an  agree- 
ment on  theirpan  and^^^^^^  swore  that  they  would  aid  the  regent  to  the 
Sos^in  suDl.reiing  the  disorders  of  the  country  and  m  bringing  their 
SorsToTusteTag^^^^^^  moreover  that  so  loii^  a.  the  rjnt  should  be 
true  to  the  compact  the  league  should  be  considered  as  nuU  and  void. 

The  feelings  of  MargaiS,  in  making  the  concessions  reqmredof  her  nay 
be  gathered  f^^^^  p?rusa\  of  her  pSvate  correspondence  with  her  brother^ 
No  S  in  her  public  life  ever  caused  her  so  deep  a  mortification ;  and  she 

ne'veffoTgave^'he  authors  of  it.  /^It  -^/-^""ZdThJ^'^^^^^^^^^ 
Philip •  "but,  happily,  you  will  not  be  bound  by  it.      And  she  ^^f  c"®f  """ 
to   le  at  once,  i^^su^ch' strength  a.  would  enable  him  *«  conque^the  (^^^^^^ 
fnr  himwif  or  to  rive  her  the  means  of  doing  so."    Margaret,  in  eariy  nie, 
hi^l  bXKd  inThe  hands  of  Ignatius  Loyola.    More  than  one  passage  m 
h^hW  pSves  that  the  lessons  of  the  Jesuit  had  not  been  thrown  away 

During  tfee  discussions  the  panic  had  been  ^''*  that  it  waa  thought 
adSlf  to  strengthen  the  garrison  under  «0™">«»d  ««  ^ount  Manrfeld^  and 
Wn  the  creator  part  of  the  citizens  under  arms  day  and  night,  w.nen  tms 
a™.gemlnTwI.^concluded,  the  great  lords  disi^r^  on  Ae-r  mis  on  to 
W/ire  order  in  their  several  governments.  The  prince  went  hrst  to  Antwerp, 
wfX^  we  have  sel^,  he  h\d  the  ottice  of  burgrave^  SMTriiSeS" 
vpstiL'ktion  into  the  causes  of  the  late  tumult,  hung  three  of  the  ring'ea«en^ 
I^dEed  three  others.  He  found  it,  however  "°  ff^, '"^^'f^^^hich 
t»rm<!  with  the  sectaries,  who  had  possession  of  all  the  churches,  Irom  wmcn 
^evh^  driven  S  Catholics.    A  ter  long  negotiation,  it  was  arranged  that 

hej  'id  balloted  to  hold  six,  and  ^V^^ffi  „* *  ^d  \°he  prTch^ 
nossps.sors  The  arrangement  gave  general  satisfaction,  and  t""  P"nfP~ 
Sns  and  niercStecongraUUatol  William  on  having  rescued  them  from 

^'^Nol'tlhe're^  She  knew  well  that  the  example  of  Antwerp  would 
become  a  nrecedlnilor  the  rest  of  the  country.  She  denounced  the  compac^ 
^ToTp^oSgthe  in4rests  of  Catholicism,  and  rtir^^l^d'n  iT 
.if  havniff  transcended  h  s  powers  and  betrayed  the  trust  reposea  in  mm. 
FinaCsle  wroreommandTng  him  at  once  to  revoke  h>^  conc^ion^^ 
Wilfikm,  in  ans;er,  explau.ed  to. her  th^g^O""*^  °"J^'£^  ^^f. ^„     u 

Ta'^rnf  i'rSmt1?nr  a  \U^^^^^^^ 

the  nrincf  as  we  of  their  own  sect,  accused  him,  in  this  instance,  of  sacnficing 


up  by  the  secretery  Berty.  This  document  is 
given  by  Gachard,  Correspondance  de  Philippe 
II.,  torn,  il.,  Appendix,  p.  588. 

■•'•  The  particulars  of  the  agreement  are 
given  by  Metertn,  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas,  fol.  45. 
Set'  also  Brandt,  Reformation  in  the  Low 
Cou!»trie«,  vol.  i.  p.  204.— Correspondance  de 
Guillaume  le  Tacitume,  torn.  ii.  pp.   455, 


459.--Corre8pondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  L 

p.  cxliv.  .  ^         . 

«»  '•  Elle  le  supplie  d'y  venir  promptement, 
k  main  armee,  atin  de  le  conquerir  de  nou- 
veau."    Corresiwndance  de  Philippe  11.,  tom. 

i    D   453. 

^  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventetnth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  i.  p.  1«7- 


n 


272 


THE  ICONOCLASTS. 


MARGARET  REPENTS  HER  CONCESSIONS. 


273 


ing  his  conduct,  did  not  conceal  liis  indi«?nation  at  the  charges  brought  aganist 
him  by  the  regent,  and  renewed  his  request  for  leave  to  resign  his  ottices, 
since  he  no  longer  enjoyed  her  confidence.  But,  whatever  disgust  she  may 
have  felt  at  his  present  conduct.  William's  services  were  too  important  to 
Margaret  in  this  crisis  to  allow  her  to  dispense  with  them ;  and  she  made 
haste  to  write  to  him  in  a  conciliatory  tone,  explaining  away  as  far  as  possible 
what  had  been  ofiensive  in  her  former  letters.  Yet  from  this  hour  the  con- 
sciousness of  mutual  distrust  raised  a  barrier  between  the  parties  never  to  be 

Wiiham  next  proceeded  to  his  governments  of  Utrecht  and  Holland,  which, 
by  a  similar  course  of  measures  to  that  pursued  at  Antwerp,  he  soon  restored 
to  order.  While  in  Utrecht,  he  presented  to  the  states  of  the  province  a 
memorial,  in  which  he  brietiy  reviewed  the  condition  of  the  country.  He 
urged  the  necessity  of  religious  toleration,  as  demanded  by  the  spirit  of  the 
age,  and  as  particularly  necessary  in  a  country  like  that,  the  resort  of  so  many 
foreigners  and  inhabited  by  sects  of  such  various  denominations.  He  con- 
cluded by  recommending  them  to  lay  a  petition  to  that  ettect  before  the 
throne,— not,  probably,  from  any  belief  that  such  a  petition  would  be  heeded 
by  the  monarch,  but  from  the  effect  it  would  have  in  strengthening  the  prin- 
ciples of  religious  freedom  in  his  countrymen.  William's  memorial  is  alto- 
gether a  remarkable  paper  for  the  time,  and  in  the  wise  and  liberal  tenor 
of  its  argimients  strikingly  contrasts  with  the  intolerant  spirit  of  the  court  of 
^ladrid." 

The  regent  proved  correct  in  her  prediction  that  the  example  of  Antwerp 
would  be  made  a  precedent  for  the  country.  William's  friends,  the  Counts 
Hoorne  and  Hoogstraten,  employed  the  same  means  for  conciliating  the 
sectaries  in  their  own  governments.  It  was  otherwise  with  Egmont.  He  Avas 
too  stanch  a  Cathohc  at  heart  to  approve  of  such  concessions.  He  carried 
matters,  therefore,  with  a  high  hand  in  his  provinces  of  Flanders  and  Artois, 
where  his  personal  authority  was  unbounded.  He  made  a  severe  scrutiny 
into  the  causes  of  the  late  tumult,  and  dealt  with  its  authors  so  sternljr  as  to 
provoke  a  general  complaint  among  the  reformed  party,  some  of  whom,  indeed, 
became  so  far  alarmed  for  their  own  safety  that  they  left  the  provinces  and 

went  beyond  sea.  .     ,     ,    ,         »   ^t.      «•  _x     r 

Order  now  seemed  to  be  re-estabHshed  in  the  land,  through  the  efforts  of 
the  nobles,  aided  by  the  confederates,  who  seem  to  have  faithfully  executed 
their  part  of  the  compact  with  the  regent.  The  Protestants  took  possession 
of  the  churches  assigned  to  them,  or  busied  themselves  with  raising  others  on 
the  ground  before  reserved  for  their  meetings.  •  All  joined  in  the  good  work, 
the  men  labouring  in  the  building,  the  women  giving  their  jewels  and  orna- 
ments to  defray  the  cost  of  the  materials.  A  calm  succeeded,— a  temporary 
lull  after  the  hurricane ;  and  Lutheran  and  Calvinist  again  indulged  m  the 
pleasing  illusion  that,  however  distasteful  it  might  be  to  the  government,  they 
were  at  length  secure  of  the  blessings  of  religious  toleration. 

During  the  occurrence  of  these  events  a  ereat  change  had  taken  place  in 
the  relations  of  parties.  The  Catholic  members  of  the  league,  who  had  pro- 
posed nothing  beyond  the  reform  of  certain  glaring  abuses,  and  least  of  all 
anything  prejudicial  to  their  own  religion,  were  startled  as  they  saw  the 
inevitable  result  of  the  course  they  were  pursuing.  Several  of  them,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  left  the  league  before  the  outbreak  of  the  iconoclasts ;  and 


4 


tl 


"  Coirespondance  de  Guillaume  1p  Taci- 
turn<\  torn.  ii.  pp.  220,  223,231,  233;  PreLice, 
pp.  Ixii.-lxiv. 


•'  The  document  is  given  entire  by  Groen, 
Archives  de  la  Mai&ou  d'Orangc-Nu&uiu.  torn. 
i,  p.  429,  et  seq. 


after  that  event  but  very  few  remained  in  it.    The  ?<>nfef«™'5^  ""^  Iti^^^i^ 

iiistice  the  authors  of  the  recent  disorders.'*  Thus  deserted  by  many  ox  ira 
iWmembeS  districted  by  the  Reformers,  and  detested  by  the  regent,  the 
?Igue  cS'from  that  period  to  exert  any  considerable  influence  on  the 

*"'f  chlt*Suafl7important  had  taken  place  in  the  politics  of  the  court 
The  mai^"obiSv^  thlargaret,  from  the  first,  had  been  to  secure  the  public 
t™nn^.ilitv     To  effect  this  she  had  more  than  once  so  far  deferred  to  the 
hXme  t  of  Wmfam  and  his  friends  as  to  pursue  a  policy  "ot  the  most 

^lr> Si^wr  tar  feXft^a  sgs 

precipice.    The  concessions  wruiig  ^^oju  her  at  that  time  b^ 

friends  filled  up  the  measure  of  her  indignation.    A  great  guit  »ow  openm 

Ween  her  and  the  party  by  whom  she  had  been  so  long  directed.    Yet 

whTrf  could  she  tini  For  Jup^rt  1    One.  course  -^y --^^^^^ 

with  a  bitter  feeling  that  she  felt  constrained  to  throw  herselt  into  ^^e  arras 

Tthe  ver^^^^^  she  had  almost  estranged  from  her  counsels     In  her 

extremify^se^nt  for  the  President  Viglius,  .0";^h,?^«/^tt%M^n^^ 
so  many  anathemas  in  her  correspondence  with  Philip,-whom  she  had  noii 

-  »r?l^t\"hifm«'co^|S  ^r^<^^£52S 

ixrt  Sf-=^i^  "?T- ---SHE  iS 


«  Tiepolo,  the  Venetian  minister  at  the 
court  of  Castile  at  this  time,  in  his  report 
made  on  his  return,  expressly  acquits  the 
Flemish  nobles  of  what  had  been  often  im- 
puted  to  them,  having  a  hand  in  these  troubles. 
Their  desire  for  r.^form  only  extended  to 
ceruin  crying  abuses ;  but,  in  the  words  of 
S^metaphor.  the  stream  which  tliey  would 
have  turned  to  the  irrigation  of  the  ground 
Boon  swelled  to  a  terrible  inundation:  "Con- 
tra 1'  opinion  de'  principali  della  lega,  che 
volevano  indur  timore  et  non  Unto  danno. 


.  TMco  che  qucsto  fn  perche  essi  non  beb- 
i)e'ro  mal  intentione  di  ribellarsi  dal  suo  Big«» 
ma  solamente  con  quest i  me/zi  di  timore 
in.pedir  che  non  si  introducesse  in  quel  stall 
il  tribunal  deir  Inquisitione."  Relatione  di 
M.  A.  Tiepolo.  1567,  MS.  •        ...      , 

'*  "En  supposant  que  le  Rol  vonlut  aa- 
mettre  deux  religions  (ce  qu'eUe  ne  pouva U 
croire).  elle  ne  voulalt  pas,  elle.  etre  lex«:u- 
trlce  d'une  semblable  determination;  qu  elle 
se  laisserait  plutot  mettre  en  pieces,  ^"e- 
epondance  de  PhiUppe  U.,  torn.  i.  p.  453. 


274  THE  ICONOCLASTS. 

lidence  was  transferred  from  the  party  with  which  she  had  hitherto  acted,  to 

*^It'  if  rin"inir  to  trace  the  change  of  Margaret's  sentiments  in  her  corre- 
spindence  of  tWs  period  with  her  brother  "Orange  and  Hoorne  prove  thenv 
se Iv-erbv  word  and  by  deed,  enemies  of  God  and  the  kmg.";«  Of  Kgmont 
she  sneaL  no  better  "  With  all  his  protestations  of  loyalty  "she  fears  he  is 
oX  K  n^^  to  the  state.    "He  has  openly  joined  the  G^^iLv.md 

his  ell "  daaS  is  reported  to  be  a  Huguenot."  ^^  Her  great  concern  is  for 
tl^^  safety  of  V  S  "  almost  paralvze<l  by  his  fears,  as  the  people  actually 
threaten  to  tear  W^  pieces."  »  the  factious  lords  conduct  affairs  according 
to  t^eir  own  pk^^^^^^  council ;  and  it  is  understood  they  are  negotiating 

at  tlepS  moment  to  bring  about  a  coalition  between  the  Protestants  of 
Ger  nnv    Fra  c^^^^         Englal^d,  hoping  in  the  end  to  drive  the  house  of 

iSia^'fiomX  ihrone,  to  fhake  off  fhe  yoke  ^^ ,l^^^\^Z^%^^^^^ 
and  divide  the  provinces  among  themse  ves  and  their  fr  ends      JVlargaret  s 
credulity  seems  to  have  been  in  proportion  to  her  hatred,  and  her  hatrea  m 
mZnlnZhev  former  friendship.    So  it  was  in  her  quarrel  with  Granvelle 
LTshe  now  dealt  the  same  measure  to  the  men  who  had  succeeded  that 

"^ij^^^^  httle  for  the  regent's  estrangement.    He  had 

long  X that  his  own  path  lay  wide  asunder  from  that  of  tbe  government 
a,  cL  as  we  have  seen,  had  more  than  once  asked  leave  to  resign  his  offices  and 
wthdraw  into  private  life.  Hoorne  viewed  the  matter  with  equal,  mdifte- 
rencf  He  ha<f  also  asked  leave  to  retire,  complaining  that  his  services  had 
been  Doorly  requited  by  the  government.  He  was  a  man  of  a  bold,  imnatient 
Sper  O^^  to^Philip  he  told  him  that  it  was  not  the  regent,  Wt  his 
maie^y  of  whom  he  complained,  for  compelling  him  to  undergo  the  annoy- 
ani  of  dancTng  a^^^^^  the  court  of  ^Br.issels  !  *<>   He  further  added  that 

he  had  rt  d Sed  his  conduct  with  the  duchess,  as  it  was  not  his  way  to 
treat  of  affairs  of  honour  with  ladies!-  There  was  certainly  no  want  of 
Dlain-dealiuff  in  this  communication  with  majesty.  ^„„„„^ 

^  Count  Egmont  took  the  coolness  of  the  regent  in  a  venr/ifferent  manner. 
It  ton  hed  ^^  honour,  perhaps  his  vanity,  to  be  thus  excluded  from  he^^^^^^^^^^ 
dence  He  felt  it  the  more  keenly  as  he  was  so  loyal  at  heart  and  strongly 
attoched  to  the  Romish  faith.  On  the  other  hand,  his  generous  nature  was 
deeply  Vensib^^^^  the  wrongs  of  his  countrymen.  Thus  drawn  in  opposite 
dSonThe  took  the  middle  coiirse,-by  no  means  the  safest  in  politics. 
Undeithese  opposite  inffiiences  he  remained  in  a  state  of  dangerous  irresolu- 
tion Arsympa^^^  with  the  cause  of  the  confederates  lost  hmi  the  confidence 
of^he  eovernment  His  loyalty  to  the  government  excluded  him  from  the 
cLncnsTthe^onfederates.  ^And  thus,  though  perhaps  the  most  popular  man 


»*  The  report  of  this  curious  dialogue, 
Bomewbat  more  extend»Hl  than  in  these  pages, 
is  to  be  found  in  the  Vifci  Viplii,  p.  47. 

"•  "  lin  parolps  et  en  faits,  ila  se  sont 
declares  centre  Pieu  et  contre  le  Roi."  Cor- 
respondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  I.  p.  453. 

''  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

»■  "Le  president,  qu'on  menace  de  tous 
cotes  d'assommer  et  de  roettre  en  pieces,  est 
devenu  d'une  timidite  incroyablo."  Ibid.,  p. 
4(50.— Viglius,  in  bis  "  Life,"  confirms  this 
account  of  the  dangers  with  which  he  was 
threatened  by  the  people,  but  takes  much 
more  credit  to  himself  for  presence  of  mind 


than   the  duchess  seems  willing  to  allow. 
Vita  VigliJ,  p  48. 
^»  Conespondance  de  Philippe  11.,  torn.  I. 

pp.  255,  260.  „  „  .    , , 

"»  "  Disant  n'avoir  aulcun  d  elle,  mais  men 
de  Vostre  Majeste,  laqueUe  n'avoit  este  con- 
tent  me  lalsser  en  ma  maisoii,  mais  m'avoit 
comma.ide  me  trouver  4  Bruxelles  vers  Son 
Altesse,  ou  avoie  receu  tant  de  fachenes. 
Supplement  k  Strada,  tom.  ii  p.  BO."). 

*'  "  Ne  me  samblant  d^bvoir  traictor  ax- 
f  lires  de  honneur  avecq  Dames."  Ibid.,  ubi 
supra. 


THE  FEELING  AT  MADRID. 


275 


in  the  Netherlands,  there  was  no  one  who  possessed  less  real  influence  m  public 

^^The 'tidings  of  the  tumults  in  the  Netherlands,  which  travelled  with  the 
usual  eStion  of  evil  news,  caused  as  great  consterna  ion  at  the  court  of 
S  le  aK  had  done  at  that  of  Brussels.''  Philin,  on  receiving  his  despatches, 
bS  forth  it  is  said,  into  the  most  violent  tit  o/ anger,  and,  tearing  his  beard, 
he  exclaimed  »  iTshall  cost  them  dear  ;  by  the  soul  of  my  father  I  swear  it 
it  shalHst'them  dear!""  The  anecdote  often /epeat^,rest^^^^^^^ 
authority  of  Granvelle's  correspondent,  Morillon.  If  it  be  true,  it  a^ords  a 
sditerVexception  to  the  habitual  self-command -displayed  in  circumstances 
S  as  tS^^^^^^^^  "  prudent "  monarch.  The  account  given  by  Hopper, 
ffwas  wl  h\he  cou^^^  af  the  time,  is  the  more  probable  of  the  two  Accord- 
Tg  to  that  minister,  the  king,  when  he  received  the  tid>nF'it^//i,^!^^f  ^ 
fever  at  Segovia.  As  letter  after  letter  came  to  him  with  particulars  9!  the 
turn  lit  Kfntained  his  usual  serenity,  exhiMting  no  ^^gP,  o^  Pf^^^^  Vit 
vexation  Though  enfeebled  by  his  malady,  he  allowed  himself  no  repose,  but 
gave  m^^^^^  to  business."     He  read  all  the  despatches  made 

Sreful  notes  of  their  contents,  sending  such  information  as  he  (Teemed  best  to 
hts  councrfor  their  considektion,  and,  as  his  health  mended,  occasionally 
atteuded  in  person  to  the  discussions  of  that  body.  j.       •    xi,« 

"'0  e  can  f?el  but  little  doubt  as  to  the  light  *»  "Vll'jf,  P™?!t Td  d  no? 
•Not liprla  lids  were  reearded  bv  the  royal  council  of  Castile,  let  it  aia  not 
Srow  he  wLTe  or^erthe  chief,  fclame  on  the  iconoclasts.  They  were 
te^Zed  as  mere  tLs  in  the  hands  of  the  sectaries.  The  sectaries,  on  their 
Zt  were  irw^S^^d,  moved  by  the  confederates,  on  whom  they  leaned  for 
^likction  ThT  confederates,  in  their  turn,  made  common  cause  with  the 
l^t  lordi  to  whom  many  of  them  were  bound  by  the  closest  ties  of  friend- 
fh^  and  of  bS  By  this  ingenious  chain  of  reasonuifr,  a  were  made 
?esDonSble  for  the  acts  of  violence ;  but  the  chief  responsibility  lay  on  the 
Hsd  the  CT^t  nobles,  on  whom  all  in  the  last  resort  depended. .  It  was 
agafns?  tl^  tS  the  public  indignation  should  '^.^'J^ted  notagam  t^^^ 
m^ner  offenders,  over  whom  alone  the  sword  of  justice  had  been  hitherto 
siSed  But  the  king  should  dis.senible  his  sentiments  until  he  «as  in 
3tion  to  Sn  these  gri^t  vassals  to  account  for  their  misdeeds.  AH  joined 
r£ching  Ph  lip  to^Sr  no  longer  his  vUit  U>  Flanders ;  and  most  of  them 
reconimeS  that  he  should  go  in  such  force  as  to  look  down  opposition  and 

'^^l^^h^'^af  thetins^fof  ^^^^^^  in  conformity  with  that  which  he  had  always 
given  0^  the  subject.    But  aTthough  aU  concurred  in  urging  the  king  to 


*•  *»They  tell  me,"  writes  Morillon  to 
Granvelle,  "it  is  quite  incredible  bow  old 
and  eray  Egmont  bas  become.  He  does  not 
venture  to  sleep  at  nigbt  witbout  his  sword 
and  pistols  by  his  bedside!"  (Archives  de 
la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau,  Supplement,  p. 
36  )  But  there  was  no  pn  tence  that  at  this 
time  Egmont's  life  was  in  danger.  Morillon, 
in  his  eagerness  to  cater  for  the  cardinals 
appetite  fur  gossip,  did  not  always  stick  at 

the  improbable.  ,  ,-    .    *  m  ..„ 

*'  '•  II  leur  en  contera  cber  (s  ecria-t-il  en 

ee  tirant  la  barbe),  II  leur  en  coutera  cher ; 


j'en  jure  par  I'ame  de  mon  pere."    Gachard, 
Analectes  Helgiques,  p.  254.* 

"  "  De  tout  cela  (disje)  ne  se  perdit  un  seul 
moment  en  ce  temps,  non  ob^ant  la  dicte 
maladie  de  Sa  Maj^*,  la  quelle  se  monstra 
Beiiiblablement  selon  sou  bon  naturel,  en  t^us 
ces  negoces  et  actions  tousjours  tant  modeste, 
et  temperee  et  constante  en  iceulx  affaires, 
quelques  extremes  qu'ilz  fussent,  que  jamais 
I'on  n'a  veu  en  icelle  signal,  ou  de  passion 
contre  les  personues  d'une  part,  ou  de  re- 
lasclie  en  8e>  negcices  de  I'aultre."  Hopper, 
Recueil  et  iVlemorial,  p.  104. 


•  ["Tirant  la  barbe"  is  merely  pulling,  or  twitching,  the  beard,-an  habitual  gesture  of 
Philip's,  according  to  some  writers.— Eu.l 


276 


THE  ICONOCLASTS. 


expedite  his  departure,  some  of  the  councillors  followed  the  nnnce  of  Eboli  m 
advLing  Philip  that,  instead  of  this  warlike  panoi,ly,  he  should  go  in  peac^ble 
miise,  accompanied  only  by  such  a  retinue  as  befitted  the  royal  dignity.  Each 
of  the  great  rivals  recommended  the  measures  most  congenial  with  his  own 
temper,  the  direction  of  which  would  no  doubt  be  intrusted  to  the  man  who 
recommended  them.  It  is  not  strange  that  the  more  violent  course  should 
have  found  favour  with  the  majority."  ,    ,  .    ,.  ,  ti«  ^,.^fo 

Philip's  own  decision  he  kept,  as  usual,  locked  m  his  own  lx)som  He  wrote 
Indeed  to  his  sister,  warning  her  not  to  allow  the  meeting  of  the  legis  ature, 
and  announcing  his  speedy  coming,-all  as  usual ;  and  he  added  tliat  in 
repressing  the  disorders  of  the  country  he  should  "se  no  other  means  than 
those  of  gentleness  and  kindness,  under  the  sanction  of  the  states.*  These 
gentle  professions  weighed  little  with  those  who  like  the  prince  of  Orange,  had 
lurer  means  of  arriving  at  the  king's  intent  than  what  were  aAorded  by  the 
royal  correspondence.  IVIonti^niy,  the  Flennsh  envoy,  was  still  at  Madrid,  held 
there  sorely  against  his  will,  in  a  sort  of  honourable  captivity  by  1  hihp.  In 
a  letter  to  his  brother.  Count  Hoorne,  he  wrote  "  Nothing  can  be  m  worse 
odour  than  our  affairs  at  the  court  of  Castile.  The  great  lords,  m  particular, 
are  considered  as  the  source  of  all  the  mischief.  Violent  counsels  are  alto- 
gether  in  the  ascendant,  and  the  storm  may  burst  on  you  sooner  than  you 
think.    Nothing  remains  but  to  «y  from  it  like  a  prudent  man,  or  to  face  it 

like  a  brave  one  ' "  *^ 

William  had  other  sources  of  intelligence,  the  secret  agents  whom  he  kept 
in  pay  at  Madrid.  From  them  he  learned  not  only  what  was  passing  at  the 
court  but  in  the  very  cabinet  of  the  monarch  ;  and  extracts,  sometunes  full 
copies,  of  the  coiTe.sr)ondence  of  Philip  and  Margaret  were  transmitted  to  the 
prince  Thus  the  secrets  which  the  most  jealous  prince  in  Europe  supposed  to 
be  locked  in  his  own  breast  were  often  in  passession  of  his  enemies  ;  and 
William,  as  we  are  told,  declared  that  there  was  no  word  of  Philips,  public  or 
private,  but  was  reported  to  his  ears  ! " 

This  secret  intelligence,  on  which  the  pnnce  expended  large  sums  of  money, 
was  not  confined  to  iVladrid.  lie  maintained  a  similar  system  of  espionage  in 
Paris,  where  the  court  of  Castile  was  busy  with  its  intrigues  for  the  extermi- 
nation of  heresy.  Those  who  look  on  these  trickish  proceedings  a.s  ""worthy 
of  the  character  of  the  prince  of  Orange  and  the  position  which  he  held  should 


*•  At  tWs  pPTiod  rtops  the  •*  Recueil  et 
Memorial  des  Troubles  «ie8  Pays-Bsus"  of 
Joachim  Hopper,  which  covers  a  hundred 
quario  papes  of  the  second  volume  (part 
second)  of  Hoynck  van  Papendrecht's  "  Aua- 
lecta  lielgica."  Hopper  was  a  jurist,  a  man 
of  learning  and  integrity.  In  1566  he  was 
callwl  to  Madrid,  raised  to  the  post  of  keeper 
of  the  seals  for  the  affairs  of  the  Netherlands, 
and  made  a  mernter  of  the  council  of  state. 
He  never  seems  to  have  enjoyed  the  confi- 
dence of  Philip  in  anything  like  the  degrt-e 
which  Granvelle  and  some  other  ministers 
could  boast ;  for  Hopper  was  a  Fleming.  Yet 
his  situation  in  the  cabinet  made  him  ac- 
quainted with  the  tone  of  sentiment  as  well 
as  the  general  policy  of  the  court ;  while,  as 
a  native  of  Flanders,  he  could  compreliend, 
better  than  a  Spaniard,  the  bearing  this  policy 
would  have  on  his  countrymen.  His  work, 
therefore,  is  of  great  importance  as  far  as  it 
goes.    It  is  difficult  to  say  why  it  should 


have  stopped  in  mediis,  for  Hopper  remained 
still  in  office,  and  died  at  Matlrid  ten  years 
after  the  period  to  which  he  brings  his  narra- 
tive. He  may  have  been  discouraged  by  the 
remarks  of  Viglius,  who  intimates,  in  a  letter 
to  his  friend,  that  the  chronicler  should  wait 
to  allow  Time  to  disclose  the  secret  springs 
of  action.  See  the  Epistolai  ad  Hopperum, 
p.  419. 

«•  Correspondance   de    Marguerite    d  Au- 

triche,  p.  206. 

*''  "Questo  e  il  nuvolo  che  minaccia  ora  i 
nostri  paesi ;  e  n'  uscira  la  tempesta  forse 
prima  die  non  si  pensa.  Chi  la  prevede  ne 
da  r  avviso ;  e  chi  n'  e  avvisato,  o  con  intre- 
pidezzH  r  incmtri,  o  con  avvedimento  la 
efugga."    Bentivoglio,  Guerra  di  Fiamlra.  p. 

118. 

♦•  "Nullum  pro-iire  h  Regis  ore  verbnm 
sen  private  seu  publice,  quln  ad  ejus  aures  in 
Belgium  fideliter  aflVratur."  StraUa,  De  bello 
Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  281. 


SAGACITY  OF  ORANGE. 


277 


consider  that  it  was  in  accordance  with  the  spmt  of.  the  age.  It  was  but 
turning  Philip's  own  arts  against  himself,  and  using  the  only  means  by  which 
WUliam  couW  hope  to  penetrate  the  dark  and  unscrupulous  policy  of  a 
cabinet  whose  chief  aim,  as  he  thought,  was  to  subvert  the  hberties  of  lus 

^It^was  at  this  time  that  his  agents  in  France  intercepted  a  letter  from 
Alava,  the  Spanish  minister  at  the  French  court.  It  was  addressed  to  the 
duchess  of  Parma.  Among  other  things,  the.  writer  says  it  is  well  understood 
at  Madrid  that  the  great  nobles  are  at  the  bottom  of  the  troubles  of  t  landers. 
The  king  is  levying  a  strong  force,  with  which  he  will  soon  visit  the  country 
and  call  the  three  lords  to  a  heavy  reckoning.  In  the  mean  time  the  duchess 
must  be  on  her  guard  not  by  any  change  in  her  deportment  to  betray  her 

consciousness  of  this  intent."  .        ,  ,,  -i.  i.  -4.     «^  «,% 

Thus  admonished  from  various  quarters,  the  pnnce  felt  that  it  was  no 
longer  safe  for  him  to  remain  in  his  present  position,  and  that,  in  the  words 
of  kontigny,  he  must  be  prepared  to  fight  or  to  tly.  He  resolved  to  take 
counsel  with  some  of  those  friends  who  were  smiilarly  situated  with  himselt. 
In  a  communication  made  to  Egmont  in  order  to  persuade  l,V"l  ^  *^^^"  f '^i 
ence,  William  speaks  of  Philip's  military  preparations  as  equally  to  be  dreaded 
by  Catholic  and  Protestant ;  for,  under  the  pretext  of  religion,  Philip  had  no 
other  object  in  view  than  to  enslave  the  nation.  "  This  has  been  always  feared 
by  us,"  he  adds ;  *•  "  and  I  cannot  stay  to  witness  the  rum  ot  my  country. 

The  parties  met  at  Dendermonde  on  the  third  of  October.    Besides  the 
two  friends  and  Count  Hoorne,  there  were  William's  brother  Louis,  and  a  few 
other  persons  of  consideration.    Little  is  actually  known  of  the  proc^dings 
at  this  conference,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  more  than  one  othcious 
chronicler  to  enlighten  us.    Their  contradictory  accounts,  like  so  many  cross- 
lights  on  his  path,  serve  only  to  perplex  the  eye  of  the  student.    It  s^ms 
probable,  however,  that  the  nobles  generally,  including  the  pnnce,  considered 
the  time  had  arrived  for  active  measures,  and  that  any  armed  mtnision  on 
the  part  of  Philip  into  the  Netherlands  should  be  resisted  by  force.    IJut 
Egmont,  with  all  his  causes  of  discontent,  was  too  loyal  at  heart  not  to  shrmk 
from  the  attitude  of  rebellion.    He  had  a  larger  stake  than  most  of  the  a)m- 
pany,  in  a  numerous  family  of  children,  who  in  case  of  a  disastrous  revolution 
tv^uld  be  thrown  helpless  on  the  world.    The  benignity  with  which  he  had 
been  received  by  Philip  on  his  mission  to  Spain,  and  which  subsequent  slights 
had  not  effaced  from  his  memory,  made  him  confide,  most  unhappily,  m  the 
favourable  dispositions  of  the  monarch.    From  whatever  motives,  the  count 
refused  to  become  a  party  to  any  scheme  of  resistance ;  and,  as  his  populanty 
with  the  troops  made  his  co-operation  of  the  last  importance,  the  conference 
broke  up  without  coming  to  a  determination." 


«■  An  abstract  of  the  letter  is  given  by 
Gachard,  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  tom. 

i.  p.  4t(5.  . , 

*"  "  Sa  Mate  et  ceulx  du  Conseil  seront  biea 
aise  que  sur  le  pretext  de  la  religion  ils  pour- 
ront  parvenlr  i  leur  pretendu,  de  mestre  le 
pais,  nous  aultres,  et  nous  enfans  en  la  plus 
miserable  servitude  qu'on  n'auroit  jamais 
veu,  et  come  on  ast  tousjours  craint  cela  plus 

3ue  chose  que  soit."    Archives  de  la  Maison 
'Orange-Nassau,  tom.  ii.  p.  324. 
"'  Egmont's  deposition  at  his  trial  confirms 
the  account  given  in  the  text, -that  proposi- 
tions for  resistance,  though  made  at  the  meet- 


ing, were  rejected.  Hoorne,  in  his  "  Justifi- 
cation," refers  the  failure  to  Egmont.  Neither 
one  nor  the  other  throws  light  on  the  course 
of  discussion.  Bentivoglio,  in  his  account  of 
the  interview,  shows  no  such  reserve;  and 
he  gives  two  long  and  elaborate  speeches 
from  Orange  and  Egmont,  in  as  good   set 

Shra.<5e  a-*  if  they  had  been  expressly  reported 
y  the  parties  themselves  for  publication. 
The  lulian  historian  affects  a  degree  of  fa- 
miliarity with  the  proceedings  of  this  stcict 
conclave  by  no  means  calculated  to  secure 
our  confidence.  Guerra  di  Fia^dra,  pp.  123- 
128. 


278 


THE  ICONOCLASTS. 


ELrmont  at  once  repaired  to  Bnissels,  whither  he  had  been  summoned  by 
the  reL^ent  to  attend  the  council  of  state.  Orange  and  Iloorne  received,  each, 
a  similar  summons,  to  which  neither  of  them  paid  any  regard  Before  tak  ng 
his  Teat  at  the  bokrd,  Egmont  showed  the  duchess  Alava^  letter,  up^ 
her,  at  the  same  time,  with  her  perhdious  conduct  towards  the  nobles 
Margaret,  who  seems  to  have  given  way  to  temper  or  to  tears  as  the  exigency 
lemandeci,  broke  forth  in  a  rage,  declaring  it  "an  impudent  forgeir  and  the 
g?eate.t  p  ece  of  villany  in  the  world  !"«  The  same  fn^iment  she  repeats 
hi  a  letter  addressed  so^n  after  to  her  brother  m  which  she  asserts  her  behef 
that  no  such  letter  as  that  imputed  to  Alaya  had  ever  been  wntten  by  him. 
How  far  the  duchess  was  honest  in  her  declaration  it  is  impossible  at  this  day 
to  determine.  Egmont,  after  passing  to  other  matters  concludes  with  a 
remark  which  shows,  plainly  enougli^  his  own  opinion  of  her  sincerity^.  In 
fine,  she  is  a  woman  educated  in  Rome.    There  is  no  faith  to  be  given  to 

lier  "  **  1  • 

In  her  communication  above  noticed,  Margaret  took  occasion  to  complain 
to  Philip  of  his  carelessness  in  regard  to  her  Tetters.    The  contents  of  them 
she  said,  were  known  in  Flanders  almost  as  soon  as  at  .Madrid  ;  and  not  only 
copies,  but  the  original  autographs,  were  circulating  in  Brussels,    bhe  con- 
dudes  by  begging  her  brother,  if  he  cannot  keep  Tier  letters  safe,  to  burn 

^^^The  king,  in  answer,  expresses  his  surprise  at  her  complaints,  assuring 
Margaret  tllat  it  is  impossible  any  one  can  have  seen  her  letters,  which  are 
safelf  locked  up,  with  the  key  in  his  own  pocket."  It  is  amusing  to  see 
Philip's  increduhty  in  regard  to  the  practice  of  those  arts  on  himself  which  h^ 
hall  so  often  practised  on  others.  His  sister,  however,  seems  to  have  re^ed 
henceforth  more  on  her  own  precautions  than  on  his,  as  we  find  her  com- 
munications from  this  time  frequently  shrouded  m  cipher.  vr^,.,,!,^^, . 

Rumours  of  Philip's  warlike  preparations  were  now  nfe  m  the  Netherlands 
and  the  Protestants  began  to  take  counsel  as  to  the  best  means  of  Foyidn  2 
for  their  own  defence.  One  plan  suggested  was  to  send  thirty  thousand 
Calvinistic  tmcts  to  Seville  for  distnbution  among  the  ^Pfniards.  This 
would  raise  a  good  crop  of  heresy,  and  give  the  king  work  to  do  in  his  own 
dominions.  It  would,  in  short,  be  carrying  the  war  into  the  enemy  s  country. 
The  plan,  it  must  be  owned,  had  the  ment  of  novelty. 

In  Holland  the  nobles  and  merchants  mutually  bound  themselves  to  stand 
by  one  another  in  asserting  the  right  of  freedom  of  conscience."  Levies  went 
forward  briskly  in  Germany,  under  the  direction  of  Count  Louis  of  Nassau^ 
It  was  attempted,  moreover,  to  interest  the  Protestant  princes  of  that  country 
so  far  in  the  fate  of  their  brethren  in  the  Netherlands  as  to  induce  them  to 
use  their  good  offices  with  Philip  to  dissuade  him  from  violent  measures.    The 


"  "Siesse  qu'elle  jure  que  s'et  la  pins 
grande  vilagnerle  du  monde  .  .  .  et  que  s'et 
ung  vray  pasquil  fameulx  et  qui  doit  ettre 
forge  pardeciijl,  et  l)eaucoup  de  chozes  sem- 
blablea."  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange- 
Nassau,  torn.  ii.  p.  400. 

"  "  En  fin  s'et  une  femme  nourie  en  Rome, 
il  n'y  at  que  ajouter  foy."  Ibid.,  p.  401. 
—Yet  Egmont,  on  his  trial,  afBrmed  that  he 
regarded  the  letter  as  spurious !  (Correspon- 
dance  de  Margueritn  d'Autriche,  p.  327.;  One 
who  finds  it  impossible  that  the  prince  of 
Orange  could  lend  himself  to  such  a  piece 
ol  duplicity  may  perhaps  be  tjtaggert'd  when 


he  calls  to  mind  bis  curious  correspondence 
with  the  elector  and  with  King  Philip  in  re- 
lation to  Anne  of  Saxony,  before  his  marriage 
with  that  princess.  Yet  Marg>iret,  as  Eg- 
mont hints,  was  of  the  Italian  Pchool ;  and 
Strada,  her  historian,  dismisses  the  question 
with  a  doubt,—"  in  medio  ego  quidem  r*^lin- 
quo."  A  doubt  from  Strada  is  a  decision 
against  Margaret. 

"  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i. 
p.  474. 

»»  Ibid.,  p.  491. 

»•  Strada,  Ue  Rello  Pelgico,  tom.  i.  p.  282. 

"  Ibid.,  ubl  supra. 


SAGACITY  OF  ORANGE. 


279 


emperor  had  already  offered  privately  his  own  mediation  to  the  king,  to  bring 
about,  if  possible,  a  better  understanding  with  his  Flemish  subjects.*'  The 
offer  made  in  so  friendly  a  spirit,  though  warmly  commended  by  some  of  the 
council,  seems  to  have  found  no  favour  in  the  eyes  of  their  master." 

The  princes  of  Germany  who  had  embraced  the  Reformation  were  Lu- 
therans. They  had  almost  as  little  sympathy  with  the  Calvinists  as  with  the 
Cathohcs.  Men  of  liberal  minds  in  the  Netherlands,  like  William  and  his 
brother,  would  gladly  have  seen  the  two  great  Protestant  parties  which 
divided  their  country  united  on  some  common  basis.  They  would  have  had 
them,  in  short,  in  a  true  Christian  spirit,  seek  out  the  points  on  which  they 
could  agree  rather  than  those  on  which  they  differed,— points  of  difference 
which,  in  William's  estimation,  were  after  all  of  minor  importance.  He  was 
desirous  that  the  Calvinists  should  adopt  a  confession  of  faith  accommodated 
in  some  degree  to  the  "  Confession  of  Augsburg,"— a  step  which  would  greatly 
promote  their  interests  with  the  princes  of  Germany.*'" 

But  the  Calvinists  were  altogether  the  dominant  party  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries. They  were  thoroughly  organized,  and  held  their  consistories,  composed 
of  a  senate  and  a  sort  of  lower  house,  in  many  of  the  great  towns,  all  sub- 
ordinate to  the  great  consistory  at  Antwerp.  They  formed,  in  short,  what 
the  historian  well  calls  an  independent  Protestant  republic."  Strong  m  their 
power,  sturdy  in  their  principles,  they  refused  to  bend  in  any  degree  to 
circumstance-f,  or  to  make  any  concession  or  any  compromise  with  the  weaker 
party.  The  German  princes,  disgusted  with  this  conduct,  showed  no  dispo.si- 
tion  to  take  any  active  measures  in  their  behalf,  and,  although  they  made 
some  efforts  in  favour  of  the  Lutherans,  left  their  Calvinistic  brethren  m  the 

Netherlands  to  their  fate.  ,       „        .         ,  ^  u  ^ 

It  was  generally  understood  at  this  time  that  the  prince  of  Oran^  had 

embraced  Lutheran  opinions.    His  wife's  uncle,  the  landgrave  of  Hesse, 

pressed  him  publicly  to  avow  his  belief.    To  this  the  prince  objected  that 

le  should  thus  become  the  open  enemy  of  the  Catholics,  and  probably  lose 

lis  influence  with  the  Calvinists,  already  too  well  disposed  to  acts  of  violence. 

Yet  not  long  after  we  find  William  inquiring  of  the  landgrave  if  it  would  not 

be  well  to  advise  the  king,  in  terms  as  little  offensive  as  passible,  of  his  change 

of  religion,  asking  the  royal  permission,  at  the  same  time,  to  conform  his 

William's  father  had  been  a  Lutheran,  and  in  that  faith  had  lived  and 
died.  In  that  faith  he  had  educated  his  son.  When  only  eleven  y^rs  old, 
the  latter,  as  we  have  seen,  was  received  into  the  impenal  household.  Ihe 
plastic  mind  of  boyhood  readily  took  its  impressions  from  tho^  around,  and 
without  much  difficulty,  or  indeed  examination,  William  conformed  to  the 
creed  fashionable  at  the  court  of  Castile.  In  this  faith— if  so  it  should  be 
called— the  prince  remained  during  the  lifetime  of  the  emperor.  Then  came 
the  troubles  of  the  Netheriands ;  and  William's  mmd  yielded  to  other  in- 
fluences He  saw  the  workings  of  Catholicism  under  a  terrible  aspect.  Me 
beheld  his  countrymen  dragged  from  their  firesides,  driven  into  exile,  thrown 
into  dungeons,  burned  at  the  stake,  and  all  this  for  no  other  cause  than 

"  Hopper.  RecueU  et  Memorial,  p.  109.  ( sed  antea  cum  A  ntvorpiana  curia,  quam  esse 

»•  Ibid    p  113  principem  volucre,  commumcatis)  univeisa 

•«  Archives  de'la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau.  bjertticorura  Respub.  temperaretur."   Strada, 

torn   ii   D  391  ^  ^^^^  Belgi.  o.  tom.  i.  p.  283. 

-■"Priterek  consistoria,  id  est  senatus  ac  "  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau, 

coetus,  multis  in  urbibus,  sicuti  jam  Antver-  torn.  li.  pp.  455.  456. 

piae  ca-perant,   instituerunt :    en  alis  Magis-  ^  Ibid.,  p.  496. 

t,ratibu8,    benatoribu»que,    quorum   coosiliif 


280        THE  REGENT'S  AUTHORITY  RE-ESTABLISHED. 

dissent  from  the  dogn,as  of  the  RomMu..K  .Hi^-»1  ^-^»'^,,t »S 
enormities,  and  Wsnidignat.on  kindled  a    to^  oppressed  Pro- 

right  of  private  judgment.  Th  s  a«eply  ">tere-^  ^  for  their  cause. 
Teltants,  It  was  natural  that  Wdham  «l>wW  fee^YXsui^iving.  g^  ,  ,e 
His  wife,  too,  was  a  Lutheran.    So  was  h's  motner,  sii  ^^^     ^^^^^^ 

his  brothers  and  sisters,  and  inde^i  tlL*"  not  Ss^  »•'»'  1>«  ^'"'"''^  ^""^ 
these  influence?,  public  and  domestic  ^  was^  »»  «^,  .^ould  have  fira<lu- 
been  led  to  review  the  grounds  of  his  own  benei    urn  ^^  ^^^  ^^ 

ally  turned  to  the  faith  »*  ^'^J^fsTperiod^e  change  in  his  opinions 

r^^^'wfa^nf^^^^^^^^ 

StSeJI^  :T^nt  ti"^t^'h:d"'erb^dnhe  doctrines  of  the  Re- 

formation. 


CHAPTER  XIIL 

THE   regent's  authority   RE-ESTABLISHED. 
Ke.«.„_Appe.  lo  .™^Tu..H.n  A--:.«ege or V..e.le„„ee-T.e Oo,en.n.e. 

1566,  1667. 

THB  excesses  of  .'he  i--last.  lik^^^^^^^ 

those  who  committed  t^e  "The  Roman  Latno^^^^^^^  connected  them,  however 
drew,  as  we  have  seen,  from  an  a  ■s»J'»™"  r^^^^  ^^o  had  looked  with  no 
remotely,  with  deeds  so  atrocious.    Other  Catholi^,wnon  ^^^^ 

unfrienaiy  eye  on  the  revolution,  now  that  they  sajr^^t^^^^^  ^^  .^  ^,^^ 

the  ruins  of  their  religion,  were  only  eager  to  ,mw^^^^^^  ^^^ 

their  loyalty  to  the  g°^f»f^"'„,4^tltKaSsts,>^^ere anxious^ 
had  never  moved  m  much  ha^^ny^  rfvaf  ^ctrand  thus  the  breach,  grow- 
the  whole  blame  of  *f/'''^f^^  «"  *''^"^^^^  the  Protestants,  worked 

ing  wider  and  .^'^f  ^t»««"  *^*  *""  g*^,' S^^  men  like  fegmont, 

hifinite prejudice  to  thf.'^f™ d^"\°l  '^  dSly  with  tie  revolution  in  its 

rnt'cTLetrglndClTmo^^^ry  i^^^^^^^  --  *--<!  -"^'^ -'^y 

and  Imst^ied  tjf  make  their  peace  with  the  regent^  ^^^^  ^^^ 

Margaret  felt  the  ?ccession  of  strength  sUew^aai.vu         g        ^^  ^^ 

divisions  of  her  enemies,  and  she  was  not  ^'7^?,P  rti  riiS  for  support,  she 
longer  confidence  in  those  »njI|°"^i%'h''LS  s^^^ 
walnow  obliged  to  rely  "'f « .?f '""L^  ^  °?,  "her  secretary,  Armlnteros, 
her  application  to  business.  ,j„^n°",Xt  tlTe  Ksts  and  difticulties  which 
"  how  the  regent  contrives  to  •"^e',»™?f  Z%r^  before  dawn.  Every 
L"=*Ken  SI  so'Sfs  St:  st  ^Us  ^council  together     The 

his  famoM  Apology,  which  'W"' '^r^^""  JeUeSenP^'"*'  '"  n,on  c«ur,  rt  y  .voit 

eiplan.tion  of  his  conduct  thu  1  have  «.vm  "Jl^jy'     ^^        q„.e„  8„„  temps  eUe  ^  t 

in  the  text :"  Car  puis  que  ^ '^^I^J""  .Jl  ie„„e  i  apporter  se.  fruits."    I  Wmont,  Corps 

truff  =t^ia'^ra;:nrc"hr  ir:^  -ipioa.a.i^T.  ton.,  V.  part. ..  p.  .... 


REACTION. 


2S1 


f, 

t 

i 


I 


f 


^ 


-^ 


rest  of  the  day  and  nijsht  she  is  occupied  with  givin|_  audiences,  or  with  re- 

•^siXot^rainr^rs'^^^^^^^^^ 

she  haf  bS.  "ed,  and  to  re-establish  the  fallen  authority  of  tie  crown.    1  she 
rtid  not  actually  revoke  the  concessions  wrung  from  her,  she  was  careful  to 

^^^Thp'  Protestants  loudly  complained  of  what  they  termed  a  most  perfidious 

%fs  measure  was  succeeded  by  others  on  the  part  of  tjje  f  ^e"l"«"*  «*„» 
hnt  little  confidence  in  William,  she  did  not  care  to  break  with  him.     io  the 

heresy     SarTS^  Philip  de  Noircanues,  governor  of  .Hamault   to 
Se-  the  oSn^  of  the  pl^  by  throwing  into  it  a  garrison  of  three 

~7h™X^eS  wilfwr  a'nn  u^  to  the  people  of  Valenciennes,  it  met 

?rSvTSeTC  "trStr^^^n'-oMA  dXbJt  their 
Ul!e'r«'e^  E^'tha^tho^  'oMh:  Reformed  religion  would  be  the  first  victims. 


is 


'  "11  y  a  plus  de  trois  mois,  qn'  elle  se 
leve  avant  le  jour,  et  que  le  plus  souvent  el  e 
tient  conseil  le  matin  et  le  soir ;  et  tout  le 
reste  de  U  journee  et  de  la  nuit,  elle  le  con. 
Bacre  a  donner  des  audiences,  a  lire  les  leltres 
et  les  avis  qui  arrivent  de  toutes  parts,  et  a 


detenniner  les  reponses  k  y  faire.  Cojre- 
Bpondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  P-  496.— 
Sleep  6«em8  to  have  been  as  supertiuous  to 
Margaret  as  to  a  hero  of  romance. 

^  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  i.  pp.  28i», 
290. 


i 


282         THE  REGENT'S  AUTHORITY  RE-ESTABLISHED. 

Thus  warned,  the  citizens  were  now  even  more  unanimous  in  refiisinp  a 
garLn  than  they  had  before  been  in  their  consent  to  admit  9"^.  Noir- 
Srmerthouffh  rnuch  surpri^ed  by  this  sudden  change  gave  the  mhabitants 
Safe  dk^to  con  der  the  matter  tefore  placing  themselves  ,n  open  resisUince 
to  the  government.  The  magistrates  anA  some  of  the  nnncipal  persons  m  the 
town  w^rlw  illing  to  obey  his  requisition,  and  besought  La  Grange  to  prevail 
on  thrpeople  to^  consent  to  it.  "I  would  rather,  replied  the  high-sprntod 
preacher,  -  that  my  tongue  should  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth,  and  that  I 
Kd  become  duinb  as  a  hsh,  than  open  my  lips  to.  P^^juad^e  ^he  pe^^^^^^ 
consent  to  so  cruel  and  outrageous  an  act." '  ^";4"^g  ^he  inhab  tants  still 
nh<ti.iatp  the  L^eneral,  bv  Margaret's  orders,  proclaimed  the  city  to  be  m  a 
statroMlim™  the  persons  of  t\e  citizens,  as  tra  tors  to  their 

foverei-n,  a^  d  confiscatod  their  property.  At  the  same  time,  active  prepara- 
Ss  were  t^gun  for  laying  siege  to  the  place,  and  proclamation  was  made  in 
the  egeiit^^^^^^^^  prolfiblting  the  people  of  the  Netherlands  from  affon^ing 
any  aiS,  by  counSl,  anus,  or  money,  to  the  rebellious  city,  under  the  penalties, 

""Butihe^inhaSnts  of  Valenciennes,  sustained  by  the  promises  of  their 
preacher,  were  nothing  daunted  by  the.se  measures,  nor  by  the  formidable  show 
5f  troops  which  Noir^rmes  was  assembling  under  their  walls  Their  town 
was  strongly  situatod,  tolerablv  well  victualled  for  a  siege,  and  filled  with  a 
population  of  hardy  burghers  devoted  to  the  cause,  whose  spirits  were  raided 
tv  the  exhortations  of  the  consistories  in  the  neighbouring  provinces  to  be  of 
good  courage,  as  their  brethren  would  speedily  come  to  their  relief. 

The  high-handed  measures  of  the  government  caused  great  consternation 
through  the  country,  especially  among  those  of  the  reformed  religion.  A 
brisk  correspondence  went  on  between  the  members  of  the  league  and  the 
consistories.  Large  sums  were  raised  by  the  merchants  well  attected  to  the 
S  se!  in  order  toSevy  troops  in  Germany,  and  were  intrusted  ^  Brederode 
for  the  purpose.  It  was  also  determined  that  a  last  effort  should  be  niade  to 
soften  tlie  duchess  by  means  of  a  petition  which  that  chief,  at  the  head  of 
four  hundred  knights,  was  to  bear  to  Brussels.  But  Margaret  had  had  enough 
of  petitions,  and  she  bluntlv  informed  Brederode  that  if  he  came  in  that  guise 
he  would  find  the  gates  of  Brussels  shut  against  him. 

Still  the  sturdy  cavalier  was  not  to  be  balked  m  his  purpose ;  and,  by  means 
of  an  a^^ent,  he  caused  the  petition  to  be  laid  before  the  regent.    It  was  taken 
UP  mainly  with  a  remonstrance  on  the  course  pursued  by  Margaret,  so  much 
at  variance  with  her  promises.    It  particularly  enlarged  on  the  limitation  of 
her  license  for  public  preaching.    In  conclusion,  it  besought  the  regent  to 
revoke  her  edict  to  disband  her  forces,  to  raise  the  siege  of  Valenciennes,  and 
to  respect  the  agreement  she  had  made  with  the  league  ;  m  which  case  they 
were  ready  to  assure  her  of  their  support  in  maintaining  order        .  ^      ,.      . 
Mar^mret  laid  the  document  before  her  council,  and  on  the  sixteenth  ot 
February,  1567,  an  answer,  which  might  be  rather  said  to  be  addressed  to  the 
country  at  large  than  to  Brederode,  was  published.    The  duchess  intimated 
her  surprise  that  any  mention  should  be  made  of  the  league,  as  she  had  sup- 
posed that  body  had  ceased  to  exist,  since  so  many  of  its  members  had  been 
but  too  glad,  after  the  late  outrages  to  make  their  peace  with  the  government 
As  to  her  concession  of  public  preaching,  it  could  hardly  be  contended  tliat 


'  "  J'aimerais  mieux  que  ma  langne  fut 
Attachee  au  palaip,  et  devenir  muet.  comme 
xrn  poisson,  que  d'onvrir  la  boucho  pour  ppr- 
Buader  au  peuple  chose  tant  cruelle  et  de- 


raisonnable."  Chronique  contemporaine, 
cited  by  Gachnrd.  C-.rrespondance  de  I'bilippe 
II.,  torn.  i.  p.  561,  note. 


\ 


I 


i 


APPEAL  TO  ARMS. 


2S3 


that  was  designed  to  authorize  the  sectaries  to  lay  taxes,  levy  troops,  create 
magistrates,  and  to  perform,  among  other  religious  rites,  that  of  marnage,  in- 
volving the  transfer  of  large  amounts  of  property.  She  could  hardly  be  thought 
mad  enough  to  invest  them  with  powers  like  these.  She  admonished  the 
petitioners  not  to  compel  their  sovereign  to  forego  his  native  benignity  of  dis- 
position. It  would  be  well  for  them,  she  hinted,  to  give  less  heed  to  public 
Srtairs,  and  more  to  their  own  ;  and  she  concluded  with  the  assurance  that  she 
would  take  good  care  that  the  ruin  which  they  so  conhdently  predicted  for  the 
country  should  not  be  brought  about  by  them.*  ^,    ^  ^,     ^. 

The  haughty  tone  of  the  reply  showed  too  plainly  that  the  times  were 

changed,— that  Margaret  was  now  conscious  of  her  strength,  and  meant  to 

use  it.    The  confederates  felt  that  the  hour  had  come  for  action.    To  retrace 

their  steps  was  impossible.    Yet  their  present  position  was  full  of  peril.     Ihe 

rumour  went  that  King  Philip  was  soon  to  come,  at  the  head  of  a  powerful 

force,  to  take  vengeance  on  his  enemies.    To  remain  as  they  were,  without 

resistance,  would  be  to  offer  their  necks  to  the  stroke  of  the  executioner.    An 

appeal  to  arms  was  all  that  was  left  to  them.    This  was  accordingly  resolved 

on     The  standard  of  revolt  was  raised.    The  drum  beat  to  arms  in  the  towns 

and  villages,  and  recruits  were  everywhere  enlisted.    Count  Loms  was  busy 

in  enforcing  levies  in  Germany.    :6rederode's  town  of  Viana  was  named  as 

the  place  of  rendezvous.    That  chief  was  now  m  his  element.    His  restless 

spirit  delighted  in  scenes  of  tumult.    He  had  busied  himself  m  strengthening 

the  works  of  Viana  and  in  furnishing  it  with  artdlery  and  mihtary  stores. 

Thence  he  had  secretly  passed  over  to  Amsterdam,  where  he  was  occupied  m 

organizing  resistance  among  the  people,  already,  by  their  fondness  for  the 

new  doctrines,  well  disposed  to  it.  ,        ^      ^  nr  *^-i«^  ;«  o« 

Hostilities  first  broke  out  in  Brabant,  where  Count  Megen  was  foiled  m  an 
attempt  on  Bois-le-Duc,  which  had  refused  tj  receive  a  garrV^oih  He  w^s 
more  fortunate  in  an  expedition  against  the  refractory  city  of  Ltrecht,  which 
surrendered  without  a  struggle  to  the  royalLst  chief 

In  other  quarters  the  insurgents  wee  not  idle.  A  bo<iy  of  some  two 
thousand  men,  under  Marnix,  lord  of  Thoulouse  brother  of  the  famous  St 
AldeS^  made  a  descent  on  the  island  of  Walcheren,  where  it  was  supposed 
Philip  would  land.  But  they  were  baffled  in  their  attempts  on Jhis  Pte 
the  loyalty  and  valour  of  the  inhabitants.  Failing  "\^this  scheme,  Thoulouse 
was  compelled  to  sail  up  the  Scheldt,  until  he  reached  the  little  vd  age  ^ 
Austruweel,  about  a  league  from  Antwen).  There  Je  disembarked  his  who^ 
force,  and  took  up  his  quarters  in  the  dwellings  of  the  mhabitants.  From 
this  place  he  sallied  out,  making  depredations  on  the  adjoining  country, 
burning  the  churches,  sacking  the  convents,  and  causing  great  alarm  to  the 
magistrates  of  Antwerp  by  the  confidence  which  his  presence  gave  to  the 

'"ar&^^^  dislodgin.  the  enemy  without  delay  from  this 

dangemus%ition.  She  des'patched  a'boly  of  Walloons  on  the  service,  under 
command  Sf  an  experienced  otficer,  Philippe  de  Lannoy,  lord  of  Beauvoir. 
Her  orders  show  the  mood  she  was  m.  "They  are  miscreants,  she  sad, 
"who  have  placed  themselves  beyond  the  pale  of  mercy.  Show  them  no 
mercy,  then,  but  exterminate  with  fire  and  sword  !"*    Lannoy,  by  a  rapid 


*  "  Suadere  itaque  lllls,  ut  k  pnblicis  certe 
negotiis  abstineant,  ac  res  quique  suas  ui 
posterum  curent:  neve  Regem  brevi  affectu- 
rum  ingenita?  benignltatis  obliviscl  cogant. 
Se  quidem  omni  ope  curaturam,  ne,  quam 


ipsi  ruinam  comminentur,  per  hapc  vulgi  tur- 
bamenta  Belgium  patlatur."  Strada,  De  Belle 
Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  295. 

»  •♦  Nee  ullls  conditiouibus  flecti  to  patere 
ad  clementiam  ;  sed  homines  scelestos,  atque 


282         THE  REGENT'S  AUTHORITY  RE-ESTABLISHED. 

Thus  warned,  the  citizens  were  now  even  more  unanimous  in  refasin^r  a 
carrison  than  they  had  before  been  in  their  consent  to  admit  9ne.  Noir- 
Srmes,  tSh  much  surprised  by  this  sudden  change  gave  the  mhabitants 
Sn^dkyfto  consider  the  matter  kfore  placing  tliemselves  m  open  resistance 
to  the  government.  The  magistrates  anA  some  of  the  pnncipal  persons  in  the 
town  w?^e  wiUing  to  obey  his  requisition,  and  besought  La  Grange  to  prevail 
on  thrpeople  to%onsent  to  it.  «I  would  rather,  replied  the  high-^^^^^^^^^^^ 
nreacher  *'  that  my  tongue  should  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth,  and  that  1 
E  d  become'S  as^  hsh,  than  open  my  lips  to.  P^^^^lj^d^  .^^^S  stm 
consent  to  so  cruel  and  outrageous  an  act." '  ^"/^."'S  ,*^^;"^,f  ^'i^^  :f  ^^ 
nV^vifitiaff  the  Lreueral.  by  Margaret's  orders,  proclaimed  the  city  to  be  m  a 
s^trof  ?e»^  the  persons  of'  t\e  citizens,  as  tra  tors  to  their 

sovereign,  a^idconfi^catod  their  property.  At  the  same  time,  active  prepara- 
tLs  S  l^-iin  for  laving  siege  to  the  place,  and  proclamation  was  made  m 
the  eZtSne^^^  the  people  of  the  Netherlands  from  affording 

any  ai^  by  counsel,  arms,  or  money,  to  the  rebellious  city,  under  the  penaltie. 

"^Burthe^inhabiUnts  of  Valenciennes,  sustained  l>y  the  promises  of  their 
preacher,  were  nothing  daunted  by  the.se  measures,  "orby  the  ormidable  hmv 
of  troops  which  Noircarmes  was  assembling  under  their  walls  Their  town 
was  strongly  situated,  tolerably  well  victualled  for  a  siege,  and  filled  with  a 
DODulation  of  hardy  burghers  devoted  to  the  cause,  whose  spirits  were  raied 
W  the  exhortations  of  the  consistories  in  the  neighbouring  provinces  to  be  of 
gbod  courage,  as  their  brethren  would  speedily  come  to  their  rehef. 

The  high-hknded  measures  of  the  government  caused  great  consternation 
through  the  country,  especially  among  those  of  the  reformed  religion.  A 
brisk  correspondence  went  on  between  the  members  of  the  league  and  the 
consistories.  Large  sums  were  raised  by  the  merchants  well  aiiected  to  the 
cause,  in  order  to  levy  troops  in  Germany,  and  were  intrusted  to  Brederode 
fTthe  purpose.  It  was  also  determined  that  a  Jast  effort  should  be  niade  to 
soften  t^ie  duchess  by  means  of  a  petition  which  that  chief,  at  the  head  of 
four  hundred  knights,  was  to  bear  to  Brussels.  But  Margaret  had  had  enough 
of  petitions,  and  Ihe  bluntly  informed  Brederode  that  if  he  came  m  that  guise 
he  would  find  the  gates  of  Brussels  shut  against  him. 

Still  the  sturdy  cavalier  was  not  to  be  balked  in  his  purpose ;  and,  by  means 
of  an  a^^ent,  he  caused  the  petition  to  be  laid  before  the  regent.  It  was  taken 
UD  mainly  with  a  remonstrance  on  the  course  pursued  by  Margaret,  so  much 
at  variance  with  her  promises.  It  particularly  enlarged  on  the  limitation  of 
her  license  for  public  preaching.  In  conclusion,  it  besought  the  regent  to 
revoke  her  edict  to  disband  her  forces,  to  raise  the  siege  of  Vale^nciennes,  and 
to  respect  the  agreement  she  had  made  with  the  league  ;  m  which  case  they 
were  ready  to  assure  her  of  their  support  in  maintaining  order. 

Mar«^aret  laid  the  document  before  her  council,  and  on  the  sixteenth  of 
February,  1567,  an  answer,  which  might  be  rather  said  to  be  addressed  to  the 
country  at  large  than  to  Brederode,  was  published.  The  duchess  intimated 
her  surprise  that  any  mention  should  be  made  of  the  league,  as  she  had  sup- 
Dosed  that  body  had  ceased  to  exist,  since  so  many  of  its  members  had  been 
but  too  glad,  after  the  late  outrages,  to  make  their  peace  with  the  government 
As  to  her  concession  of  public  preaching,  it  could  hardly  be  contended  that 


»  "  J'aimerais  mienx  que  ma  langue  fut 
attachee  au  palais,  et  devenir  mupt,  comme 
un  poisson,  que  d'otivrir  la  boucho  pour  ppr- 
Buader  au  peuple  chose  tant  cruelle  et  de- 


raisonnable."  Chronique  contPiuporaine, 
cited  by  (lachard.  C- Trespondance  de  I'hilippe 
II.,  toni.  i.  p.  561,  note. 


I 


! 


APPEAL  TO  ARMS. 


283 


that  was  designed  to  authorize  the  sectaries  to  lay  taxes,  levy  troops,  create 
magistrates,  and  to  perform,  among  other  religious  rites,  that  of  marnage,  in- 
volving the  transfer  of  large  amounts  of  property.  She  could  hardly  be  thought 
mad  enough  to  hivest  them  with  powers  like  these.  She  admonished  the 
petitioners  not  to  compel  their  sovereign  to  forego  his  native  benignity  of  dis- 
^sition.  It  would  be  well  for  them,  she  hinted  to  give  less  heed  tx)  public 
aiiairs,  and  more  to  their  own  ;  and  she  concluded  with  the  assurance  that  she 
would  take  good  care  that  the  ruin  which  they  so  confidently  predicted  for  the 
country  should  not  be  brought  about  by  them.*  ^,_  .  ^t     ^^ 

The  haughty  tone  of  the  reply  showed  too  plainly  that  the  times  were 
changed,— tliat  Margaret  was  now  conscious  of  her  strength,  and  meant  to 
use  it.    The  confederates  felt  that  the  hour  had  come  for  action.    To  retrace 
their  steps  was  impossible.    Yet  their  present  position  was  full  of  peril.     Ihe 
rumour  went  that  King  Philip  was  soon  to  come,  at  the  head  of  a  powerful 
force,  to  take  vengeance  on  his  enemies.    To  remain  as  they  were,  without 
resistance,  would  be  to  offer  their  necks  to  the  stroke  of  the  executioner.    An 
appeal  to  arms  was  all  that  was  left  to  them.    This  was  accordingly  resolved 
on     The  standard  of  revolt  was  raised.    The  drum  beat  to  arms  in  the  towns 
and  villages,  and  recruits  were  everywhere  enlisted.    Count  Loms  was  busy 
in  enforcing  levies  in  Germany.    6rederode's  town  of  Viana  was  named  as 
the  place  of  rendezvous.    That  chief  was  now  m  his  element.    His  restless 
spirit  delighted  in  scenes  of  tumult.    He  had  busied  himself  m  strengthening 
the  works^  of  Viana  and  in  furnishing  it  with  artillery  and  military  stores. 
Thence  he  had  secretly  passed  over  to  Amsterdam,  where  he  was  occupied  in 
organizing  resistance  among  the  people,  already,  by  their  fondness  for  the 
new  doctrines,  well  disposed  to  it.  ^       .  ,,  r  -i  j  •      « 

Hostilities  first  broke  out  in  Brabant,  where  Count  Megen  was  foiled  m  an 
attempt  on  Bois-le-Duc,  which  had  refused  tj)  receive  a  Sa/nsom  He  was 
more  fortunate  in  an  expedition  against  the  refractory  city  of  Ltrecht,  which 
surrendered  without  a  struggle  to  the  royalLst  chief 

In  other  quarters  the  insurgents  wee  not  idle.  A  t)ody  of  some  two 
thousand  men,  under  Marnix,  lord  of  Thoulouse  brother  of  the  famous  fet 
m^mde,  made  a  descent  on  the  island  of  Walcheren,  where  it  was  supposed 
Philip  would  land.  But  they  were  baffled  in  their  attempts  on  this  place  by 
the  liyalty  and  valour  of  the  inhabitents.  Fading  "V*^^^  f  heme  Thoulous^^^ 
was  compiled  to  sail  up  the  Scheldt,  untd  he  reached  the  htUe  yi»  age  of 
Au.struweel,  about  a  league  f rom  Antwen).  There  Je  disembarked  his  who^ 
force,  and  took  up  his  quarters  in  the  dwellings  of  the  i^^^b^tants.  From 
this  place  he  sallied  out,  making  depredations  on  the  adjoining  country 
burning  the  churches,  sacking  the  convents,  and  causing  gi^eat  alarm  to  the 
magistrates  of  Antwerp  by  the  confidence  which  his  presence  gave  to  the 

reformed  party  in  that  city.  ,   ,  .      .,  -^i.    a.  ;i„i„^  *,.^t«  fKia 

Margaret  saw  the  necessity  of  dislodging  the  enemy  without  delay  from  this 
dangerous  position.  She  despatched  a  bc^y  of  Walloons  on  the  service,  under 
command  Sf  an  experienced  officer,  Philippe  de  Lannoy,  lo^d  of  Beauvoir. 
Her  orders  show  the  mood  she  was  in.  "They  are  miscreants,  she  said 
"who  have  placed  themselves  beyond  the  pale  of  niercy.  Show  them  no 
mercy,  then,  but  exterminate  with  fire  and  sword  !»*    Lannoy,  by  a  rapid 


Jit 


*  "Suadere  itaque  lllis.  ut  k  pnblicis  certe 
negotiis  abstineant,  ac  res  quique  suas  ni 
posterum  curent :  neve  Regem  brevi  affectu- 
rum  inpenitff  benignitatis  obllvisci  cogant. 
Se  quidem  omni  ope  curaturam,  ne,  quam 


ip«»i  ruinatn  comminentur,  per  haec  vulgi  tur- 
bamenta  lielgium  patiatur."  Strada,  De  Belle 
Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  295. 

*  ••  Nee  ullls  conditionibus  flecti  te  patera 
ad  clementiam ;  sed  homines  scelestoe,  atque 


TUMULT  IN  ANTWERP. 


285 


284         THE  REGENT'S  AUTHORITY  RE-ESTABLISHED. 

march,  arrived  at  Austruweel.    Though  taken  unawares,  Thoulonse  and  his 
men  m^Ta  gallant  resistance  ;  and  a  fierce  action  took  place  almost  under 

^"I'oil  ofthrmusketry  soon  brought  the  citizens  to  the  ramparts  ;  and 
the  dismay  of  the  Calvinists  was  great  as  they  beheld  the  l^tt^  army  of 
Thoulouse  thus  closely  beset  by  their  enemies.  Furious  at  the  sP«ctac^  ^^^^^^ 
now  called  on  one  another  to  rush  to  the  rescue  of  their  friends  Pournig 
down  from  the  ramparts,  they  hurried  to  the  gates  of  the  city.  But  the  gates 
wer^lSd  This  liad  been  done  by  the  order  of  the  pnnce  of  Orange,  who 
had  uK^reover  caused  a  bridge  across  the  Scheldt  to  be  broken  down,  to  cut  off 
all  communication  between  the  city  and  the  camp  of  Ihoulouse. 

The  ^oplTnow  loudly  called  on  the  authorities  to  deliver  up  the  key^ 
demanding  for  what  purpose  the  gates  were  closed.  Their  passions  were 
kinS  to  madness  by  the  sight  of  the  wife-now,  alas !  tlie  widow-of 
ThoK  who,  with  streaming  eyes  and  dishevelled  hair,  nishmg  wildly  into 
the  crowd,  besought  them  piteously  to  save  her  husband  and  their  own  brethren 

^T  w^^Tite.  After  a  short  though  stout  .re^ift!^"C/v*^L^'''Kp^^^^ 
been  driven  from  the  field,  and  taken  refuge  m  their  defences.  These  were 
8^n  ^t  on  fire.  Thoulouse,  with  many  of  his  followers  penshed  in  the 
«^mes  Others,  to  avoid  this  dreadful  fate,  cut  their  way  through  the  enemy 
anrphinged  into  the  Scheldt,  which  washes  the  base  of  the  highland  occupied 
l^^tKllage  There  they  niiserably  perished  in  its  waters,  or  were  pierced 
by  the  iSs  of  the  enemy,  who  hovered  on  its  borders  Fifteen  hundied 
were  slahl!  Three  hundred,  who  survived,  sunendered  themselves  prisoners 
But  Lannoy  feared  an  attempt  at  rescue  from  the  neighbouring  city ;  and 
true  to  the  orders  of  the  regent,  he  massacred  nearly  all  of  them  on  the 

^^hile  this  dismal  tragedy  was  passing,  the  mob  imprisoned  within  the 
walls  of  Antwerp  was  ragmg  and  bellowing  like  the  waves  of  the  ocean  chafing 
^iK^S^^^^^^  confine  them^.    With  fierce  cries  they  demandea 

Ihat  the^tes  should  be  opened,  calling  on  the  magistmtes  ^^th  bitter  impre. 
cations  to  deliver  up  the  keys.  .  The  magistrates  had  no  mmd  to   a^^^^ 
infuriated  populace.    But  the  prince  of  Orange  fortunately,  at  this  cnsis,  did 
not  hesitotVU)  throw  himself  into  the  midst  o?  the  tumult  and  take  on  hin^^^^^^^ 
?he  whole  responsibility  of  the  affair.    It  was  by  his  command  that  the  gates 
had  been  closed,  in  order  that  the  regent's  troops,  if  victorious  might  not  enter 
the  city  and  m^sacre  those  of  the  reformed  refigion.    This  plausible  explana- 
tion diH  not  satisfy  the  people.    Some  called  out  that  the  triie  niotiye  was  not 
r^ve  the  Calvii^sts  in  the  city,  but  to  prevent  their  assisting  their  bretiiren 
S  tte  camp.    One  man,  more  audacious  than  the  rest^  raised  a  musk^^^^^^ 
Drince's  breast,  saluting  him,  at  the  same  time,  with  the  epithet  of    traitor  ! 
St  the  fellow  received  no  support  from  his  companions,  who,  in  general, 
entertafned  too  great  respect  fo?*William  to  offer  any  violence  to  his  person 

uSe  to  appease  thVtumult,  the  prince  was  borne  along  by  the  tide, 
which  now  rolff  back  from  the  gates  to  the  Meir  Bridge,  where  it  soon 
received  such  accessions  that  the  number  amounted  to  more  than  ten  thousand 
The\rildest  schemes  were  then  agitated  by  the  populace,  among  whom  no  one 

et  gni  <1"*°^P"^""7®'^-      "" "^^  quod  erupturi  Antverpienses,  opemque  relh 

^i^'perte^  in^  el  pugT^a,  qn^  prim,  cum        Suits  vic?«  faction  is   allaturi   crcHh^reutur- 
rebellib»«ToiDSii«L  est  £  Bclgio.  Gheusio-       SUada.  De  BeUo  Belglco,  torn.  i.  p.  301. 


anneared  to  take  the  lead.  Some  were  for  seizing  the  Hotel  de  Ville  and 
tSTout  the  magistrates.  Others  were  for  sacking  the  convents,  and 
d  Xg  their  LSs,  as  well  as  all  priests,  from  [he  city-  >Ieamv^^^^^^^ 
had  got  possession  of  some  pieces  of  artillery  from  the  ai^enal,  w  th  ^n  ch  t  ey 
fortified  the  bridge.  Thus  passed  the  long  night,-the  armed  multitude 
gSr^  togeff  ^^^^  a  dark'cloud  ready  -taijy  moment  t^^^^^ 
the  city,  whi  e  the  defenceless  burghers,  especially  those  who  had  any  property 
at  stake,  were  filled  with  the  most  dismal  apprehensions^ 

Yet  the  Catholics  contrived  to  convey  some  casks  of  powder, it  s  ^^^on  S 
the  Meir  Bridge,  resolving  to  blow  it  mto  the  an:,  with  aU  upon  it,  as  soon  as 
their  enemies  should  make  a  hostile  movement. 

All  eyes  were  now  turned  on  the  prmce  of  Orange,  as  the  onlyman  at  all 
capable  of  extricating  them  from  their  perilous  ^^tif  «»•  WUliam  h^^^ 
stationed  a  guard  over  the  mint  and  another  at  the  Hotel  deV^^^^^^^^ 
these  buildings  from  the  populace.  A  great  part  of  th  s  anxious  nignt  ne 
s  elft  in^Svouring  te  b?ing  about  suci  an  ^"ders^n^ng  b^^^^^^^ 
great  parties  of  the  Catholics  and  the  Lutherans  a^  shodd  f  "^ble  the^^^^  act 
in  concert.  This  was  the  less  ditficult  on  account  of  the  jealousy  wtuch  tne 
atte"sect  entertoined  of  the  Calvinists.  The  force  th-s  rai^^  w^  swe^l^ 
bv  the  accession  of  the  principal  merchants  and  men  of  substance,  as  well  as 

nfost  of  tT^^^^^^^^  ^'¥he'follo^^^^^^^  Tn n^ng 

matters  than  for  the  security  of  life  and  fortune,  Jhe  follo^ mg  monim^^ 
beheld  the  mob  of  Calvinists  formed  into  ^^f  tlung  like  a  miliUr^^ 
their  green  and  white  banners  bravely  un^^^jed,  and  the  cannon  which  they 
had  token  from  the  arsenal  posted  in  front.    On  the  ^PPO^ite  side  ot  me 
great  square  before  the  Hotel  de  Ville  were  gathe^^^the   ?^r^ 
of  Orange,  which,  if  wanting  artillery,  ^ere  considerably  s^^^^^^ 
to  their  adversaries.    The  two  hosts  now  stood  ^ ace  to  face  as  //  ^^^^^t  "^^^^^^ 
the  signal  to  join  in  mortal  confiict.    But  no  P^an  was  found  bold  enou^n  to 
trive  the  signal  for  brother  to  lift  his  hand  against  brother.  -   .  .  ,  xu« 

^At  this  luncture  William,  witk  a  small  guard,  and  accompanied  by  the 
priti  ipal  migL^^^^^^^^^^  over  to  the  enemy;s  ranks  an^^^^^ 

intprvipw  with  the  leaders.  He  represented  to  them  the  madness  ot  tneir 
p  St  co^se.  whicreven  if  they  V«  .'^^n""  hi"  rt  C  m^'Iu  1% 
chief  to  the  caise.  It  would  be  easy  for  them  t^  h^'i^ffiei  Eer  wefl 
foiilH  nrono'^e  bv  violence  :  and  for  his  own  part,  he  concluaea,  nowever  weu 
Til^sS  Kern  he  now  might  be,  if  a  single  drop  of  blood  were  shed  m  this 
qumel,  he  would  hold  them  from  tha' h»w  »«  f  nem'^.     „ 

The  remonstrance  of  the  prince,  aided  by  the  co''^''=t'»"  f  if '^.?^J" 
ferioritv  in  numbers,  prevailed  over  the  stubborn  tem^r  of  the  Calvmists. 
Thev  alw   o  Ml  a^^^^^  one  of  the  articles  of  which  was  that  no 

^rS  should  te  admitted  within*  the  city.  The  prmce  of  Oranpjub^ri^ 
and  swore  to  the  treaty,  on  behalf  of  li.s  V^^y :  and  *  is  proof  f^^^^^ 


[Some  of  the  particulare  in  the  foregoing 
account  soem  open  to  doubt.  According  to 
otlier  relations,  the  bridge  destroyed  by  Orange 
was  reerelv  one  of  the  drawbri-iges  of  tbe 
fortifications,  and  the  assembly  of  the  pK)ple 
took  place  in  the  Place  de  M  ir.  which  is  not 
near  the  Sclieldt.    Yet,  as  Ausiraweel  lies  on 


the  opposite  bank,  the  threatened  egress  must 
have  been  in  the  direction  of  the  river. 
Guici  iardini,  in  bis  minute  description  of 
Antwerp,  makes  no  mention  of  a  bridge, 
tliough  one  is  figured  In  bis  pUn  of  the  city. 
—Ed,! 


286         THE  REGENT'S  AUTHORITY  RE-ESTABLISHED. 

the  quiet  burgher,  went  about  his  usual  business  ;  and  tranquillity  and  order 
once  more  reilmetl  within  the  walls  of  Antwerp.  Thus  by  the  coolness  and 
discretion  of  a  single  man  the  finest  city  in  the  Netherlands  was  saved  from 

irretrievable  ruin/  ,        ,     ,.       ,  j  «* 

It  was  about  the  middle  of  March,  1567,  that  the  disturbances  occurred  at 
Antwerp.  During  this  time  Noircarmes  was  enforcmg  the  blockade  of  Valen- 
ciennes, but  with  little  prospect  of  bringing  it  to  a  speedy  issue,  ihe  inhabi- 
tants, confident  in  their  strength,  had  made  more  than  one  successful  sally, 
burning  the  cloisters  in  which  the  general  had  lodged  part  of  his  troops,  and 
carrying  back  considerable  booty  into  the  city.  It  was  evident  that  to  reduce 
the  place  by  blockade  would  be  a  work  of  no  little  time. 

Margaret  wrote  to  her  brother  to  obtain  his  permission  to  resort  to  more 
vigorous  measures,  and,  without  further  delay,  to  bombard  the  place,  ^ut 
Philip  peremptorily  refused.  It  was  much  to  his  regret,  he  said,  that  trie 
siege  of  so  fair  a  city  had  been  undertaken.  Since  it  had  been,  nothing  re- 
mained but  to  trust  to  a  blockade  for  its  reduction.' 

At  this  time  an  army  of  the  confederates,  some  three  or  four  thousand  strong, 
appeared  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Tournay,  designed  partly  to  protect  that 
town,  which  had  refused  a  garrison,  and  partly  to  create  a  diversion  in  favour 
of  Valenciennes.  No  sooner  had  Noircarmes  got  tidings  of  this,  than,  leaving 
a  sufticient  detachment  to  carry  on  the  blockade,  he  made  a  rapid  march  witli 
the  rest  of  his  forces,  came  suddenly  on  the  enemy,  engaged  him  in  a  pitchea 
battle,  completely  routed  him,  and  drove  his  scattereil  legions  up  to  the  walls 
of  Tournay.  That  city,  now  incapable  of  resistance,  opened  its  gates  at  once, 
and  submitted  to  the  terms  of  the  conqueror,  who  soon  returned,  with  his 
victorious  army,  to  resume  the  siege  of  Valenciennes. 

But  the  confidence  of  the  inhabitants  was  not  shaken.  On  the  contrary, 
under  the  delusive  promises  of  their  preacher,  it  seemed  to  rise  higher  than 
ever,  and  they  rejected  with  scorn  every  invitation  to  surrender.  Again  the 
regent  wrote  to  her  brother  that  unless  he  allowed  more  active  oi)erationSj 
there  was  great  danger  the  place  would  be  relieved  by  the  Huguenots  on  the 
frontier,  or  by  the  Gimix,  who^e  troops  were  scattered  through  the  country. 

Urged  by  the  last  consideration,  Philip  yielded  a  reluctant  assent  to  his 
sister's  wishes.  But  in  his  letter,  dated  on  the  thirteenth  of  March,  he  insisted 
that,  before  resorting  to  violence,  i^er.suasion  and  menace  should  be  hi-st  tried, 
and  that,  in  case  of  an  assault,  great  care  should  be  had  that  no  harm  came 
to  the  old  and  infirm,  to  women  or  children,  to  any,  in  short,  who  were  not 
found  actually  in  arms  against  the  government.'  The  clemency  shown  by 
Philip  on  this  occasion  reflects  infinite  credit  on  him  ;  and  if  it  be  disposed  ot 
by  some  as  mere  policy,  it  must  be  allowed  to  be  a  policy  near  akin  to  huma- 
nity. It  forms  a  striking  contrast  with  the  ferocious  mood  m  which  Margaret 
indulged  at  this  time,  when  she  seems  to  have  felt  that  a  long  arrear  of  ven- 
geance was  due  for  the  humiliations  she  had  been  compelled  to  e^idure. 
The  regent  lost  no  time  in  profiting  by  the  royal  license.  She  first,  however, 

•  Strada,  De  Rello  Belgico.  torn.  1.  p.  310. 

•  Strada  gives  an  extract  from  the  letter: 
•'Deinde  ?!  deditio  non  pequeretur,  invaderent 
quidem  urbem,  qucxlque  militum  est.  aperent; 
i  civdibuB  tamen  non  puToruni  modo,  senuin- 
que  ac  mulierum  abstinerent ;  sed  civium 
nullus,  nisi  dum  inter  propu«?nanduin  se 
hoPtem  gereret.  enecaretur."  Strada,  De  Bello 
Belgico,  tom.  i.  p.  311. 


SIEGE  OF  VALENCIENNES. 


287 


'  For  the  account  of  the  troubles  in  Ant- 
werp, see  Correspondance  de  Marguerite 
d'Autiiche,  p.  226,  et  (*eq.— Archives  de  la 
Maisou  d'Orange-Nassau,  torn.  iii.  p.  59.— 
Strada.  De  BeUo  Bolgico,  tom.  i.  pp.  300-303. 
—  Brandt.  Reformation  in  the  Low  Countries, 
vol.  i.  p.  247. — Correspondance  de  Philippe  II., 
tom.  i.  pp.  526,  527.— Vdiid*r  Haer.  I)e  Initiis 
Tumultuum,  pp.  314-317.— Renom  de  Francia, 
Alborotos  de  Flandes,  MS. 


t 


proposed,  in  obedience  to  her  ^-^"-^"l.m:"  Inf  thS  of  AeSt 
meisure3.    Siie  sent  two  envoys,  tountEgmontand^tne™^^^  ^^, 

have  faded  the  last  ray  of  hop^  ^hev  bought  the  m^^^^  ^  .^ 

rjrsr.'it*^d,&«lrto  &  ^^  th^r  e«ec.s  and 

%tTe^^c!;S^|;vincienne^^^^^^^^^ 

the  place  by  more  active  operations  eminence  that  sweeps  down  by  a 

They  were  protected  by  »  "'<*«  X„' "  ^"^^  Uned  with  artillery,  and  the 
choked  np  with  rubbish.  The  walls  were  "«'' "J!^  V-ce  was  one  which  in 
magazines  provided  with  ammunjtion     I"  f  °^  *f,  Pf^^^^ti^r^i  position, 

S  ht^-iXrJL^s^Tn^aM  ZT^^uf  than  that  which  now  lay 

^^t  first  step  of  Noircarm^  -fj^j TrkL'Ltmy^'I.lgKlt'S.iro^nl 
^nnb„^rwti:t'oS'X?  fsU'enkeUt  and  left  in  the 

defended  the  ramparts,  'h'ch  «^»s  retnr"^^^^  a  battery 

But,  while  amusing  the  enemy  in  this  q"a™[;  J^"'"^  „{  twenty,  heavy  guns 
to  be  constructed,  consisting  at  first  of  ten,  a«erwarus  J-f^  j  ^ 

and  mortars,  besides  some  lighter  mec^.  Fj""  *X„XSg  somi  of  the 
well-directed  and  niost  <^^'^^'°ZirtwT ^^ordtiVl^^^ent  mark.  The 
principal  edifices,  wh^-^ron,  ^^^^r  ^.''S^tf  „,y,;"ee  was  nlant^l,  soon 
great  tower  of  bt.  Micnoias,  on  w"'^",^"'     -,  :4.^  "Vipfpnders  were  buned  in  its 

krit"eKttM:£^st^^ 

Z^^XtZ^^r^^^^J^i^,  TotlSs  Noircarmes 
%"=ile  the  iron  tempest  -tinned  ^th  pitiless  fury     The  w^^^^^ 


"  "Quasi  ver6,  inquit,  vestra  cond  t  o 
eadem  hodie  sit,  ac  nudiustertms.  Sero  Si.pitis 
Valenwnates:   ego  certe  conditionibus  non 


transigo  cadente    cum   hoste."    Strada,  De 
Bello  Belgico,  tom.  i.  p.  314, 


288         THE  REGENT'S  AUTHORITY  RE-ESTABLISHED. 

people  could  find  no  refuge  from  it  in  their  dwellings  which  filled  the  streets 
with  their  ruins.  It  was  not,  however,  till  two-and-thirty  hours  more  had 
passed  away  that  a  practicable  breach  was  made  m  the  walls ;  while  the  nb- 
iish  which  had  tumbled  into  the  fosse  from  the  crumblmg  ramparts  afforded  a 
tolerable  passage  for  the  besiegers,  on  a  level  nearly  with  the  breach  itself 
By  this  passage  Noircarmes  now  prepared  to  march  into  the  city,  through  the 
open  breach,  at  the  head  of  his  battalions.  ,,    .    ,  i    -^       mu«„  ^.^ 

The  people  of  Valenciennes  too  late  awoke  from  their  delusion.  They  were 
no  longer  cheered  by  the  voice  of  their  fanatical  leader,  for  he  had  provided 
for  his  own  safety  by  flight ;  and,  preferring  any  fate  to  that  of  being  dehvered 
over  to  the  ruthless  soldiery  of  Noircarmes,  they  offered  at  once  to  surrender 
the  town  at  discretion,  throwing  themselves  on  the  mercy  of  their  victor,  hix- 
and-thirty  hours  only  had  elapsed  since  the  batteries  of  the  besiegers  had 
opened  their  fire,  and  during  that  time  three  thousand  bombs  had  been 
thrown  into  the  city ; '»  which  was  thought  scarcely  less  than  a  miracle  in 

*  On  t^e  second  of  April,  1567,  just  four  months  after  the  commencement  of 
the  siege,  the  victorious  army  marched  into  Valenciennes  As  it  detiled 
through  the  long  and  narrow  streets,  which  showed  signs  of  the  dismal  fray  in 
their  shattered  edifices  and  in  the  dead  and  dying  still  stretched  on  the 

gavement,  it  was  met  by  troops  of  women  and  young  maidens  beanng  green 
ranches  in  their  hands  and  deprecating  with  tears  and  piteous  lamentations 
the  wrath  of  the  conquerors.  Noircarmes  marched  at  once  to  the  town-house, 
where  he  speedily  relieved  the  municipal  functionaries  of  all  responsibihty,  by 
turning  them  out  of  office.  His  next  care  was  to  seize  the  persons  of  the 
zealous  ministers  and  the  other  leaders.  Many  had  already  contrived  to  make 
their  escape.  Most  of  these  were  soon  after  taken,  the  preacher  La  Orange 
among  the  rest,  and  to  the  number  of  thirty-six  were  sentenced  either  to  the 
scaffold  or  the  gallows."  The  general  then  caused  the  citizens  to  be  disarmed, 
and  the  fortifications,  on  which  were  mounted  eighty  pieces  of  artillery,  to  be 
dismantled.  The  town  was  deprived  of  its  privileges  and  immunities,  and  a 
heavy  fine  imposed  on  the  inliabitants  to  defray  the  charges  of  the  war.  Ihe 
Protestant  worship  was  abolished,  the  churches  were  restored  to  their  former 
occupants,  and  none  but  the  Roman  CathoUc  service  was  allowed  henceforth 

to  be  performed  in  the  city.  .  .^     ,  ^*  4.u^ 

The  bishop  of  Arras  was  invited  to  watch  over  the  spintual  concerns  of  the 
inhabitants,  and  a  strong  garrison  of  eight  battalioiK  was  quartered  m  the 
place,  to  seciure  order  and  maintain  the  authority  of  the  crown. 


OATH  IMPOSED  BY  MARGARET. 


289 


"  "Feruntque  ter  miUies  explosas  murales 
machinal,  moeiiium  quam  honiinum  majorl 
Btrage."    Strada,  De  BeUo  Belgico,  torn.  1.  p. 

314* 

"  So  states  Margaret's  historian,  who  would 
not  be  likely  to  exaggerate  the  number  of 
those  who  suffered.  The  loyal  president  of 
Mechlin  dismisses  themattermore  summarily, 
without  specifying  any  number  of  victims: 
•'  El  sefior  de  Noilcarmes  se  aseguro  de  mu- 
chos  prisioneros  principalns  Borgeses  y  de 
otros  que  avian  sido  loa  autores  de  la  rebelion, 
d  loe  quales  se  hizo  luego  en  dlllgencia  su 
pleyto."    (Renom  de  Fraacia,  Alborotoa  de 

•  [The  "  mnrales  macblnas,"  "  bombardje," 
etc.,  mentioned  by  Strada,  were  merely  cannon 


Flandes,  MS.)  Brandt,  the  historian  of  the 
Reformation  (vol.  i.  p.  251),  tells  us  that  two 
hundred  were  said  to  have  perished  by  the 
hands  of  the  hangman  at  Valenciennes,  on 
account  of  the  religious  troubles,  in  the  course 

of  this  year.  ... 

"  For  information,  more  or  less  minute,  in 
regard  to  the  siege  of  Valenciennes,  see 
Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  i.  pp.  303-315. 
— Vamler  Hacr,  De  Initiis  Tumultuum.  pp. 
319-322— Meteren,  Hist,  d' s  Pays-Bas,  fol. 
49.— Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le  Tad- 
tume,  tom.  ii.  p.  501.— Renom  de  Francia, 
Alborotoa  de  Flandes,  MS. 


of  the  different  kinds  then  In  use.    Bomb- 
shells were  not  invtnied  till  later.— Ed.] 


S^fu  Yp^rOutoarfl,  and  other  places  which  had  -"f  "f  J"  ^-^"^  ^f 
pi  r^n  within  their  walls,  now  surrendered,  »"«  ^ff/.^"°*er,  to  Ma^^^^^^^ 

braS^?vTnT;%»UdV»^^^^ 
£^f.sx^V;rTc^stKntt^^^^^^ 

had  subdued  the  spirit  of  resistance  in  every  part  of  the  country.     The  move 
ment  of  the  insurgents  had  been  premature. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

TRANQUILLITY   RESTORED. 

«    u  .         ^1.^  M.r^ret-Refusevl  bv  Orange-He  leaves  the  Netherlands-Submission  of  thft 
Oath  Imposed  by  Margaret-Refuj^^l  by^un^n^^^^^  ^^^^^^ 

1567. 

The  perplexities  in  which  the  ^^gen^^f  b^^^^^^^^^ 

ceive  a  plan,  early,  in  January,   1|J,('  %^/^f  J,*  trrequire  an  oath  from 
suggested  by  f^e  smidar^^^^^^^^^^^^  Fleece  and  tK^^    high  stations, 

''^^^of rnili^rv  tot  ?ht  w^^^^^^^^  uncmalified  obedience  to 

t^^Z^Toi  Kg!  of  whaSve-^^^^^^^^  .^eS^^^e 

tlii^  nipasure  was  not  to  secure  a  test  of  loyalty.    &ne  Knew  i^"  ^cu  "»/; 
t  Sfand  who  were  the  {C.S  of  fe  government^  But  she  w.shed^a 

tt  aX?  f  sUt  :;„?L&ee  on^  ^^,  ^  ^^  wished  before 

the  krK„n.ents  »■•  P^X' miUtarv  coS  d,  was  not  of  so  accommodating  a 

BreSerode  i^Si™^    l^™Sed  thaUt  was  a  base  trick  of  the  govenm,entj 

STnnt:««it     He^^^^^^^^^ 

to  tiieir  estates  in  the  fl^^try.  Orange,  and  it  was 

nJi^ia^^^ap^rc^rurrtrhr^^^^^^^^ 

''  ..I -u-.,-i:«.i  «io  VOrHrpnatiirel  vassal 


•*  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  tom.i.  pp.  315, 

•'•Ml  ne  comprenait  pas  i^urquol  la  goii- 
vernante  Insietait,  ajHes  qu'il  1"*  »7''/;;"l 
uue  lettre  de  sa  mah.,  contenant  tout  ce  que 
S     A.    pouvait    desirer    dun   gentilhomme 


d'honneur,  chevalier  de  I'Ordre,  naturel  vassal 
du  Roi,  et  qui  toute  sa  vie  avait  fait  le  devoir 
d'homme  de  bien,  comme  il  le  fai«^'t  encore 
journellenient."  Com  spondance  de  Philippe 
II.,  tom.  i.  p.  321. 


i 


(    t 


290  TRANQUILLITY  RESTORED. 

^ong  since  withdrawn  from  him  her  confidence.  But  he  had  too  much  con- 
sideration and  authority  in  the  country  for  her  to  wish  to  break  with  hiiiK 
Nor  would  she  wiUingly  give  him  cause  of  disgust.  She  accordingly  addi essed 
him  a  note,  couched  in  the  most  insinuating  terms  she  had  at  her  command. 
She  couid  not  doubt  he  would  be  ready  to  set  a  good  example,  when  his 
example  would  be  so  important  in  the  perplexed  condition  of  the  country. 
Rumours  had  been  circulated  to  the  prejudice  of  his  loyalty  ^l^e jlid  not 
jnve  them  credit.  She  could  not  for  a  moment  believe  that  he  would  so  tar 
lishonour  his  great  name  and  his  illustrious  descent  as  to  deserve  such  a 
reproach  ;  and  she  had  no  doubt  he  would  gladly  avad  himself  of  the  present 

occasion  to  wipe  away  all  suspicion.*  ,  •  ,  .1  ♦    „,„,  +^  i,;„^ 

The  despatch  enclosed  a  form  of  the  oath,  by  which  the  party  was  to  bind 

himself  to  "serve  the  king,  and  act  for  or  against  whomever  his  majesty 

might  command,  without  restriction  or  limitation," 'on  pam  of  being  dismissed 

^William  was  not  long  in  replying  to  a  requisition  to  obey  which  would  leave 
him  less  freedom  than  might  be  claimed  by  the  meanest  peasant  in  the 
country.  On  the  twenty-eighth  of  April,  the  same  day  on  which  he  received 
the  letter,  he  wrote  to  the  regent,  declining  in  the  most  positive  terins  to  take 
the  oath.  Such  an  act,  he  said,  would  of  itself  implv  that  he  had  already 
violated  the  oath  he  had  previously  taken.  Nor  could  he  honourably  take  it, 
since  it  might  bind  him  to  do  what  would  be  contrary  to  the  dictates  of  his 
own  conscience,  as  well  as  to  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  true  interests  of  his 
majesty  and  the  country.*  He  was  aware  that  such  a  demand  on  the  regent  s 
part  was  equivalent  to  a  dismissal  from  office.  He  begged  her,  therefore,  to 
send  some  one  fully  empowered  to  receive  his  commissions,  since  he  was  ready 
forthwith  to  surrender  them.  As  for  himself,  he  should  withdraw  from  the 
Netherlands  and  wait  until  his  sovereign  had  time  to  becoine  satished  of  his 
fidelity  But,  wherever  he  might  be,  he  should  ever  be  ready  to  devote  both 
Ufe  and  property  to  the  service  of  the  king  and  the  common  weal  of  the 

Whatever  hesitation  the  prince  of  Orange  may  have  before  felt  as  to  the 
course  he  was  to  take,  it  was  clear  the  time  had  now  come  for  decisive  action. 
Though  the  steady  advocate  of  political  reform,  his  policy,  as  we  have  seen, 
had  been  to  attempt  this  by  constitutional  methods,  not  by  violence.  But  all 
his  more  moderate  plans  had  been  overthrown  bv  the  e.xplosion  of  the  icono- 
clasts. The  outrages  then  perpetrated  had  both  alienated  the  Catho  ics  and 
disgusted  the  more  moderate  portion  of  the  Protestants  ;  while  the  divisions 
of  the  Protestants  among  themselves  had  so  far  paralyzed  their  action  that 
the  whole  strength  of  the  [arty  of  reform  had  never  been  fairly  exerted  in  the 
conriict.  That  contiict,  unprepared  as  the  nation  was  for  it,  had  been  most 
di  astrous.  Everywhere  the  arms  of  the  regent  had  been  victorious.  It  was 
evident  the  hour  for  resii>ta,nce  had  not  yet  come.  ,        j        •     i.u 

Yet  for  William  to  remain  in  his  present  position  was  hazardous  m  the 


OATH  REFUSED  BY  ORANGE. 


291 


'  "  Ferez  cesser  les  calumnies  que  dictes  se 
semer  contre  vous,  ensanible  tous  ccs  bruits 
que  bcavez  courrir  de  vous,  eiicoires  que  en 
luon  endroict  je  les  tiens  faulx  et  que  a  tort 
ils  »e  dyent;  ne  pouvant  croire  que  en  ung 
coeur  noble  et  d*'  telle  extraction  que  vt.us 
ostes,  successeur  des  Seigneurs,"  etc.  Archives 
de  la  Maison  d' Orange- Nassau,  torn.  iii.  p.  44. 

»  "Servir  et  m'employer  eiivers  et  contre 
toufl, « t  comme  me  sera  ordonne  de  sa  part, 
B&its  limitation  ou  reetrinction."    Ibid.,  ubi 


supra. 

*  "  Je  seroys  aulcunemont  oblige  et  con- 
strainct,  le  cas  advenant,  que  on  me  viondroict 
a  commander  cbose  qui  pourroit  venir  contre 
ma  conscience  ou  au  deservice  de  Sa  Maie  et 
du  pays."     Ibid.,  p.  46. 

'*  Vous  asseurant  que,  ou  que  seray,  n'en- 
pargneray  jamais  mon  corps  ni  mon  bien  pour 
le  service  de  Sa  Ma'*  ot  le  bien  commun  de 
c» «  pays."  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange- 
^ia^^au,  torn.  iii.  p.  47. 


I 


extreme.  Rumours  had  gone  abroad  that  the  duke  of  Alva  would  soon  he  in 
the  Netherlands,  at  the  head  of  a  force  sufficient  to  nut  down  ail  opposition. 
"  Beware  of  Alva,"  said  his  wife's  kinsman,  the  landgrave  of  Hesse,  to 
William  ;  "  I  know  him  well."  •  The  prince  of  Orange  also  knew  him  wel  ,— 
too  well  to  trust  him.  He  knew  the  hard,  inexorable  nature  of  the  man  who 
was  now  coming  with  an  army  at  his  back  and  clothed  with  the  twoiold 


wrote 
on 


me 


3te  to  the  Landgrave  William  of  Hesse,  "with  dangers  menacing  i 

all  sides,  yet  without  one  trusty  friend  to  whom  I  can  open  my  heart. 

Margaret  seems  to  have  been  less  prepared  than  mi^ht  have  been  expected 
for  the  decision  of  Orange.  Yet  she  determined  not  to  let  him  depart  from  the 
country  without  an  etlbrt  to  retain  him.  She  accordingly  sent  her  secretary, 
Berty,  to  the  prince  at  Antwerp,  to  enter  into  the  matter  more  freely,  and,  if 
possible,  prevail  on  him  to  review  the  grounds  of  his  decision.  W  illiam  freely, 
and  at  some  length,  stated  his  reasons  for  declining  the  oath.  "  If  I  thus 
blindly  surrender  myself  to  the  will  of  the  king,  I  may  be  driven  to  do  what 
is  most  repugnant  to  my  principle-s,  especially  in  the  stern  mode  of  dealing 
with  the  sectaries.  1  may  be  compelled  to  denounce  some  of  my  own  family, 
even  my  wife,  as  Lutherans,  and  to  deliver  them  into  the  hands  of  the 
executioner.  Finally,"  said  he,  "  the  king  may  send  some  one  in  his  rov^al 
name  to  rule  over  us,  to  whom  it  would  be  derogatory  for  me  to  submit.  Ihe 
name  of  "  Alva"  escaped,  as  if  involuntarily,  from  his  lips,— and  he  was  silent. 

Berty  endeavoured  to  answer  the  objections  of  the  prince,  but  the  latter, 
interrupting  him  before  he  had  touched  on  the  duke  of  Alva,  bluntly  declared 
that  the  kuig  would  never  be  content  while  one  of  his  great  vassals  was 
wedded  to  a  heretic.  It  was  his  purpose,  therefore,  to  leave  the  eountry  at 
once,  and  retire  to  Germany  ;  and  with  this  remark  he  abniptly  closed  the 

con  f  eren  ce 

The  secretary,  though  mortified  at  his  own  failure,  besought  William  to 
consent  to  an  interview,  before  his  departure,  with  Count  Egmont,  who,  Berty 
trusted,  might  be  more  successful.  To  this  William  readily  assented,  llus 
celebrated  meeting  took  place  at  Willbroek,  a  village  between  Antwerp  and 
Brussels.    Besides  the  two  lords  there  were  only  present  Count  Mansteldt 

and  the  secretary.  .  ,     ,  .     ,        ,  i  x      • 

After  some  discussion,  in  which  each  of  the  friends  endeavoured  to  win  over 
the  other  to  his  own  way  of  thinking,  William  expressed  the  hope  that 
Eemont  would  save  himself  in  time  from  the  bloody  tempest  that,  he  pre- 
dicted, was  soon  to  fall  on  the  heads  of  the  Flemish  nobles.'  "  I  tnist  in  the 
clemency  of  my  sovereign,"  answered  the  count :  "  he  cannot  deal  harshly 
with  men  who  have  restored  order  to  the  country."  "  This  clemency  you  so 
extol,"  replied  William,  "  will  be  your  ruin.  Much  I  fear  that  the  Spaniards 
will  make  use  of  you  as  a  bridge  to  effect  their  entrance  into  the  country  ! 
With  this  ominous  prediction  on  his  lips,  he  tenderly  embraced  the  count, 


«  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Naasau, 

torn,  iii  p.  42.  .    .     ^,         ,-    . 

'  "  In  anstbung  das  wir  in  dissen  landen 
allein  seindt,  uiid  in  hiJchsten  n6ten  und 
gefehrd-n  Hbs  und  lebens  stecken,  und 
keinen  vertrauwen  freundt  umb  uns  haben, 
deni"  wir  nn^er  gemUthe  und  hertz  recht 
er  ffnen  d.'.rffen."     Ibid.,  p.  39. 

•  Sirada,  l)e  BeUo  B*lgico,  torn.  i.  p.  319. 


•  "Orasse  ilium,  subduceret  sese,  gravi- 
damque  ciuore  tempcstatem  ab  Hispania  in)- 
pendeniem  Belgarum  Procerum  capitibus  ne 
opperiretur."     Ibid.,  p.  321. 

lo  4.  pordet  te,  inquit  Orangius,  ha;c  quam 
jactas  clrnieiitia  Krgif,  Kpmonti;  ac  videor 
niihi  providore  animo.  uiinam  falso,  tepontem 
sciliret  futurum,  quo  Hippani  calcato,  in 
R  Igium   traiisniittant."     Ibid.,  p.  321. 


II 


292  TRANQUILLITY  RESTORED. 

with  tears  in  his  eyes,  bidding  him  a  last  farewell.    And  thus  the  two  friends 

^''T^e'diflerr  i^TrSV'ttTo'nobles  were  such.as  n,ight  be 
exacted  Iron  the  SeSce  of  botS  their  characters  and  the.r  c.rcmnstances^ 

£-o?a^?SnM^'^r^SS^ 

?;:t:i!:s-evr^r^^.!rrcfficrrs"^|M 

William    not  to  Dut  his  trust  m  princes.    He  was,  doubtless,  as  smceie  y 

atSa  tots  coCtry  as  the  prinje  of  O-'^^f  •  ^''^..-^^-'l^r^  ■^^,  Jl'',';  '  fl 
system  of  persecution  avowed  by  the  government.  But  this  Fr-"^™"""  jf" 
S>on  a  nirtv  with  whom  he  had  Ultle  sympathy.  AVilliam,  on  the  other 
S,  wafa  member  of  that  party.  A  blow  aime,(  at  them  -as  am|ed  ".bo  at 
i,i,n  It  is  ea'iv  to  see  how  dWerent  were  the  stakes  of  the  two  nobles  in  iiie 
»  ing  conte  t,  bofh  in  respect  to  their  sympathies  and  l'^>r  ■;>terest«. 
p,' mnnt  wa.rbv  birth  a  Fleming.  His  estates  were  in  h  landers,  and  there, 
rfwerel^Wtieso  worldly  fortune.  Exile  to  him  would  have  been  beggary 
a^d  ruTn  BuKg^Tf  not  the  larger,  part  of  William's  property  lay  with- 
m^hTconS  of  tfe  Netherlands.  In  w'ithdrawing  to  Germany,  lie  went  to 
Ws  1  ativeCd  His  kindred  were  still  there.  With  them  he  had  maintained 
a  consUnt^rres^ndence,  and  there  he  «o.f  ,be  welconjed  .^  t,oop.  of 
friends.    It  was  a  home,  and  no  place  of  exile,  that  W  lUiam  was  to  nna  in 

*^^Shor"tfv  after  this  interview,  the  prince  went  to  his  estates  at  Breda,  there 
to  remain  a  few  days  before  quitting  the  country."  From  Breda  he  wrote  to 
EgmXexpresin^  the  hop?that,  'when  he  had  wfe^fd  tl,^.  in  his  mind  he 
wSuld  he  contented  with  the  reasons  assigned  for  his  departure  ihe  re^t 
he  would  leave  to  God,  who  would  order  all  for  his  own  glory.  Be  suie,  ne 
added  "vou  have  no  friend  more  warmly  devoted  to  you  than  myself  ;  for  the 
te  of  yo^iis^o  deeply  rooted  in  n,y  heart  to  be  weakeiied  either  by  time  o 
distance  "  •»  It  is  pleasing  to  see  that  party  spirit  had  not.  as  in  the  case  oi 
n  01^  vuioar  souls  tWower  to  rend  asunder  tfe  ties  which  had  so  lon^  bound 
?S  erht  me    toe^^^^^^  to  see  them  still  turning  back,  with  Tooks  of 

accustS  SnesT^^^    th^y  were  entering  the  paths  that  were  to  lead  in 

^"ttnfLlr:rto  the  king,  acquainting  him  with  what  Jieh^^^^^^^^^^ 

Xki^Z<l\ivne  and  faithful  vassal.  Before  ^ea^jng  Bmla^.e  prm^^^^ 
received  a  letter  from  the  politic  regent,  more  amiable  in  its  import  than 
mi  Jt  have  C  expected.  ^Perhaps  it  was  not  wholly  policy  tha  made  her 
unwilling  to  part  with  him  in  anger.  She  expressed  her  readmes^s  to  (io  h  m 
any  favour  in  her  power.  She  had  always  felt  for  him,  she  said,  the  same 
atlection  as  for  her  own  son,  and  should  ever  continue  to  do  so. 


WILLIAM  LEAVES  THE  NETHERLANDS. 


293 


"  The  secretary  Pratz,  in  a  Iftter  of  the 
founcenth  of  April,  thus  kindly  notices 
William's  departure:  "The  prince  has  gone, 
taking  along  with  him  half  a  do/en  herotiral 
doctors  and  a  good  number  of  other  seditious 
rogues."  Correspondance  de  Philippe  11., 
torn.  i.  p  526.  .  . 

la  w  Tibi  vero  hoc  persuade  amiciorem  rae 
te ha»)ere  neniinem cui  quidvis  liliere  Impcrare 
putes.     Amor  culm  tui  eaa  egit  rudices  in 


animo  meo  ut  minui  nullo  temporis  out  loco- 
rum  intervallo  pospit."  Archives  de  la 
Maison  d'Orango-Nassau,  tom.  iii.  p.  70.-  It 
is  not  easy  lo  understand  why  William  should 
have  resorted  to  Latin  in  his  correspondence 
with  Egmont. 

'"  ••  Ayant  tousjours  porte  en  vostre  en- 
droit  I'afft  ction  que  je  pourrois  faire  pour  ung 
mien  fils,  ou  parent  bien  proche.  Et  vous 
vous  povez  de  ce  confier,  toutes  les  fols  que 


If 


On  the  last  of  April,  WUliam  departed  for  Germany.  He  took  with  him  all 
his  household  except  liis  eldest  soothe  count  of  Buren  then  a  boy  hirtee 
vears  old,  who  was  pursuing  his  studies  at  the  university  of  Louvaii.  I'er- 
Taps^^Urm  tmsted  to  tffe  immunities  of  Brabant,  or  to  he  ^n^e^age  ^^ 
the  youth,  for  his  protection.  If  so,  he  gnevously  ^^is^jlc^^^ff^^^^,^^^^^  ^^^ 
would  serve  as  too  Lpo^^t  a  hostage  for  his  ^^ther,  an^^  Phihp  caused^^^^^^^^ 
to  be  transferred  to  i\fadrid,  where,  under  the  monarch  s  ey^'^e  was  educate^ 
in  relidous  as  well  as  in  political  sentiments  very  little  m  harmony  with  those 
0    tlerfn^  of  0  Fortunately,  the  younger  brother,  Maurice,  who 

hherrteHhe  genius  of"his  father,  and' was  to.  carry  down  his  great  name  to 
aliother  generation,  was  allowed  to  receive  his  training  under  the  paternal 

'"^Belides  his  family,  William  was  accompanied  by  a  host  of  friends  and 
folbwerrsorae  of  tHe:n  persons  of  high  consideration,  who  preferred  banish- 
m  iirwiihTml  encointeri,^^^  troubles  that  awaited  t^^^^^^^ 
Thus  attended  he  fixed  his  residence  at  Dillemburg,  m  Nassau  ttie  seat  oi 
his  anceS^^^^^^^^^^  place  of  his  own  birth.  He  there  occXf  himsel  mth 
Ktudvinff  the  Lutheran  doctrine  under  an  experienced  teacher  of  that  per 
^t!m'  ''Ld,  while  he  kept  a  watchful  eye  on  the  events  parsing  m  his 
unhannv  countrv  he  endeavoured  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  the  pnn- 
ck>^rortrt^g^^^^^^^^^  of  which,  in  connection  with  political 

frppdom  he  was  one  day  to  become  the  champion.  ,        ^        .  •      •    ^.u^ 

'rhedeparrureof  the'prmce  of  Orange  caused  general  consten^^^^^ 
Netherlands  All  who  were  in  any  way  compromised  by  the  late  disturbances 
IS  rno^e  anxiously  than  ever  the' signs  of  the  coming  tempest,  as  th^ 
Felt  they  had  lost  the  p  lot  who  alone  could  enable  them  to  weather  it.  Thou- 
sands nreuared  to  imitate  his  example  by  quitting  the  country  before  it  was 
^lat^Amonc^  those  who  tied  were  the  Counts  Culemborj,.  Berg,  Hoog- 
st^atenLouiT  of  Nassau,  and  others  of  inferior  not^.who  passeil  into  Germany, 
whefe  the^g^^^^^^     inti  a  little  circle  round  the  prmce,  waiting,  hke  him,  for 

^%'me  ^the  great  lords,  who  had  held  out  against  the  regent  now  left  a^^^^^^ 
intin^ted  their  willingness  to  comply  with  her  demands  Count  Hoorne, 
stTrites  t^  K  "has  oliered  hiVservices  to  me,  and  de -lares  his  readiness 
to  take  the  oath  if  he  has  spoken  too  freely,  he  says,  it  was  not  from  any 
d^i^PPtion  to  the  coveriiment,  but  from  a  momentary  feeling  of  pique  and 
?r^tat'o\r  f  woulf  n^^^^^  to  desperation,  and  from  regardt  t^  his 

I7mked  I  have  consented  that  he  should  take  his  seat  in  the  council  again."  " 
The  haughtrto^^^^^^^^^  shows  that  she  felt  herself  now  so  strongly 


les  occasions  se  presenteront,  que  feray  le 
m^'sme."  Correspondance  de  Guillaume  le 
Taciturne,  tom.  ii.  p.  371. 

'*  William's  only  daughter  was  maid  of 
honour  to  the  regent,  who  ma.le  no  objection 
to  her  accompanving  her  father,  sayitig  that 
on  the  young  lady's  return  she  would  hud  no 
diminution  of  ihe  love  that  had  been  always 
shown  to  her.     Ibid.,  nbi  supra.  , ,  ,,    . 

'"  According  to  Strada,  some  thought  that 
William  knew  well  what  he  was  about  when 
he  left  his  son  behind  him  at  Louvain,  and 
that  he  would  have  had  no  objection  that  the 
boy  should  be  removed  to  Madrid, -considering 

tliat,  if  things  went  badly  w.th  himself,  it 
would  be  well  for  the  h 'ir  of  the  house  to 
have  a  bold  on  the  monarch's  fiivour.     lais 


is  rather  a  cool  way  of  proceeding  for  a  parent, 
it  must  be  admitted.  Yet  it  is  not  very  dis- 
similar from  tbat  pursued  by  William's  own 
father,  who.  a  sianch  Lutheran  himself, 
allowed  his  son  to  form  pait  of  thn  imperial 
household  and  to  be  there  nurtured  in  the 
Roman  Catholic  faith.  See  Strada,  De  Bello 
Belgico,  tom.  i.  p.  373. 

••  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau, 
tom.  iii.  p.  100. 

'^  "  Pour  ne  le  jecter  d'advantaige  en  deses- 
poir  et  perdition,  aussy  en  contemplation  de 
ses  parens  et  alliez,  je  n'ai  peu  excuser  luy 
dire  qu'il  seroit  doucques  ainsy  qu'il  avait 
faict,  et  qu'il  revinst  au  conseil."  Corre- 
spondance de  Margue.ite  d'Auiricbe,  p.  2M. 


I 


il 


294  TRANQUILLITY  RESTORED. 

seated  as  to^^be  nearly  indiflferent  whether  the  person  she  dealt  with  were 

^^E^^mont  at'this  time,  was  endeavouring  to  make  amends  for  the  past  by 
sucTTxtraI)rdina  y  Snstratious  of  loya!ty  as  should  ertace  all  re.nem bmuce 
oft    HTr(Se  through  the  laud  at  the  head  of  his  troop\brea^^^^^ 
consistories,  arresting  the  rioters,  and  everywhere  re-establishing  the  <-atho  ic 
wSp     He  loudlf  declared  that  those  who  would  remain  his  friends  mu.^^ 
dve  unequivocal  proofs  of  loyalty  to  the  crown  and  the  Roman  Cathd  c  fa  0, 
Some  of  those  with  whom  he  had  been  most  intimate,  disgusted  with  this 
co'u"  e,  Ld  ^^s^^^^^^^^^     perhaps,,  such  a  deposit  for  thf  -7^^^^^^^^^^^ 
back  the  letters  they  had  received  from  him,  and  demanded  their  own  m 

'"  ArSrussels  Egmont  entered  into  all  the  gayeties  of  t^e  court,  disp^^^^^^^^ 
his  usual  magniiieeuce  in  costly  fe^tes  and  banquets^  ,^,^^t's  nani  "^^^^^^^ 
Parma  sometimes  honoured  with  her  presence.  The  count  s  "J'»e  appe^.^^ 
among  those  wliich  she  mentions  to  Philip  as  o^^l^jso'^^^^f  ,^^^J^^?.f^^^^^ 
government  ''  It  is  impossible,"  she  says,  "not  to  be  satisfied  with  his  con- 
|Overnmen^  'elated  by  the  favour  of  the  regent, -next  inimDortance  to 
that  of  rovaltv  Hself -tL  ill-fated  nobleman  cherished  the  fond  hope  that 
thf  Da  t  Snow  be  completelv  effaced  from  the  memory  of  his  master,-a 
mX  who  mig^^  a  benefit,  but  who  was  never  known  to  forgive  an 

"'S  great  towns  throughout  the  land  had  now  generally  intimated  their 
willingness  to  submit  to  tSe  requisitions  0    Margaret,  and  many^^^^^ 
admitted  earrisons  within  their  walls.    Antwerp  only,  of  the  cities  of  liraoant, 
?emredSctable.    At  length  it  yielded  to  the  .^en^^^d^e^^^a^^^^^^ 
deputation  was  sent  to  the  regent  to  sue  for  ^er  forgiveness  a^^^^^ 
that  the  leaders  in  the  late  disturbances  «h<>"^  ,^.  ^"^.'f^^^^^^^^ 
This  was  a  real  triumph  to  the  royal  party,  ^onsidenng  the  mot^y  character 
of  the  population,  in  which  there  was  so  large  an  infusion  oj  CaW  n  sul    But 
Mar^ra^t,  far  from  showing  her  satis  action,  coollv  a"^^'^^^^.  ^1^^.^,*^?^^^^^^ 
firstWiVe  a  garrison  ;  then  she  would  intercede  ^«T  them  with  the  kn 
would  herself  consent  to  take  up  her  residence  in  the  city.    In  this  tne  in 
Stants,now  well  humbled,  aLt^d  wilHngly  to  ^^^"JJ^^  ^"f^^,^^^/.^^ 
Count  Mansfeldt,  at  the  head  of  sixteen  companies  of  ^^^^  »f  "l^^*^^^^ 
Antwerp  in  battle-array,  and  there  quartered  his  soldiers  as  m  a  conquered 

"^Hay  was  fixed  for  the  regent's  entry,  which  was  to  be  made  with  all 
beaming  pomp.  Detachments  of  troops  were  stationed  m  the  principal 
avrnuesfanTon  the  thirteenth  of  April  Margaret  rode  into  Antwerp  escor^^^^ 
by  twelve  hundred  Walloons,  and  accompanied  bjr  the  knights  of  the  Go^^^^^^^^ 
Fleece,  the  great  lords,  and  the  provmcia  magistrates  As  .the  ghttenng 
DroSTsion  passed  through  the  files  of  the  soldiery,  along  the  pnncipal  streets. 
Ft  ^s  CT^r^with  t^^^  of  the  fickle  populace.    Thus  cheered  on  her 

iTth^Tegeiit  proceeded  first  to  the  cathedral,  where  r.^ei^m  was  chanted 
S^nher^  knees  she  returned  thanks  to  the  Almighty  that  this  great  aty 
had   been  restored  without   battle  or  bloodshed  to  the  king  and  the  true 


••  William  was  getierous  enough  to  com- 
inen<i  Hoorne  for  this  step,  expressing  the 
boi)e  that  it  might  Induce  such  a  spirit  of 
harmony  in  the  royal  council  as  would  pro- 
mote the  Interests  of  both  king  and  country. 
See  the  letter,  written  in  Latin,  dated  from 


BrMa,  April  14th.  In  ArchiTes  de  la  Malaon 
d'Orangp^NasMiu,  torn  iii.  p.  71. 

'•  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  322. 

*"  Correspondancede  Marguerite  d'Autriche, 
p.  235. 


I 


I 


NEW  EDICT. 


295 


*  -^1.21      Ac  hpr  Pve-?  wandered  over  the  desecrated  altars  and  the  walls 

V^^^^-  .       »   i.      ^  Morrvorpt  hfiA  allowed  all  who  were  not  implicated 

On  occupying  Antwerp,  Mar^^et  had  a"o^^ea  aii  wu  f^  ^^^^^ 

spectacle  of  husbands  parting  from  tl^e  ^J^^^^^,  P^^^^^^^^^  Und 

Margaret  exhibfted  at  the  outset,  ««"»J'^^f J^ /^^^  ^y^^^^  wr.tten 

-tKi«Srs|q:fS^Sg^£;i^ 

t«,^re''i:r£«MlS^ 

places  of  meeting,  or  had  harboured  or  aided  th^^^^^  ^^^^ 

Lretical  tracts,  or  artists  ^^o  with  tto  pencil  h^^  ^^^^^^^^^^^  i,,iq„itie., 

Church  of  Rome,-all,  in  short,  ^^hoj^ere^imty  oi  "^^^  j^.  v^  ^■ 

were  to  be  Dunished  with  death  f;;^f,  ^i>"f^  ^^^^^^^^  f he  edict  con- 

were  to  be  Sealt  with  according  to  t/^«  "^^^.XUle  {eS  and  goes  into  a 
taining  the.se  humane  pro^^^^^^^^^  .^for^^ed  could 

large  specification  of  oto^^^^^^^  of  the  regent  became 

have  been  entnely  exempi.  ^VT.coti^faptinn  The  king  pronounced  it 
known  at  Madrid,  it  caused  ^^^t  ^^^^^,^t  f^^^^^  the  true  spirit  of  Chris- 
"  indecorous,  illegal,  and  altogether  repim^i^^^  j^  ^.^^ 

tianity ; "  '*  and  he  ordered  ^l^rgaret  fort^l^^lth  to  r^^^^^^^^^   tn|eu 
accordingly  repealed  on  the  twent.y-third  of  J^^^^^^^^^  ,^ 

may  be  disposed  to  3oni  heartily  n  the  malechctm^^ may  j^^ f^^^  ^^^ 

learn  that  t\e  cause  of  the  ^o^^/^^/f  "^.^^^^^^^^^  right  of  private 

te^lot^Te^te^^d  int^«^^^^^^  t  hearts  of  n>e„,  W 


-  "Egit  ipsa  privatim  magnae  Virgini 
KTates,  qu6d  ejus  ope  tantani  urbem  sine 
l^tlio  a2  sangGine.  Religiuni  Regique  r«idl. 
disseu"    Strada,  De  BeUo  Belgico,  torn.  i.  p. 

"''  Brandt.  Reformation  in  the  Low  Coun- 

'^"'cSaid^as  transferred  to  hia  notes  the 


whole    of  this    sanguinary  do<-^"^ent     See 
Correspondance  de  Philippe  IL,  torn.  i.  pp. 

-*  "  I^  peine  et  le  mecontentement  qu'U  a 
6prouves/de  ce  que  I'on  a  fait  une  chose  si 
ilUcite,  si  iudecente,  et  si  contraire  a  la  re- 
ligion chretieune."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


296  TRANQUILLITY  RESTOREP. 

forth  their  secret  thoughts  into  open  day  and  punishing  these  like  overt 
acts     Margaret  had  something  yet  to  learn  in  the  school  o\  persecution  " 

While  at  Antwerp,  the  regint  received  an  embassy  from  the  elector  of 
Saxony  the  landgraVe  of  Hesse,  and  other  Protestant  princes  of  Germany, 
ScJding  fo^thl  oppressed  Lutherans  and  praying  that  she  would  not  con- 
sent to^^^^^^^^^  bein^  sb  grievously  vexed  by  the  Catholic  government.  Mar- 
caret  who  was  as  Httle  pleased  at  the  plain  terms  in  which  this  remonstrance 
fas  conveyld  as  with  the  object  of  it,  coldly  replied  that  the  late  conduct  o 
The  F^eS  Protestants  doubtless  entitled  them  to  all  this  sympathy  from 
the  German  princes,  but  she  advised  the  latter  to  busy  them  shelves  wi  1 
their  oTaffaL,  and  leave  the  king  of  Spain  to  manage  his  as  he  thought 

^oVIll  the  provinces,  Holland  was  the  only  one  which  still  made  resistance 
to  the  will  of  the  regeAt.  And  here,  as  we  have  already  seen  was  gathered  a 
nilitarrarray  of  some  strength.  The  head-quarters  were  at  Bredeiode^s  town 
of  Viana  But  that  chief  had  left  his  followers  for  the  present,  and  hful  been 
sLretTintroduced  into  Amsterdam,  where,  as  Ijefore  noticed,  he  was  busy  m 
rousing  a  spirit  of  resistance  in  the  citizens,  already  well  prepared  for  t  by 
their  Protestant  preachers.  The  magistrates,  sorely  annoyed,  would  gladly 
have  rfd  thera^^^^^^  Brederode's  pr^ence,  but  he  l^ad  too  strong  a  hdd  on 
the  DeoDle     Yet  as  hour  after  hour  brought  fresh  tidings  of  the  disasters  of 


invasion  of  the  Netherlands,  wnen,  in  lue  muuiuci  i^i  ^y^.^,  ..^  ...^^  — ----- 
off  by  a  fever,  brought  on,  it  is  said,  by  his  careless,  intemperate  way  of 

Rrederodewas  a  person  of  a  free  and  fearless  temper, -with  the  defects, 
and  tt  r^ritTToo?  t^at  attach  te  that  sort  of  character.  The  f neiulslup  with 
thtch  he  seems  te'have  been  regarded  by  some  of  the  mojt  e«ti")a^^e  persons 
of  his  party-Louis  of  Nassau,  especially-speaks  well  for  his  heait  Ihe 
reckless  audacity  of  the  man  is  shown  in  his  correspondence ;  and  the  free 
nSerinwhiclf  he  deals  with  persons  and  events  makes  his  letters  no  less 
h  teresting  than  imi>ortant  for  tlie  light  they  thmw  on  these  troubled  times. 
YeUt  cannot  be  denied  that,  after  all,  Brederode  is  indebted  much  more  to  the 
circumstances  of  his  situation  than  to  his  own  character  for  the  space  he 

Tht  m\  wfth'oTal^^^^^^^       little  army  which  Brederode  had  gathered 


CRUEL  REPRISALS. 


297 


IS 


Viglius  was  not  too  euUghtened  to  enter 
his  protest  against  the  right  to  freedom  of 
c«.nscience.  which,  in  a  letter  to  his  f-iend 
Hopper,  he  says  may  lead  every  one  to  set  up 
his  own  gods— "lares  aut  lemures "—accord- 
ing to  his  fancy.  Yet  the  president  was  wise 
enough  to  see  that  sufficient  had  heen  done 
at  prest^nt  in  hr-aking  up  the  preacliiugs. 
"Time  and  Philip's  presence  must  do  the 
rest."  (Epistolaj  ad  Hopperum,  p.  433.) 
"Those,"  he  says  in  another  litter,  "who 
have  set  the  king  against  the  edict  have 
greatly  deceived  him.  They  are  having  their 
ovation  before  they  have  gained  the  victory. 
They  think  th'-y  can  dispos.'  of  Flemish  affa'ra 
as  they  like  at  Toledo,  wlien  h:«rdly  a  Spaniard 
dares  to  show  his  head  in  Brussels."    Ibid,, 


p.  428. 

"  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'0range->a8sau, 
torn.  iii.  pp.  80-93.— Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico, 
torn.  i.  p.  329. 

■"  Straila,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  332. 

"  Groen's  Inestimable  collection  contdns 
several  of  Brederode's  letters,  which  may 
remind  one  in  their  tone  of  the  dashing  cava- 
lier of  the  time  of  Charles  the  First.  They 
come  from  the  heart,  mingling  the  ppirit  of 
daring  enterprise  with  the  careless  t'aypty  <»f 
the  t>on  vivant,  and  throw  far  ni'-re  light  tlian 
the  stiff,  statesmanlike  correspondence  of  the 
period  on  the  character,  not  merely  of  the 
writer,  but  of  the  disjointed  times  in  which 
he  lived. 


V 


under  his  banner  soon  fell  to  pieces.  Detachments,  scattering  over  the  country, 
committed  various  depredations,  plundering  the  religious  houses,  and  engaging 
in  encounters  with  the  royal  troops  under  Megen  and  Aremberg,  "j  which  the 
insurgents  fared  the  worst.  Thus  broken  on  all  sides,  those  who  did  not  fall 
into  the  enemy's  hands,  or  on  the  field,  were  teo  glad  to  make  their  escape 
into  Germany.*  One  vessel,  containing  a  great  number  of  fugitives,  was 
wrecked,  and  all  on  board  were  made  prisoners.  Among  them  were  two 
brothers  of  the  name  of  Battenberg ;  they  were  of  a  noble  family,  and  promi- 
nent members  of  the  league.  They  were  at  once,  with  their  principal 
followers,  thrown  into  prison,  to  await  their  doom  from  the  bloody  tribunal  of 

Deprived  of  all  support  from  without,  the  city  of  Amsterdam  offered  no  fur- 
ther resistance,  but  threw  open  its  gates  to  the  regent  and  consented  to  accept 
her  terms.  These  were  the  same  that  had  been  imposed  on  ail  the  other 
refractory  towns.  The  immunities  of  the  city  were  declared  to  be  forfeited,  a 
garrison  was  marched  into  the  place,  and  preparations  were  made  tor  building 
I  fortress,  to  guard  against  future  commotions.  Those  who  chose-with  the 
customary  exceptions-were  allowed  to  leave  the  city  Great  numbers  availed 
themselves  of  the  permission.  The  neighbouring  dikes  were  crowded  with 
fugitives  from  the  territory  round,  as  welf  as  from  the  ^ity,  anxiously  waiting 
fof  vessels  to  transport  them  to  Embden,  the  chief  asylum  of  the  exiles  There 
they  stood,  men,  women,  and  children,  a  melancholy,  throng,  without  fw^^^^ 
almost  without  raiment  or  any  of  the  common  necessaries  of  life,  exciting  the 
commiseration  of  even  their  Catholic  adversaries. J'  TTn.,rlPTn 

The  example  of  Amsterdam  was  speedily  followed  by  Delft,  Haariem. 
Rotterdam,  Leyden,  and  the  remaining  towns  of  Holland,  which  now  seemed 
to  vie  with  one  another  in  demonstrations  of  loyalty  to  the  government.     Ihe 
triumph  of  the  regent  was  complete.    Her  arms  had  been  everywhere  success- 
ful, and  her  authority  was  fufty  recognized  throughout  the  w-hoeexte^^^^ 
the  Netherlands.    Doubtful  friends  and  open  foes.  Catholics  and  Reformer.., 
were  alike  prostrate  at  her  feet.'»    With  the  hour  of  triumph  came  also  the 
hour  of  vengeance.    And  we  can  hardly  doubt  that  the  remembrance  of  past 
humiliation  gave  a  sharper  edge  to  the  sword  of  justice.     ^«/,t^;^ff;' ^^«;/^; 
awe  the  inhabitants,  were  raised  in  the  principal  towns  ;     and  the  expense  of 
their  construction,  as  well  as  of  maintaining  their  garrisons,  was  defiayed  by 
fines  laid  on  the  rkractory  cities."    The  regent's  troops  rode  over  the  country 
SndXrever  the  reformed  were  gathered  to  hear  the  word  they  ^me  charged 
by  the  troopers,  who  trampled  them  under  their  horses'  hoofs  shooting  t h e  n 
down  without  mercy,  or  dragging  them  off.  by  scores  to  execution  JSoto^^n 
was  so  small  that  fifty  at  least  did  not  perish  m  this  way,  wh  le  the  m^niber 
of  the  victims  sometimes  rose  to  two  or  even  three  hundred."    Eveiywlieie 


'•  Brandt,  Reformation  In  the  T,ow  Coun- 
tries, vol.  i.  p.  255.— Meteren,  Hist,  ties  Pays- 
Bas,  fol.  50  — Vander  Ha^-r,  D.'  Iniiiis  Tumul- 
tuum,  p.  327.— Correspondauce  de  Phihppe 
11.,  torn.  i.  p.  533. 

"'  Margar-  t's  success  draws  forth  an  ani- 
mated tribute  fmm  the  pr.-sident  of  Mechlin  : 
•'  De  manera  que  los  negocios  de  los  payses 
bajos  por  la  gracia  de  Dios  y  la  prud  -ncia  de 
esta  virtuosa  Dama  y  Princesa  con  la  a'-ls- 
tencia  de  los  buenos  consej'-ros  y  servidoies 
del  Key  en  buenos  term  mm  yen  efecto  reme- 
diailoe.  las  villas  reveldes  y  alt-radas  amaza- 
daa,  los    gueuses   reducidos  6   huidos;    los 


ministros  y  prrdicante*  echados  fuera  o  pre- 
SOS ;  y  la  autoridad  de  su  Majrestad  establecida 
otra  vez."  Ilenom  de  Francia,  Alborolos  de 
Flandes,  MS.  .  ,  ^v 

^'  This  was  fulfilling  the  prophecy  of  the 
prince  of  Orange,  who  in  his  letter  to  HiK)rno 
tells  him,  "  in  a  short  time  we  shall  refuse 
neither  bridle  nor  saddb.  For  myself,"  he 
adds,  "1  have  not  the  strength  to  endure 
either."  Archives  de  la  Alaisou  d'Orange- 
^assau,  torn.  Iii.  p.  72. 

'^  Strada,  De  Bello  B.lgico,  torn.  i.  p.  333. 

•*  .See  Meteren  ( Hist,  des  Pays-Bas.  fol.  49). 
who  must  have  drawn  somewhat  on  his  fancy 


TRANQUILLITY  RESTORED. 


Tt  TounTv,  the  property  of  a  hundred  of  the  richest^  m    ^.^^  ^^^^  ^_^^     , 
and  aSriated  W  the  government.    Eve"    "^W^^,,  ,^„„ded,  now  jou.ed 
who  fafi  upon  and  devo.ir  one  of  t'-e';"""  ^^j  „ith  the  same  alacrity  as  the 
il,  the  crv  a<'ainst  the  Reformers.    They  vorKeu  beams,  in  some 

iiSt  ;rr  %^^^^^  '^  -  — « 7  "f; 

Jolonring  under  their  hamR        ^„,i      tjon  that  it  *reatenrf  to  depopuW^ 
tin  -itronff  was  now  tne  imG  wi  cuufo  „,     resent,  who  at  rirsi  rejuiLciA 

some  oUhf  fairest  provinces  of  ttecounto^-     Fhereg^^^^^       ^^^^^  ^,    ^ 

^„  .wr^5  the  best  means  of  ridding  the  >»''»"'  '  ,  i„d„str  ous  population, 
as  she  stw  it  w!as  drawing  off  so  '^^g^  P^^i'^^^"* rEngland,  where  the  wise 
They  fled  to  France,  to  Germany,  and  very  many  M      h    ^  ^^^  they 

Seth  .provided  ^^'^^^iXT^^c^ri^.  which  would  So  more  than 
^Sra;7strtr^h%  prosperity  of^h^rkmgd^^^^^^  ,  p.„™ses  of  grace, 
^  MirUret  would  have  staved  this  tide  «  ^"  «  ,  ^^  f^ad  power  to  punish, 
if  n J^bv  aireral  amnesty  lor  tl^« J^f  ;^^^^^^^^^^  ndeed  promises  of  grace 

P  iUiXd  not  ijiven  her  the  power  to  FJ^^?"-^  g^  d,ead  presence  of  Alva. « 
1,?  wve  availed  Uttle  with  men  tiymg  J^^J"j;';*i,:„ut  as  Margaret  herself 
r^'rha^M  him  which  gave  -ngs    o^their  «>ft.-,J  his  coming 

P'Salr^wtn^i^^^K^^^  of  the 

lis? ffii.ffiK?HS5§  S  C|e^? 
She  knew  well  the  imperious  temper  of  «e  man^  i„  his  hands. 

mv  wishes  or  my  reputation      ^y  your  extrao  j^  ^^^  ^^^^^^^  ^  ^,^^1 

Shority,  you  have  P]^;"'^*  °'^t Instate,  yon  are  willing  to  give  ah 

service  of  God.      m  a  ^^^^^  ^^  ^^^^^ 


'■"f.'i.thar.fe   g.Uo,-  w.,.  fllW  w'.h 
^'^I;  ..  F*  tTaMbu8  decidentium  templorum. 
,  :  ;«l1,r' .™^'."^'  furae  .ou«.  par. 


Sr,'"''S'r.«pond.rci  de  PWUppe  11, 
torn.  i.  P-  5'*6- 

toutpouvmr  e  tm  a  pnve  deB^^  affaireH  de  ce 
vfT  rentier  re*'*^""  ,^  J^it  ppr  affaires  en  un 
r^^\''1ure'!."v  uVdonn'rTbonn...r  « 
bcm  et;it,  elle  en  ^eut  ^^^ 

d'autres  tandls  ^''f '  T '  tS    p.  523. 
fatigues  et  les  dangers.      Ibia.,  p.  »« 


TRANQUILLITY  RESTORED. 


299 


revolt  had  been  crushed.    ,i^7Jff"^|iXt  the 'land.    The   eague,  ^^^^^h  1\^  ^ 

?iit%XuUTorir^tq£-^had^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

tefhS  fallen  in  battle,  or  lay  waiting  their  sente"  ^^  (;»ea.r,  and  the 

^a'nderUig  as  "r^l-'^tK^^slcriptlich  ti^^^^  had  assumed  in  dens.on, 

everywhere  proscribed.     On  Its  niii^s  ^.^^  ^^s  services  c^^^bratea  ^^  n^^^ 

splendour  than  ever.    Its  temples  ^ere  r        ^^  ,^^^^  ^"^^°^Pr'5'"i|,minitv 
more  than  customary  pomp,     ihe  "J^ie  ct  a^^ed  purchased  impiinin 

Reformers  had  tied  the  country.  J^^^\^[^J^^^^^^  by  the  aid  of 

^  a  compulsory  attendance  on  mass    or  ^^^  ^^  ^l^^"^^;l«tti 

elements  were  still  ftX'Jl.\,'d  spread  ruin  over  the  land. 

forth  with  redoubled  violence  and  spiea     ^^  ^j,,^,uon  in  the  Low  Coun- 

..  ..  Ou  rantorlte  dn  Roi  est  P^ ^«  f^^^^f.        tries.  '  "  "" 

qu'eUe  ne  I'etait  au  tenjps  de  l^Empereur-^ 
Correspoudance  de  Pbuippe  11.,  tom-     V 


torn.  i.  p-  258. 


BOOK  in. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ALVA  SENT  TO  THE   NETHERLANDS. 

,v-KU  M»rrh-He  arrives  at  Brussels— Margaret  disgusted— 
Alva'8  Appolntment-^H^^^remarkabl^^^^^^^  ^^,  ^^^^^^ 

1567. 
W„,..  Margaret  .as  tWuce.^^^^^^^ 

rially  changing  it-\Hicy-      ,     ,     .,,„„ur5  had  been  circulated,  throughout 
We  have  seen  how  act  vely  the  ™™°"^,,'f^,"^:„     xiiese  rumours  had 
the  lastvear.of  Philip's  "^t^-'dedvisit  to  tl  e  country^^  l 

received  abundant  warrant  from  his  own  '^"^f^  ^''''^^^'7;^^^^^^  kin|  confine 

to  his  nnnisters  at  tl.e  dferent  European  cm^^ 

himself  to  professions     He  W  '^  *?  t';«  *  ^ «^^^^^^  ,„vey  to  be  made 

passage  for  his  army  *™'«lV'\*fi"^'^"t"  ds  wrold  probably  inarch,  and  a 
'of  that  part  of  Sa^»y  through  which  his  troops  "ouwjr         y      ^^^.^^ 

map  of  the  proposed  fo"*?  '°  ^^.S.Pyrontier  And,  finally,  he  talked  o£ 
Germany  to  meet  him  on  *e  Flemish  t.oim^^^^  ;^  ^^^^^^^^ 

calling  ti.e  coites  together,  to  P^^"" '« '"/  '^^^^^^^^  potentate  in  Euroj.e 

Yet,  whoever  else  inight  be  impoed  mi,  ther^^^  ^^  ^  , 

whose  clear  vision  was  not  to  be  b  indea  [^^^f/  jj^,  Pius  the  Fifth,  who 
all  this  bustle  of  l>veparat>»«:.  This  was  the  oia po       ,        ^^^^  ^.^^^ 

had  always  distrusted  the  >^}ng,^^^'y'^^"^^:,,,tries  Like  a  true  son  of  the 
anguish  the  spread  of  l'«';fyi^tilyhlv"ts  fires  kindled  in  every  city 
Inquisition  as  he  was,  he  ^'""{''^^'^''^S^fth  vexation  the  aj  athy  manifested 
I'  *|if i,r  And  he  at  le"  gt'h  r^o  "dt  d^^^atcli  a  special  emUssy  to  Spam, 

^o^ate'th^SrifP^^^^^^^^^^ 

The  person  employed  was  the  bishop  ot  Asco  i,  ai  u  t      ^  Madrid, 

his  rebuke  in  sue .  blunt  ter.ns  a.  caused  a  ^e-»  at^ t^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^^ 
In  a  letter  to  his  ambassador  at  Home,  rnuip  cuu  m         ti,e  performance 
should  have  thus  held  him  up  to  Ch"f,^  d»"' ^  Philip 

of  his  duty.    The  envoy  had  delivered  "n^elfm  ^o^t™  f^     ^^  „,;  ^^t  h^ve 

£  W  tak^  'pTec^'reirK:;' ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^  one  he  intendecf 

J-      «        «'n  P.-it  pu  moins  d'amour  et  de  respect  pour 
'  "  l^it  6v?que.  dan<^  la  premiere  audience        » »l  «'»  «J  ^         ^^  f^,^  revenir  sur  les  reso- 


DON    FERNANDO   ALVAREZ   Oi   TOLEnO, 

DUKE   OF  ALVA. 


DON    FERNANDO 

DUKE   OF  ALVA 


ALVAREZ    D^    TOLEOO, 


T 


ALVA'S  APPOINTMENT. 


301 


'^^TSfnlfes'l^n V^^'wirXdiBcussed  in  the  council.   Ruv  Gomez,  the  courtly 

as  brinmnff  rum  even  to  the  victor,      v-'iemem.j  w<*o  wi^       _^,^  i;iroiv  tr»  1^ 
^v3%nd  the  people  fF.a.jders  w-  a  ^ene^us  ---,-- '"-^^f.^^ 

=ofXulrupport^b™hepot^^^^^^^ 

the  duke  of  Feria,  formerly  ambassaSor  to  London,  a  man  who  to  polu.hed 

manners  united  a  most  insinuating  elogf""'-         .   .  advanced  by  the 


Philippe  II.,  torn.  I.  p.  4S8.-The  Urt  remon- 

strancrof  Philip  had  its  ^'fff^^'-  «rf"^^'it 
soon  after  wrote  to  the  Icing  that  his  holiness 
was  jrreatly  disturbed  by  the  manner  m  which 
his  majesty  had  Uicen  his  rebulce.  The  pope, 
Granvelle  addel,  was  a  person  of  the  best 
intentions,  bnt  with  very  little  knowledge  of 
the  world,  and  easily  icept  in  check  by  those 
who  show  their  teeth  to  him:  "»;f,/'^J"^«« 
quango  le  le  muettran  lot  dienUs.      iwa., 

tom.  il.  p.  IvUi.  , 

•  •'  Que  lui  et  le  temps  en  valalent  deux 
autres."  Vandervynclcr,  Troubles  des  Pays- 
Bas,  tom.  ii.  p.  199.-The  hesitation  of  the 
king  drew  on  him  a  sharp  rebnke  from  the 
audarious  Fray  lx)renzo  Villavicenno,  who 
showed  as  little  ceremony  m  dealing  witn 
Philip  as  with  his  ministers.  "If  your 
m.^Je«ty,"  he  says,  "consulting  only  your 
own  ease,  refuses  to  make  this  visit  to  Flan- 
ders, which  so  nearly  concerns  the  honour  or 
God,  his  blessed  Mother,  and  all  the  saints. 


as  well  as  the  weal  of  Christendom,  what  is  tt 
but  to  ileclare  that  you  are  ready  to  Accept 
the  regal  dignity  which  God  has  given  you, 
aJid  7et  leave  to'^him  all  the  can- and  troub  e 
that  belong  to  that  dignity  ?  God  would  take 
this  as  ill  of  your  majesty,  as  you  wonld  take 
it  of  those  of  your  vassals  whom  you  baa 
raised  to  offices  of  trust  and  honour,  and  who 
took  the  offices,  but  left  you  to  do  the  w-ork 
for  them  !  To  offend  God  is  a  rash  act  that 
must  destroy  both  soul  and  body.  Gachard, 
Correspondance  de  Philippe  11..  torn.  ii.. 
Rapport,  p.  xlviii.  . 

«  "Ne  extingui  qnidem  posse  sine  rulna 
victoris  "  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico.  torn.  I. 
n  338.— Better  expressed  by  the  old  Castilian 
proverb,  "  Kl  veucido  vencido.  y  el  vencidor 

^^  "  At  illos  non  armis  sed  beneficils  ex- 
pugnari."  Strada.  De  Bello  Belgico,  tom.  t 
p.  339. 

•  Ibid.,  p.  340. 


302 


ALVA  SENT  TO  THE  NETHERLANDS. 


HIS  APPOINTMENT. 


303 


r)rince  of  Eboli,  as  a  man  who,  by  his  popular  manners  and  known  discretion, 
would  be  most  likely  to  reconcile  opposite  factious.'  Were  violent  measures, 
on  the  other  hand,  to  be  adopted,  to  whom  could  they  be  so  well  intrusted  as 
to  the  duke  himself,  the  most  experienced  captain  of  his  time  ?  ^.        , 

The  king,  it  is  said,  contrary  to  his  custom,  was  present  at  the  meeting  ot 
the  council  and  listened  to  the  debate.  He  did  not  intimate  his  opinion,  mt 
it  uiight  be  conjectured  to  which  side  he  was  most  likely  to  lean,  from  his 
habitual  preference  for  coercive  measures.'  ^       ,      ,        ,  a 

Philip  came  to  a  decision  sooner  than  usual  In  a  few  days  he  summonea 
the  duke,  and  told  him  that  he  had  resolved  to  send  him  forthwith,  at  the 
head  of  an  army,  to  the  Netherlands.  It  was  only,  however,  to  prepare  the 
way  for  his  own  coming,  which  would  take  place  as  soon  as  the  country  was  m 
a  state  sufficiently  settled  to  receive  him.  .    ^     .,       t     • 

All  was  now  alive  with  the  business  of  preparation  m  Castila  Levies  were 
raised  throughout  the  country.  Such  was  the  zeal  displayed  that  even  the 
Inquisition  and  the  clergy  advanced  a  considerable  sum  towards  defraying 
the  expenses  of  an  expedition  which  they  seemed  to  regard  in  the  light  of  a 
crusade"  Maijazines  of  provisions  were  ordered  to  be  e^^tabhshed  ^^ je^ijar 
stations  on  the  proposed  line  of  march.  Orders  were  sent  that  the  old  Spanish 
garrisons  in  Loinbardy,  Naples,  Sicily,  and  Sardinia  should  be  tran^rted  to 
the  place  of  rendezvous  in  Piedmont,  to  await  the  coming  of  the  duke,  who 
would  supply   their  places  with  the  fresh  recruits  brought  with  him  from 

Castile 

Philip  meanwhile  constantly  proclaimed  that  Alva's  departure  was  only  the 
herald  of  his  own.    He  wrote  this  to  Margaret,  assuring  her  of  his  purpose  to 
go  by  water,  and  directing  her  to  have  a  sipiadron  of  eight  vessels  m  readiness 
to  convoy  him  to  Zealand,  where  he  proposed  to  land.    The  vessels  were 
accordingly  equipped.    Processions  were  niade,  and  prayers  put  up  in  all  the 
churches,  for  the  prosperous  passage  of  the  king.    Yet  tbere  were  some  in  the 
Netherlands  who  remarked  that  prayers  to  avert  the  dangers  of  the  sea  were 
hardly  needed  by  the  monarch  in  his  palace  at  Madrid!*    Many  of  those 
about  the  royal  person  soon  indulged  in  the  same  skepticism  m  regard  to  the 
king's  sincerity,  as  week  after  week  passed  away  and  no  arrangements  were 
made  for  his  departure.   Among  the  contradictory  rumours  at  court  in  respect 
to  the  king's  intention,  the  pope's  nuncio  wrote,  it  was  impossible  to  get  at 
the  truth.'*    It  was  easy  to  comprehend  the  general  policy  of  PhiUp,  but 
impossible  to  divine  the  particular  plans  by  which  it  was  to  be  carried  out. 
If  such  was  the  veil  which  hid  the  monarch's  purposes  even  from  the  eyes  of 
those  who  had  nearest  access  to  his  person,  how  can  we  hope  at  this  distance 
of  time  to  penetrate  it?    Yet  the  historian  of  the  nineteenth  century  is 
admitted  to  the  penisal  of  many  an  authentic  document  revealing  the  royal 
purpose,  which  never  came  under  the  eye  of  the  courtier  of  Madnd. 

disagreement  in  these  particulars  is  by  no 
means  so  surprising  as  their  agreement  in 
the  most  ImprolMible  part  of  their  account,— 
Philip's  presence  at  the  debate. 

•  "CJomme  si  c'eust  este  une  saincte  guerre. 
Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays-Baa,  fol.  52. 

•  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  350. 
'"  "II  r^pete,"  says  Gachard,  "dans  une 

depeche  du  l''  septembre,  qu'au  raiUeu  des 
bruits  coutradictoires  qui  circulent  a  la  cour, 
11  est  impossible  de  demPler  la  verite."  Cor- 
respondancede  Philippe  11.,  torn,  i.,  liapport, 
p.  clvl 


*  "Oiiy,  et  que  plus  est,  oserions  presques 
asseurer  Vostre  Maj«;ste  plusieurs  des  niau- 
vais  et  des  principaulx,  voiant  ledit  prince  de 
Heijoli.  se  viendiont  reconcilier  a  luy,  et  le 
supplier  avoir,  par  son  nu»ien.  faveur  vers 
Vostre  Majeste  "  Correspondance  de  Philippe 
II.,tom.  i.  p  519.  .      .  ,.       «  ,     . 

'  The  debate  is  reported  with  sufficient 
minuteness  both  by  Cabrera  (Fiiipe  Segundo, 
lib.  vii.  cap.  vil.)  and  Strada  (IV  Bello  Bel- 
gico, torn.  i.  p.  3  <8).  They  agree,  however, 
neither  in  the  names  of  the  parlies  present, 
nor  In  the  speeches  they  made.     Yet  their 


With  all  the  light  thus  afforded,  it  is  still  difiicult  to  say  whether  Philip 

ever  was  sincere  in  his  professions  of  visiting  the  Netherlands.  .  If  he  were  so 

It  anv  time  it  certainly  was  not  after  he  had  decideii  on  the  mission  of  Alva. 

PliiihUideVdirtered  Lm  his  father  in  a  sluggishness  of  body  which  made 

aiv  mdertoking  that  required  physical  effort  exceedingly  irkson^e.  He  shrank 

f  1  unmount  of  sedentary  labour,  would  toil  from  mormng  till  niidnight  m 

is  closet  like  the  humble.4  of  his  secretaries.    But  a  journey  wa^  a  great 

ndertakinf  After  M  visits,  during  his  father's  lifetime,  to  England  and  the 

l1  Cou^riesf^^^^^  rarely  tmvelled'farther   as  .^i^^f  f,^f  ^^j;?^,  ^^^^^^^^ 

hinted  than  from  Madrid  to  Aranjuez,  or  Madnd  to  the  EscoriaL    A  thing 

^formidable  r  an  expedition  tb  Flanders,  involving  a  tedious  jouriiey 

U^^rough  an  unfriendly  l^id,  or  a  voyage  through  seas  »ot  J,«,^\^";^"^^^^^^^ 

was   what,   under   ordinary   circumstances,    the   king   would   have   never 

"^'Tlirpre^ent  aspect  of  affairs,  moreover,  had  nothing  in  it  particularly 
in  vil  L  esnecia^lv  to  a  prince  of  Philip's  temper.  Never  was  there  a  prince 
mo  e  ilkbTof  h  s  author  y ;  and  the  indignities  to  which  he  migh  have 
been  exposed  in  the  disorderly  condition  of  the  country,  might  well  have 
come  to^he  aid  of  his  constitutional  sluggishness  to  deter  him  from  the 

""' Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  not  strange  that  Philip,  if  he  had  ever 
Pnt^rtained  a  vague  project  of  a  journey  to  the  Netherlands,  should  have 
yilKoliis^a^^^^^^^^^  of  procUiiition.  /h^  di^^^^^^^^^^^ 

vovaee.  the  necessity  of  summoning  cortes  and  settling  the  attaire  oi  ine 
Smn&s  own  protracted  illness,  furnished  so  many  apologies  for  post- 

K  ^"t^  ^^«  ^"^^  ^"^  P^^  ^^'"  '^'^  * 

Thaf  he'should  so  strenuously  have  a<=serted  his  purpose  of  going  to  the 
Netherlands  nTay  be  explained  by  a  desire  in  some  sort  to  save  his  credit  with 
Those  w^^^^^^^^  thFnk  that/he  present  exi.;ency  demanded  h^^^^^^^ 

Hp  niav  have  also  thought  it  po  itic  to  keep  up  the  idea  of  a  visit  to  the  lk)w 
S)uXLrhi  order  to  curb-is  it  no  doubt  had  the  effect  in  some  degree  of 
curMng-the  Ucense  of  the  people,  who  believed  they  were  soon  to  be  called  to 
a  reckoninrfor  S  m  Vthe  prince  in  person.   After  all,  the  conduct 

of  PhiUronthi.s  occasion,  and  the  motives  assigned  for  his  delay  in  his  letteis 
?oX  Pt,  must  be  allowed  to  afford  a  ^^"^f^.^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
ascribed,  in   circumstances    not   dissimilar,   by    the    Roman   historian   to 

^'on"  the  fifteenth  of  April,  1567,  Alva  had  his  last  audience  of  Philip  at 
Araniuel  Hrmmedirtely  after  departed  for  Carthagena,.  where  a  fleet  of 
tMrtv  six  vesXi^^der  a  Admiral  Doria,  lay  "dmg  at  anchor  ^ 

rSe  him  He  wL  detained  some  time  for  the  arrival  of  the  troops,  and 
whflV  there  he  received  despatches  from  the  court  containing  his  commission 
of  cipSin^^^^^  instructions  as  to  the  course  he  was  to  pursue 

?n  tKetheSs  Tky  were  so  particular  that,  notwithstanding  the  broad 
extent  of  hirpowers,  the^uke  wrote  to  his  master  complaining.of  Ins  want  of 
cSence  anS Tcl^^^^^^^^  he  had  never  been  hampered  by  mstructions  so 
Zute?even  under  "hi  emperor.-  .One  who  has  studied  the  character  of 
Philip  will  find  no  difhculty  in  believing  it. 

..  ..  Ceterum.  nt  jam  jamque  iturus.  legit  '«  "  ^  ^ts^jJ^TdaTeST  c^anlL'^v^^s'^S; 

comites.  conquisivit  impedimenta,  ^iornavit  Jf/^X^fd^.^Magest^               que  Dio. 

naves :  mox  hiemem  aut  negotia  vane  causar  ^^'^\^'Ji'  ^"^  q'^f^  Documentos  inMltou, 

tus  primo  prudentes.  dein  vulgum,  diutissime  ^ng*?^"^^  <*«  /  •  *•      ^~«"™'' 

proviucias  fefeUit."    Taciti  Annales,  I.  xlvii.  torn.  iv.  p.  354. 


3(H  ALVA  SENT  TO  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

Soanish  commamler  every  te—^^ 

Albuqnerque,  the  Milanese  *^i<=«J"y' t"  „^i:,„v  rpiire-sentotive  of  the  Spanish 
provinces,  <^f/ '» tiy„h«ma|e  %the^^^^^^^^^  now  aggravated 

b/TntttacWtertSfa^eTand  for  a  week  or  more  he  was  conhned  to 

the  possession  Of  a  X^-'.^^X'e  d^^^^  explott  was 

tion  as  t  was  in  his  rugged  nature  to  teei  y'^J^"!/";  ;.,-,.„  ,5 

xxc»<ii>g,   *  i.„i:„  „at   frtiiot.  intpstina  Bra- 


A  magnanimons  Castilian  historian  pro- 
nounces a  swelling  panegyric  on  this  little 
army  in  a  couple  of  linps:  "Loa  Soldados 
podian  ser  Capitaues,  los  C^piUnes  Maestros 
dTcampo.  y  loe  Maestros  deCampo  (rene- 
rales  "    Hechos  de  Saucho  Davi!a(\  alladolid, 
ni3)  p  26  —The  chivalrous  Brantume dwells 
with  delight  on  the  gallant  bearing  and  bril- 
liaiit  appointments  of  these  troops,  whom  he 
saw  in  their  passage  through  Lorrauie:  "  lous 
vieux  et  aguerrys  soldatz.  tant  bien  en  pomct 
d'habilieuient  et  d'annes,  la  pluspart  dorees, 
et  I'autre  gvavees,  qu'on  les  pnix.it  plustost 
pour  capitaines  que  soldats."    (Euvres,  torn, 
i.  p.  60. 


'«  "Corpus  in  Italia  est,  tenet  intestina  Bra- 

bantus;  ^     ,       •  u« 

Ast  animam  nemo.    Cur?  quia  non  bar 

buit." 
Borgnet.  Philippe  II.  et  la  Belgique,  p.  60 

»»  No  two  writers,  of  course,  agree  in  the 
account  of  Alva's  forces.  The  e.xact  returns 
of  the  amount  of  the  whole  army,  as  well  as 
of  each  company,  and  the  name  of  the  officer 
who  command^'d  it,  are  to  be  found  in  the 
D«cumet:to.  inedito8(tom.  iv.  p.  382).  From 
h^  it  appears  that  the  precise  number  of 
Lors"was^  1250.  and  that  of  the  foot  8800, 
making  a  lotal  of  10,050. 


HIS  REMARKABLE  MARCH. 


305 


This  he  did  in  order  to  provide  the  more  easily  for  their  subsistence  on  his  long 
and  toilsome  journey.  The  divisions  were  to  be  separated  from  one  another 
by  a  day's  march ;  so  that  each  would  take  up  at  night  the  same  quarters 
which  had  been  occupied  by  the  preceding  division  on  the  night  before.  Alva 
hinise'f  led  the  van  '** 

He  dispensed  with  artillery,  not  willing  to  embarrass  his  movements  in  his 
passage  across  the  mountains.  But  he  employed  what  was  then  a  novelty  in 
war.  Each  company  of  foot  was  flanked  by  a  body  of  soldiers  carrying  heavy 
muskets  with  rests  attached  to  them.  This  sort  of  fire-arms,  from  their  cum- 
brous nature,  had  hitherto  been  used  only  in  the  defence  of  fortresses.  But 
with  these  portable  rests  they  were  found  efficient  for  field-service,  and  as  such 
came  into  general  use  after  this  period."  Their  introduction  by  Alva  niay  be 
regarded,  therefore,  as  an  event  of  some  importance  in  the  history  of  miUtary 
Arti 

The  route  that  Alva  proposed  to  take  was  that  over  Mount  Cenis,the  same, 
according  to  tradition,  by  which  Hannibal  crossed  the  great  barrier  some  eigh- 
teen centuries  before.*'  If  less  formidable  than  in  the  days  of  the  Carthaginian, 
it  was  far  from  being  the  practicable  route  so  easily  traversed,  whether  bv 
trooper  or  tourist,  at  the  present  day.  Steep  rocky  heights,  shaggy  with 
forests,  where  the  snows  of  winter  still  lingered  in  the  midst  of  June  ;  fathom- 
less ravines,  choked  up  with  the  debris  washed  down  by  the  mountain-torrent ; 
paths  scarcely  worn  by  the  hunter  and  his  game,  attbrding  a  precanous  footing 
on  the  edge  of  giddy  precipices  ;  long  and  intricate  defiles,  where  a  handful  of 
men  might  hold  an  army  at  bay  and  from  the  surrounding  heights  roll  down 
ruin  on  their  heads  ;— these  were  the  obstacles  which  Alva  and  his  followers 
had  to  encounter,  as  they  threaded  their  toilsome  way  through  a  country 
where  the  natives  bore  no  friendly  disposition  to  the  Spaniards. 

Their  route  lay  at  no  great  distance  from  Geneva,  that  stronghold  of  the 
Reformers  ;  and  Pius  the  Fifth  would  have  persuaded  the  duke  to  turn  from 
his  course  and  exterminate  this  "  nest  of  devils  and  apostates," '»— as  the 
Christian  father  was  pleased  to  term  them.  The  people  of  Geneva,  greatly 
alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  an  invasion,  applied  to  their  Huguenot  brethren  for 
aid  The  prince  of  Conde  and  the  Admiral  Coligni— the  leaders  of  that  party 
— otfered  their  services  to  the  French  monarch  to  raise  fifty  thousand  inen, 
fall  upon  his  old  enemies  the  Spaniards,  and  cut  them  otf  in  the  passes  oi  the 
mountains.     But  Charles  the  Ninth  readily  understood  the  drift  of  this  pro- 


'"  A  poem  in  ottava  rima,  commemorating 
Alva's  expedition,  appeared  at  Antwerp  the 
year  following,  from  the  pen  of  one  Balthazar 
de  Vargas.  It  has  more  value  in  an  historical 
point  of  view  than  in  a  poetical  one.  A 
single  stanza,  which  the  bard  devotes  to  the 
victualling  of  the  army,  will  probably  satisfy 
the  appetite  of  the  reader : 

"  Y  por  que  la  Savoya  es  montafiosa, 
Y  an  de  passar  por  ella  las  legiones, 
Seria  la  passada  trabajosa 
Si  St.  la  gente  faltassen  provisiones. 
El  real  comissario  no  repxsa. 
Haze  llevar  de  It  ilia  municiones 
Tantas  que  proveyo  todo  el  camino 
Que  jamas  falto  el  pan,  y  came,  y  vino." 

"  Ossorio,  Alba  Vita,  torn.  ii.  p.  237.— 
Trillo,  Rebelion  y  Guerras  de  Flandes  (Ma- 
drid, 1592),  fol.  17.— Leti,  Vita  di  Filippo  11 , 
torn.  i.  p.  490. 


•"  So  >ays  Schill<T(Abfall  der  Niederlande, 
S.  363),  Cabrera  (Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  \1i. 
cap.  15),  et  auct.  al.  But  every  schoolboy 
knows  that  nothing  is  more  unsettled  than 
the  route  taken  by  Hannihal  across  the  Alps. 
The  two  oldest  authorities,  Livy  and  Poiy- 
bius,  differ  on  the  point,  and  it  lias  remained 
a  ve.xed  question  ever  since,- the  criticism 
of  later  years,  indeed,  leaning!  to  still  another 
route,  that  across  the  Little  St.  Bernard.  The 
passage  of  Haiinii)al  forms  the  suiyect  of  a 
curious  discussion  introduced  into  Gibbon's 
journal,  when  the  young  historian  was  in 
training  for  the  mighty  task  of  riper  years. 
His  reluctance,  even  at  the  close  of  his  argu- 
ment, to  strike  the  balance,  is  singularly 
characteristic  of  his  skept  cal  mind. 

'»  "A  suidar  da  qufl  nido  di  Demoni,  le 
sceleraggini  di  tantl  Appostati."  Leti,  Vita 
di  Filippo  U.,  torn.  i.  p.  487. 


T 


306  ALVA  SENT  TO  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

posal.  Thoush  he  bore  little  lo-  to  f  |pamarf.,  {^-J.^-^^f  >»  ^if,'  ^aing 
Seformers.    He  therefore  declined  t  is  otter  otivet^^^^^  Genevans 

that  he  was  able  toproftFrancejthout  their  a^^^^^ 

were  accordingly  obliged  to  ^'»"^'°,™!'thei" countrymen  o{  Berne ;  and  the 
confidence  from  the  promised  s"Pl?or' o«  '"^^  [  ^"J^^  l^^„  jq  repel  any  assault 
whole  array  of  these  W  mountam^rsw^n^armsrea^^^^      P^^.^;..^^  ^^^^^ 

of  the  Spaniards  on  their  own  territory  or  on  that  o^  ^^^|       ^,^^ 

passage  through  the  <»«"f;^;„„,^"'  VVL"eciu^t  of  the  Atiff  was^varmly 
^e3  within  six  leagues  of  «f  t^*- ?,™ 'fl'Sal  did  not  deem  it  prudent 
Lconded  by  the  duke  of.  Savoy  the  fl^"  ?^^^^  „o  further  than  to 

to  comply  with  it,  declanng  that  .h'^'l»^"rf '^^^t  or  to  the  left,  he  held  on, 
the  Netherlands     Without  turn  ng  to  the  i^oht  or  to  i    ^^.^^  ^^^^^^  ^ 

^^:S^^^^fS.Vf"rZr';eSsVr"vhere\e  might  be  taken  at  so 

%t"Ll!rertr^r.f|had^to^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

before  he  was  able  to  set  foot  on  the  *™'W  I'Soritv  of  Ipain  t  Here  he 
of  the  ancient  duchy  "S^a^ki.o^d^ged  tWhor^^^^^^  hoC  the  flower  of 
received  the  welcome  addition  to  his  rante  oi  'our  accompanied 

the  Burgundian  chivalry.  On  his  way  »9™if 'n*  ^^"'""^ '„  „hich  moved  in  a 
by  a  Frfnch  army  of  obseryation,  some  ^x  ^^^^XVu^  „nly  « ■'om  the  line  of 
KnSii"SyU: Vai^SZ-Kh  Saering  tiem  any  niolesta- 

*'<^oon  after  entering  Lorraine,  Alva  was  ™^  ^J  the  duW  th^t  provin..^ 
who  seemed  desirous  to  show  h"u  every  re»i^ct,antt^^^^  resumed  his 

&V3a  ^^\n'utur^^»^-ti^"  of  the  Nether. 

4?r.ong  and  toilsome  rt^fderacTrtO'K  ^dTe^r  n1 
accident,  and  with  scarcely  a  ^if  rderly  act  ontlie  pan  oi  V^  ^.^,^^ 

¥^"1^01^1  r eStS-"-olS i^t^e  fields,  and  the  flocks 


HIS  REMARKABLE  MARCH. 


307 


»"  The  HiiRuenots  even  went  so  far  M  to 
attempt  to  engage  the  Reformed  in  the  l^w 
Co^Ses  to  join  them  in  assaulting  the  duke 
in  his  march  through  Savoy.  Their  Uews 
'^ere  expressed  in  .a-o^k  which  arculated 
widely  in  the  provmces.  though  it  la"^  J^ 
rouS  the  people  to  throw  off  the  .Spanish 
yok?.    See  fandervynckt.  Troubles  des  Fays- 

lias,  torn.  ii.  p-  19*-        „  ,  .        .  „    ,    __ 
-  Strada,   Pe   Bello  Belgico    torn.  i.  pp. 
350-354.-O9sorio,  Alb*  ViUi,  torn.  ii.  p.  232, 
et  seq.— Hechos  de  Sancho  Davila,  p.  26.— 

•  [Geneva  was  not  then  a  member  of  the 
Swii  Confederacy,  as  the  language  in  the 
text  would  imply,  and,  though  Berne  offered 
to  send  a  thousand  men  for  »t8  protect  on  » 
French  earrison  was  accepted  in  preference. 
The  o?h?r  Sntons  refused  to  raise  any  Uoop^ 
their  jealousy  of  Berne  be.ng  such  at  th m 
t^ri^  that  they  would  have  been  very  will- 
R^i^caSdinK  to  the  native  historians,  to  see 
^V-^^r  which  had  been  extended  by  con- 
quest  crippled  by  a  foreign  enemy.    Mean- 


Trillo.  Rebelion  y  Guerras  de  Flandes,  fol. 
16,    17.-Cabrera,   Filipe    Segundo.   lib.   vi  . 
cap.   15.-Meteren.   Hist,  de*     *y«:' '«',/'^'- 
52  -Lanario.  Guerras  de  Flandes    fol.  15.- 
Renom  de  Francia,  Alborotosde  Flandes.  MS^ 
— Thronoloeical  accuracy  was  a  thing  aiio- 
le^heTbeulath  the  attention  of  a  chronicler 
ff  the'  Steenth  century.    In  ihe  confusion 
nf  dates  in  regard  to  Alva's  movements.  I 
havt  been  giiided  as  far  as  possible  by  his 
otn  d^patSies.    S^  Documentos  ineditos, 
torn.  iv.  p.  349.  et  seq. 


while,  the  envoys  of  Spain  and  Savoy  gave 
J^urances  to  th.C<,nncil  of  Berne  that  no 
bStilities  were  intended  by  Alva,  and  that 
U?^  s  rictest  discipline  would  be  ma.nt;tined 
on  the  march,  the  ConMe  de  Angu.^ola  offer- 
ing to  Smain  as  a  hostage  till  the  danger 
was  past.  Tillier.  Geschichte  des  Freistaates 
Bern   B.  iii.  S.  423-425.— Ei>.] 

+  [The  county  of  Burgundy  \8  JV.^^^l,"^ 
part  of  the  duc/ii/  was  subject  to  PhUip.-Lu.] 


to  wander  in  safety  over  their  mountain -pastures.  One  nystance  only  to  the 
Snrary  is  mentioned,-that  of  three  troopers  who  carried  ^^  «"«  ^/^^^^ 
straggling  sheep  as  the  army  was  passing  through  Lorraine.  1^"^  they^ere 
«™  nallAH  t/^  a  hpAvv  reckoninff  for  their  transgr&ssion.  Alva,  on  Deing 
amw^f  rhe'faI?rsent!e.Sthlm  all  to  the  galfows.  At  the  interce^s^n 
of  the  duke  of  Lorraine,  the  sentence  was  so  far  mitigated  by  the  !?panish 
S,niinander  that  one  onl}  of  the  three,  selected  by  lot,  wa^  finafly  executed" 

iTerywherl  the  prey  7the  warrior  ;  and  the  general  winked  at  the  outrages 
n<  hw  followers  as  the  best  means  of  settling  their  arrears. 

What  3e  the  sutordination  of  the  troops  in  the  present  instance  st  11 
n,orP.  worX  of  not tewas  the  great  number  of  camp-followers,  especially 

'oldiers  X  was  careful  of  their  discipline  ;  perhaps  wiUmg  by  his  laxity  in 
the  one  to  f  mpeii^Ue  for  h^^^^^^^  ^^„,„^  ^^^^^ 

he'ffie^ii^  d  ^  CM    iStT'lSf ore  hislepLture^'as  P"t  him  on  his  guard 

great  ne^euc         x  ,  .   .  ^      ^^^^^  ^,o„id  have  served  as  an  ettectual 

moment,  naturally  ^^^^oncerieu  uv  v»u«t  impression 

ZSy^hiXa^Sma^^n:^;^.^^^^^^^^ 

S  rlLiLd  the  infatuated  ""Jt'TketiVt^'o  Stiful  Tort  Suc'^^^^^ 
^r^^r'^^TZr^i  ^L^d^r Vus"  o^what  must  he  admitted 
to  be  respectable  authority." 


"  strada,  De  Bello  Belgico.  tom.  i.  p.  354. 
— Ossoiio.  All)*  Vita,  torn.  i.  P- 241- 

"  Meteren.  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas,  fol.  52.- 
Old  Biantome  warms  as  he  contemplates  these 
Amazons,  as  be^iutiful  and  making  as  brave 
a  show  as  princesses !  "  Plus  il  v  avoii  quatre 
cents  courtlsanes  a  cheval.  belles  etb.aves 
counne  princesses,  et  huict  cents  a  pled,  bien 
en  iH)int  aussi."    (Euvres,  tom.  i.  p.  62. 

»'  "NinKuna  Histona  nos  ensefia  haya 
passado  un  Exercito  por  Pals  tan  diiaudo  y 


marchastan  continnas,  sin  comet^r  excess© : 
La  del  Duque  es  la  unica  que  nos  la  hace  ver 
Encant6  a  todo  el  mundo."  Rustan t.  Hwtoria 
del  Duque  de  Alva,  tom.  ii.  p.  124.—'^  also 
Herrera,  Historia  general,  tom.  i.  p.  6^".— 
Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  yii.  cap.  i&.— 
strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  354. 

■^^  "Comme  le  Due  le  vid  de  long,  il  dit 
tout  baut ;  Voicy  le  grand  hereticque,  dequoy 
le  Comte  s'espouvanta :  neantmoms.  pource 
qu'on  le  pouvoit  entendre  en  deux  famous,  U  , 


308  ALVA  SEN-T  TO  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

Soon  after  he  had  entered  the  -" ^'Jllctltiul'aWiev:  t^wXu 
of  his  forces  to  parrison  some  of  'l^e  ?™'^fAX^„?'h  vS^^^  With  the 
troops  on  duty  t1>ere,  less  to  be  ''"^]«™,f3f,f^^^^^^  on  the 

Milanese  brica.le  he    ook  the  I°^f ,^0  B™^^,,^dh>ch  ne  ^e^    ^^,  ^.^^^^^^^ 

twenty-secona  of  Ajust     H^^^^^  ^^_^,,^j,^     p|,  f,.„„,  being 

rerra-^^'of  Sf  ?s*  ?i^^^^^^ 

l^etrMnt^i^'^a^^^^^^^ 

in  that  position  without  f,'™!R/.rf-V;^^^°S  fasted  half  an  hour, 

his  own  quarters  at  Culensborg  House  -the  ?■»«' ''. ''VL^^  Bru^sX 
where  the  Gueux  held  their  memorable  banquet  on  their  visit  to  on\>^fi^ 

The  following  morning,  at  the  re^iuest  of  the  •=9"?^'^  °*^^&  *t  tl^*;" 
Alva  furnished  that  body  with  a  copy  of  hiY°^T^f '°"„ackv  was  to  ex^rcUe 

&v  virtue  of  tlis  last  commission  he'  was  invested  with  supreme  con- 
frolinVvil^  well  a^  military  affairs  ;  and  persons  of  every  degree,  including 

succpeding  commission.  A  copy  of  it  is  in 
tlie  Belgian  arcluves.  and  has  been  incorTK)- 
Mteil  in  Gachard'sCurreRpondancedePlnlippe 
II  (torn.  ii..  Appendix,  No.  88).  It  is  possible 
that  a  copy  of  ihis  commission  was  stiit  to 
:viargaret,  as  it  agrees  so  wdl  with  what  the 
king  had  written  to  her  on  the  subject. 

•=•  To  this  second  commission,  dated  January 
31st,  1567.  was  appended  a  document,  signed 
also  by  Philip,  the  purport  of  ^  If  \>  »^^"'»  I; 
have  been  to  explain  more  precisely  the  naiure 
of  the  powers  intrusted  to  the  duke,— which 
it  does  in  so  liberal  a  fashion  that  it  may  be 
said  to  double  those  powers.  Both  paP^rs. 
the  originals  of  which  are  preserved  in  Siman- 
cas,  have  been  ins-rted  in  the  Documentos 
ineditos,  torn.  iv.  pp.  388-396. 


MARGARET  DISGUSTED. 


309 


IMnterpreta  de  bonne  part."    Meteren,  Hist, 
des  Pays-Rts,  fol.  53. 

»•  "  Vimos  los  que  alU  estabamos  que  el 
Dnque  de  Alba  uso  de  grandisiuifjs  respetos  y 
buenas  crianzas,  y  que  Madania  tstuvo  muy 
severa  y  mas  que  cuand..  suelen  negociar  con 
ella  Kgmoiit  y  estos  otros  Seftores  de  ac&,  cosa 
aue  fue  muy  noiada  de  los  que  lo  nnraban. 
_-A  minute  account  of  this  interview,  as 
Kiven  in  the  text,  was  sent  to  Philip  by 
Mendivil,  an  officer  of  the  artillery,  and  is 
Inserted  in  the  Documentos  ineditos,  torn.  Iv. 

"  fhisd.-cument,  dated  December  Ist,  1566. 
is  not  to  be  found  in  the  Archives  of  Sinjancas, 
as  we  ti  ay  infer  from  its  having  no  place  in 
the  Documentos  ineditos,  which  contains  the 


flip  rPfrent  herself  were  enjoined  to  render  obedience  to  his  commands,  as  to 
thoseTthe  &  commission,  which  placed  the  government  of  the 

country  in  the  hands  of  Alva,  was  equivalent  to  a  disimssa  of  iW 
ThP  title  of  *'  reirent "  which  still  remained  to  her,  was  an  empty  mockery  , 
nor  could  it  beTl^hr  that  she  would  be  content  to  retam  a  barren  sceptre 
in  the  country  over  which  she  had  so  long  ruled.  ^ 

It  is  curious  to  observe  the  successive  steps  by  which  P^^\liP^»^,^^^';^^^^^^ 
from  the  rank  of  captain -general  of  the  army  to  supreme  authonty  m  tne 
country  Tt  would  se^em  as'if  the  king  were  too  tenacious  of  power  i^ead^^^  to 
part  with  it,  and  that  it  was  only  bv  successive  efforts,  a^.the  conviction  oi 
?he  necessity  of  such  a  step  presW  more  and  more  on  his  mind,  that  he 
determined  to  lodge  the  government  in  the  hands  of  AWa 

Whether  the  duke  acquainted  the  council  with  the  full  extent  ^^ JJ^^  P^wer^, 

not  to  rouse  the  jealousy  of  bis  sister,-an  «;f^^^^^^^^^^^^  to  conceal 

produced  a  contrary  eftect.  At  any  rate^  f  ??[.««?,  Prbv  the  king,  and 
ter  disgust,  but  talked  openly  of  the  affront  put  on  her  by  tne  King,  ^i  u 
avowed^er'determination  to  tWow  up  the  goyernnient  - 

She  gave  little  attention  to  business,  passuig  most  ^^  J^«;j_^^^^^^  to 

of  which  masculiiie.sport  she  ^^-^^f.^^'ntVe^^^^^^^^^^ 

amuse  herself  with  journeying  about  ^J;0"J,§l^;i^^^^^^^  w"  permission  to 

which  they  boded  only  calamity  to  tl  e  eountry        ^^^enounce  the  Spaniards 
sermon  preached  before  the  regent  did  not  scruple  to  aenoimce  I-    ^^^^^ 

as  so  many  "knaves,  traitors,  and  ^^^^  J  duchess  to  tend  back  the  honest 
strance  of  the  loyal  Arment^ros  induced  the  ducl^^s  to  f  na  oa  ^^^_ 

fe,S;!^L"\o":»1  ';l^eT  X  tufd  "Jiutgl^'Stoothed  her  UH- 


"  "Par  quoy  requerrons  a  ladicte  dame 
duchesse,  nostre  seur,  et  commandons  a  tous 
noz  vassaulx  et  subjectz.  de  obeyr  audict  due 
d'Alve  en  ce  qn'il  leur  comniandera,  et  de  par 
nous,  comme  aiant  telle  charge,  et  comme^a 
nost;e  propre  personne."-This  instrument 
taken  from  the  Belgian  archives,  is  gixen 
entirely  by  Gachar.l  Correspondance  de 
Philippe  II.,  torn,  ii..  Appendix,  No.  102. 

^  "  DesDues  que  los  ban  visto  h  .n  quedado 
todos  muy  lastimados.  y  6  ^odos  cuant^s 
Madama  habla  le>  dice  que  se  Q^'e^  "•  f  " 
casa  por  los  agravios  que  V.  M.  le  h*>^^V"- 
Carta  de  Mendivil,  ap.  Documentos  iu^;dito8, 
torn.  iv.  p.  399. 
*'  Ibid.,  p.  4u3. 


"  Ibid.,  p.  400. 

»»  "En  todo  el  sermon  no  trat6  cuasi  de 
otra  cosa  sino  de  que  los  espafioles  eran  trai- 
dores  y  ladrones.  y  forzadores  de  mugeres.  y 
que  totalmente  el  pais  que  los  sufna  era 
destruido.  con  taiito  esc^ndolo  y  maldad  que 
merescia  ser  queniado."     Ibid.,  p.  401. 

'♦  Yet  there  was  danger  in  it,  if.  as  Armen- 
teros  warned  the  duke,  to  leave  his  house 
would  be  at  the  risk  of  his  life:  '•  Tamb  en 
me  ha  dicho  Tomis  de  Amienteros  que  dlga 
al  Duque  de  Alba  que  en  ninguna  m.mera 
como  fu.  ra  de  su  casa  porque  si  o  hace  seri 
con  notable  peligro  de  la  vida."  Ibid.,  ubl 
supra. 


310  ALVA  SENT  TO  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

tation,  and  he  bent  ^^^^^^^^^^l  ^^^^^^^ 

deference  in  his  manner  that  must  have  ^^^«^^^^^/J^^^^^   visit,  and  in  great 

a  mark  of  resect,  he  proposed  ^t  once  J«  W        ^ji  ^^^^^^^  ^ 

state,  as  suited  her  rank.   .?;^^,  ^^'^„^f  i^^^^^  at  last,  i^rhaps  to  mortify 

receive  him,  dechned  his  visit  ^^«,[,f";^^*ye  audience  in  her  own  apartment, 
him  the  more, .vouchsafed  him  only  * Xe^^ndeSsion  than  before,  and  even 
Yet  at  this  interview  she  «^^^^,"l^/^tuXw^  no         whose  appointment 
went  so  far  as  to  assure  the  duke  that  there  ^*|^J^«^  ^^  ^^  ^^i,  *by  bluntly 
would  have  been  mo^/  acceptable  to  her       ^neio  ^^^  ^^  ^^^^ 

demanding  why  he  had  been  ««^^^^t?  military  forc^^^^  had  come  to  aid  her 

intimated  her  desire  for  a  «^«  f  ^^^^^'^^'^S^^  to  the  country  before 

in  the  execution  of  her  measure.,  and  to  ^^^^  ^^^,^     ,^,^d  the 

the  arrival  of  his  majesty,"    ^he  answer  coma  na^  i      ^^^^ 

duchess,  who  doiibt less  ^^^JJ^^^^^^f  ^^^  Alva  proposed 

The  discourse  fell  upon  the  »^?<if^^„^'^*^f  ^^  this  Margaret  objected  with 
to  intnMiuce  a  Spanish  garrison  ^"^o  Brussek    lo^^^^^^^  J^^  ^^  ^he 

great  energy.    6ut  the  duke  on  t^is  ^"^^J^^,,^^^^^^^^  by  a  garrison, 

royal  residence,  and  the  qmet  of  the  cUy  coma  m  ^  ^  headstrong 

"If  people  murmur,"  he  conchided,    y^^ jan  ten  inen  ^^  ^^^ 

nian,'bel;t  on  havm^  my  o-  -y;^^^*l^dS^  inferiority  when 

measure  on  myself.';"    Thus  thwarteo,  aim  u  humiliation  of  her 

any  (question  of  real  power  ^.^  "^^fj^f  T^ppo  ntnient  of  Alva  had  been 
position  even  more  keenly  than  oetore  y'^  J^n.  ^ion  to  the  duchess.  In 
From  the  first,  ^s  we  have  ^e^n  f  ^o^e^^^^^^^  ^.^th  the 

December,  1566,  soon  after  Philip  had  f ^^^^^  ^^J^^,  be  announced  it  in  a 
authority  of  captain -general    to  the  Low  ^o"^;^^^^^  j^  the  choice  of 

letter  to  Margaret.     He  had  been  as  m"ch  perp^xea  ne  sa    .  ^^  ^he 

a  commander  as  she  could  have  been  (^^^^^^  L^n  and  'that  he  hafmade  such  a 
necessity  of  some  one  to  take  \h«  ^^  l^»\ajyj^^^^^^^  |or  him,  to  assemble 

nomination.  Alva  was,  however  J^^yJ^^J^^^s  and  e"^^^^  disciVhne  among 
a  force  on  the  ^'^ontier,  esUV^  h  the  gar^^^^^^^^^^^  ^^  g^^  ^^ 

the  troops  till  he  cau»e."  P^^'l^P .  Jf^  pnnfprred  on  the  duke,  who  thus  seemed 
hint  of  the  entraordinaiy  powers  *«  ^  con^^^^^^^^^^^  ^^  ^^^ 

to  be  sent  only  in  obedience  to  ^«J„^"Ff  T^^a  "ia^  "  *  "^^"  ^  ^'*  '"^ 
authority.     Margaret  knew  too  J,^^^f  „,f;^^^^  have  had,  she 

a^Se^tSin\e^^^ 

^^^^"^  tt  ;;resP^^^^^^^^  to  transier  to  another 

the  powers  he  had  vested  m  her.  „^;„,,,iatpd  the  regent  to  the  extraordi- 

„;^lffi'rttn^1i^errere«^trr^  older.    When  she  ..ad 

one  yo  soy  cabezndo  y  que  be  crtado  muy 
Spinatre  en  Bac»r  de  aqul  esU  gente.  que  yo 
huelgo  de  que  &  mi  se  me  eche  la  culpa  y 
Se  llevar  el  odio  .obre  mi  ^^^t^^^que  de  que 
V.  F.  quede  descargada."    Ibid.,  p.  408 
»  Supplement  h  Strada,  torn,  n-  p.  524.      ^ 
»•  ••  Tenendo  per  certo  che  V.  M.  non  vorra 
depautorizarmi,  per  autorizare  altri,  poi  cbe 
questo  nc.n  e  giueto,  ne  manco  s^^i*  87/'^*° 
euo    se  non  gran  danno  et  inconveniente  per 
tuui  \\  negotli  ••    Correspondance  de  PhiUppe 
11.,  torn.  I  p-  505. 


ANECDOTES  OF  THE  DUKE. 


311 


"  •'  Despues  de  haberse  eentado  le  dijo  el 
contentan.ieuto  que  tenia  de  hU  veniday  que 
nineun  otro  pudiera  vei.ir  con  qu  en  «llaja^«8 
?e  holgara."  C«rta  de  Mendivil,  op.  Docu- 
mentos  InWitoe.  tom.  iv.  p.  404. 

"  "Que  lo  que  principalrocnte  trala  era 
estar  aquf  con  esta  pente  para  que  la  justicia 
fuese  obedenda  y  resi^etada,  y  loe  mandam  - 
entos  de  S.  E.  ej  cutadas.  y  que  S.  M.  a  su 
venida  hallase  esto  en  la  paz,  tranquilidad  y 
Boeiego  que  era  razon."    Ibid.,  p.  406. 

»*  "  Podrfise  escuBar  con  estos  diciendolca 


t„cl^fSI^^=^»"Ltst  r«^    the  Character  of  the 
measures  than  on  the  di^^lty  »«  *e.r  «xecut.on  ^^  ^  ^.^^ 

When  the  duchess  learned  that  Alva  «^»L'yS!%e  assurance  that  the 
hoping  at  this  late  hour  to  a"«fj,,^''hif P^I^^^ce  at  the  head  of  an  armv 
troubfes  were  now  at  an  end  and  that  his  app^ran^  at  ine  ^^^^ 

would  only  serve  to  renew  t  f™;^   B^l the^duke  was  pre^^^  Ivalanche  in  its 
across  the  Alps,  and  it  would  have  been  as  .f^f^  ^  ^I        » 

descent  as  to  stay  the  onward  <=9"'^  "^f'^  J"*ilVe  S'g  reception  she 
,     The  state  of  Margaret's  feelings  was  «hown  by  he  .m      S^^  ^^,^ 
gave  the  duke  on  his  arrival  m  Brussels  Jhe  extent  oi  i^   V      ^^  ^j  j^g 
leyond  what  she  had  in>ag>"ed'  did  not  tendto^tne  ^^^^^         ^^^ 

regent's  temper.;  and  the  r^^"'*  «^  *H„'"°^^^^^  it  was  clear 

m^ure  of  her  >n<l'^2'?t'on-.  »»«  ds     SU  wrote  at  once' to  Philip, request- 
the  power  had  I^^ '"'^.°*!Je^™  ihd^aw^^^^^^^  delay  from  the  countiy. 


power  had  jmssed  into  other  hf^?;.  ''^  "Xut  delay  from  the  country, 
in^^^r  rather  r^..inn^^,h.  _l«»ve  t<,w^t^^^^ 


...^,  or  rather  ri>qniring,  his  leave  t°  "•"J'^rj^j;;"^" ^  ^Se  and  reputatioi, 

soul  to  have  been  thus  treated  by  the  king.  ^^  ^  ;„  ^er  feelings  to- 

ll may  have  given  some  satisfaction  to  Margaret  inai 
wards  th^e  dukelhe  had  the  entire  sympathy  rf^^^^  q^^^,^^,^ 

=rS  "  Ti'^s^Twl'oSliSyt  t  the.pr|.d  duke  was  content  to 
&ttconLtedprivile^ti"H-«^™«^^^^^^  i„,,,,^      of 

Another  anecdote  of  Alva  had  left  *  ™  '  ™°'?i   memorable  visit  to  Ghent, 
his  character     He  had  accompanied  Clmrleso^^^^^^  ^^^^,       ^  ^^^ 

on  occasion  o   its  rebellion.    The  emperor  ^f^  ^^^y    ^Iva  instantly 

manner  in  which  he  should  ^eal  «ith„his  retrac   ry^^j^  ^^ 

ftTiswered.  "Raze  it  to  the  gTOuna.  '^"*,  '  _j  „^  *\.p\r.  eves  wandered 
Swiffi  him  to  the  battlements  of  the  cas^e^nd  ^^  ^^'^^^f^sked  him, 
over  the  beautiful  city  spread  out  Jar  and  ^i,^«  ^  how  many'spanish  h\Aes}t 
with  a  pun  on  the  French  name  of  Ghent  (Gonrfh  M     ^^JI^.v ^^^^^^    j,,. 

would  take  to  make  such  a  f '"'^^  *^^"''Thf  sto^,  whether  trae  or  not,  was 
SriTnLte^P^o^^tFr tTon  wtm  it^prMnced  its  effect." 


*o  ..n  y  est  8i  odieux  qu'il  «»f  ^^f,^^^ 
faire  hair  toute  la  nation  espagnole.      Corre- 
ipondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  P-  556. 
*'  ibid.,  ubi  supra.  *  ^j  ^.  v&ma 

"  "  Elle  eut  affectie,  Jusq'au  fond  de  I  ame, 


de  la  conduite  du  Rol  k  son  egard."  Ibid., 
'^•"^^VandervyncW.  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas. 
^-'  "sSi  veJa  seu  Acta,  foclli Gandavensibu. 


312  ALVA  SENT  TO  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

Alva  was  no.  sixty  y^rs  old  J^J- te^'ate-tlt\rM 
as,  erity  of  his  nature.    H^.^^d  '^  "uglU  „  e  f  ^  ^^^^^^^^     y,  had 

uncom,.voinising  enemy  of  the  I'^^L "'l^  on  U  the  recall  of  Granvelle. .  The 
opposed  the  concession  made  tf,  V?f  ^^^/j"" '/^  in  order  to  lull  the  suspicions 
oSfy  concessions  he  recommended  to  ^  reckoning  for  the.r 

knew  no  law  but  the  will  o^^^^^'Vi? thVr  rmmtrvnien     His  next  was  to  con- 
naturaliy  have  some  sympathy  wi^^^^  engineers  in  Europe, 

struct  fortresses,  under  the  ^  ^^<^  ^^^^^^^^^^  the  prince  of  Orange,  his  country- 
The  hour  had  come  when,  ui  the  lau^mage  oi  uie  pi 

men  were  to  he  bridled  by  the  ^pamarcL  ^^  j^^^^^  ^f 

The  conduct  of  Alva's  s^Miei^  underw^^^^        indulged  in  the  most  reckless 
the  discipline  observed  on  the  "^^J^  'JS^^^w  i^^^^^  ,  ^^    j 

hense.  "^^  One  hears  ^very^vheie    w^^^^^  to  the  right  and  left 

oppressions  of  the  Sp?^niards     Conhscation   s  ^o    g  ^^  ^  ^  „ 

ira  man  has  anytfung  to  lose  they^^^^^^  ^^^^  his  fears,- 

If  the  writer  may  be  tUought  ^o  have  tK)rio  ^^  Men  eim- 

it  cannot  be  doubted  that  ^^e  pamc  ^a^^^S^^^^^^^         ^-^^  ^hem  to  other  lands 
grated  by  thousands  and  tens  d  thousand.,  carir^g  ^^^  ^j^^ 

fhe  arts  and  manufacUireswb^^  a 

of  prosperity  of  the  ^eth^^Yn^^,f  ^ominl  evil,  as  they  beheld  the  heavens 
dismal  apprehension,— a  "^oamg  ui  h  ^    ^  h^nd.         ,     ^^    . 

darkening  around  them  and  the  ^^g  «  ^i  tne  lei^  .^  ^^^  Aether- 

A  still  deeper  gloom  lay  ^n  Brussel^,  once^^^^^  suspended.  Places  of 
lands,- now  the  residence  of  Alva.  A»  J>™«  ^^^e  sUent  and  deserted, 
public  resort  were  uufrequ^ted      ^^e  f  i^ts         ^  ^^^^  .^^ 


I 


POLICY  OF  THE  DUKE. 


3:3 


Albani  odio  propagata.       fc>traaa,  1^ 

October  .isf.  .5.3:  •;AJ..Bq_ad^-,»',;^ 
dissiniular  con  ellos.        up'e" 
^rr.trs  Sait>li  ?o^>t  les  plus  grandes 

H*;^''    7he\ndi^^^^^  doe8  not  oiuit  to 

tlniZl  th J"To  thousand  "  ^frnmp^^^^^o 
Sme   in  the  duke's  train ;   •*  so,     he  adds, 
"  wfth  what  vce  have  already,  there  ^'^  be  no 
lade  cf  this  sort  of  wares  in  '^f  ^^'^J"  ;>., 
1  ettre  de  Jean  de  Homes,  August  25tb  1567, 
rn,re«mrndance  de  Philippe  11.  torn.  i.  P-Rteo- 
^   '  cC?h    Sir   Thomas   Gresham  s  agent, 
^ho  wis  in  the  Low  Countries  at  t  ns  t  me 
*r  r,c  *\  A  lirenj«e  of  the  Spaniards,     it  is 
Erlirt  t    add  thaJhe  «.>«  iUe  Bovomment 
t.!Lu  prompt  meu-urcs  to  repress  It.  by  order- 


ing *ome  of  the  prineipal  offenders   to  the 
g"?bcT  Burgon.  Life  ol  Gresham.  vol.  .1.  pp. 

**''"  The  duchess.  In  a  letter  to  PlnUp.  Sep- 
tember bth.  1567.  says  that  a  hundred  thou- 
S^d  r^ople  fled  the  country  on  the  coming  of 
AWa '     iStrada.  De  Bello  lielgico   torn.  i.  p. 
357^  ■  If  tLis  be  thought  a  round  exaggera- 
?^>n  dictate^l  by  policy  or  by  fear,  still  there 
ar^^sitWe  proofs  that  the  emigration  at  this 
SeriS  wis  excessive.    Thus,  by  a  return  made 
IfTe  popuVation  ol  London  and  its  8ubur»>6 
this  very  year  of  1567.  it  api^ears  that  the 
mnn^'of Vlemings  was  as  Wge  as^that  o 
all  other  for-igners  put  together.     t>ee  KUiie 
t;is  de  I'Acadlmie  Royale  de  Bruxelles,  torn. 

""'-  ?-hut^Jean  de  Homes.  Baron  de  Boxtel 
.rites  to  the  prince  of  Or^r^^e-^^r^  pnns 
une  re  olution  pour  mon  falct  et  est  Q^^  Je  I'ly 
?out  effort  de  scav.ir  hi  Ton  poulrast  estre 
soSrement  en  sa  maison:  si  fjn«y -^^.tc^. 
tireray  en  une  des  miennes  le  plus  »f^^"*cie 
ment  que  po  .Ible  .era;  slnon.  regarderay  de 


i 


\ 


remained-the  gilded  ir«n.nirtfrivTatcd7ig  to^^^ 
palace  and  gone  to  pay  their  homage  to  her  rn^l  at  tu^^^^^^^^       ^^^  ^^^ 

S'ty^SL?  ASn'me^n:  a^fflvl^  to  amuse  the  nobles  and 

carrying  out  the  policy  «h.ch  he  luid  ^^""^^^^^J  ^^the  J^t  noble., 
and  conciliatory  manners  he  hoped  to  «"^*™.,FT,. /^revolutionary  move- 

^r^^^rr^t^,  Awf^?"  w^te' to'tKg,  -Id  A  flatter 

himself  with  the  hope  of  his  return."  Hoorne  in  the  most 

The  duke  and  h^  son  Ferdinand  both  wrote  to  ^»™t^Ys  distrustful  nob'e- 

friendly  terms,  mytmg  him  to  come  to  Bni^^^^^^     wi  secretary, 

man  still  kept  aloof.  Alva,  m  a  <»"J«r^™"  J^ '"  »ster  He  had  always 
expressed  the  warmest  solicitude  for  the  h|fJ*of  hi^m^er.  n  ^^  j,^ 
beJn  his  friend,  he  said,  and  ^a^  seen  with  inhnite  ^effei  ^ 

services  were  no  tetter  appreciated  by  the  king,  ^^"^j^f"  ^j  ungrateful, 
prince,  and,  if  slow  to  recompense,  */  c«unt  wouia  n^  ni  n  ^=  ^^„j 
t!ould  the  duke  but  see  the  count  he  had  that  «>/^y^  ^^i^j  ^his  last  as- 
him.  He  would  find  he  was  not  «»'?«'««"  ^^^^^^  atlen^h  to  an  invitation 
surance  had  a  terrible  s;p!fi<»"^.,."^"strSeri^^^^^  not  so  fortunate 
rto'oi'Sor"ttri^seri?0^.^^^^^^^  from  the  snare,  and 

''ta^vi^'-nX^l'"  to  gain^^^^^^^^^ 

at  once  to  the  execution  of  his  scheme     gn,JX?g  House.  \^^^     and 
council  of  state  was  summoned  to  meet  at  Culemborg  muse.      g^ 

Hoorne  were  present;  and  two  or  thr<^o^^  ^„„,e  of  the 

the  engineer,  were  invited  t«  d'^™^^.^,?'*"  ^^^^^  had  been  posted  at  all  the 

I^  TL  liout:  S'nTcraS/rirtther  from  ^the  comitry  and 

^^«Sl^ig^"t^meetin.™Uli^^^^^^^^^^^ 

cated  to  him  of  the  arrest  of  Backerzel^  EgmonU  ^™»f'^eat  political 

the  burgomaster  of  .Ant»;f -T^^  J^'^^J^'^l^'^'t  f  thTUer,  the  ffiend  of 
sagacity,  and  deep  in  the  <=o?ndence  ot  figmont,  ^j 

OmngeVwith  whom  he  'as  st.1  J  ~n Oa^^^^^^^  ^^^ 

f^rl'^'^^J^Jt^^r^'^'^^^r'^^^^^  surrounded  by  a  body  of  horse 


chercher  quelque  residence  ^^  desoubs  ung 
aulire  Prince."  Archives  de  la  Maison 
d'Orange-Nassau,  tom.  ni.  p.  125. 

»«>  G^the,  in  his  noble  f^gedy  of  "  Eg- 
mont,"  seems  to  have  borrowed  a  «))t  from 
shakesDeare's  »  blanket  of  the  dark."  to  de- 
pfcfthe^"-  of  Brussels.-.;he..  he  speaks 
of  the  heavens  as  wrapt  m  a  dark  pall  from 
the  fatal  hour  when  the  duke  entered  the  city. 
Act  iv.  Scene  1.  _ 

»'  Vera  y  Figueroa,  Vida  de  Alva,  p.  89. 

"  Correspondance  de  Philippe  U.,  tom.  i. 

p.  678. 

•=•  Ibid.,  p.  663. 


^*  "  Qu'il  lui  avait  peine  infiniment  que  le 
Roi  n'eut  tenu  compte  de  monseigneur  et  de 
ses  services,  comuie  U  le  meritait.       Ibid.. 

"  ii  "Que  s'il  voyait  M.  de  Homes,  il  lul 
dirait  des  choses  qui  le  satisferaient,  et  par 
lesquelles  celui-ci  connaitraitquil  n  avait  pas 
ete  oublie  de  ses  amis."    Ibid.,  p.  564. 

*•  According  to  Sirada,  Hoogstraten  actu- 
ally set  out  to  return  to  Brussels,  but,deUm«l 
by  illness  or  some  other  cause  on  the  road, 
he  fortunately  received  tidings  of  the  fete  of 
his  friendi  in  season  to  profit  by  it  and  make 
his  escape.     L>e  Bello  Belgico,  tom.  i.  p.  »». 


ill 


ALVA  SENT  TO  THE  NETHERLANDS. 

A--  .  ™t.  Of  Antwerp  in  his  carriage  ;  and  both  of  the  unfortunate 
TX.^.X:&t  Pri-S  to  Cu.en^'-eKroke  up  the  meetin,  of 
^'^  As  s™n  as  these  tidings  '«[«  """^^eta^^  w^th  Efcm^^^^ 
the  council.    Then  entenng  into  5°"^er^'Xch  was  a  small  body  o  soldiers^ 
him  through  the  adjoining-  \l^I"'Ztm!x^,  Sancho  Davila,  the  captain  of  the 
As  the  two  nobles  entered  the  aP*"™^'V'':„  .lie  king's  name  demanded  his 
diiWs  guard,  went  up  to  Egmont,  an\"'  "'^js  ^risoiier."      The  count, 
fworf,  telling  him  at  the  «""^  S„'',S„S  surro^und^ 
Sunded  by  the  P'-fee^''Jf;.''"tn?^'"a^,d  with  much  dignity  in  h  s  manner 
no  attempt  at  resistance,  but  «^'";^'  ^^i^e,  "  It  has  done  the  king  service 
gave  up  hi^^f -;?i.^ffl'wdl  mi^hrhe'^y  so ;  for  with  that  swor5  he  had 

r^the  fields  of  Gravelines  and  St  Quentii^'  ^^^     ,^,    Either 

Hoornefelllnto  a  similar  ambuscade,  nanoinerp     p    ^j  ^„j  je  Toledo, 

he  w^s  drawn  while  f 'f  j;^'"^  ^i*  td  he  whd^^  '^1, 

who,  according  to  his  fathers  »"™'?V*X  ^ny  resistance, but,  on  learning 

Httle  drama."    ^^^^''^^^^'^^'''^^^'teZ  no  right  to  expect  to  fare 
Egmont's  fate,  yield«i  himself  up,  sayu  k 

better  than  his  friend.  disDOsal  of  the  prisoners.    Culemborg 

It  now  became  a  Vf^^}'>"Z^l^\'^Sf^Zement     Alva  caused  .several 
House  was  clear  y  no  httmg  place  for  therr  co  j  ^^  j,„t  they  weremdged 

Sstles  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bnissels  w  -^  e  ^         ^^  ^^ 

^ure.    He  finally  decided  on  Ghent.     JjiJ^J"  J^,  ^^^  obtained  from  the 
held  by  one  of  Egmont's  own  partisans  .but  an^r  ^^  ^^^^  ^^^  ^j 

count  Requiring  ^  m  ^  deliver  up  the  keys  inw  ^^  ^^ 

EnTa^ef  ^iUSS  Sn^  ^-gm^-t-S  it  ;asWg  the  .stle 
^Cn^  completed  these  arrangemen^the  ^uke  lost  no  time  m  ^^nd.n^the 
twofe,  unSer  a  strone  "« j^^^/*' ^^iiment  of  Spani^^ 
Str^TtK^^ 

^V^^^^pf^^S'^^t^..  conduct,  through 
Under  this  strong  guard  th«  ""'ortu  _^_^^  ^^ 


ARREST  OF  EGMONT  AND  HOORNE. 


315 


^'^^i'^fenUv^^'^^e  of '  S;  JfT  ":«» 

to  mfde  of  hi.  having  Mjo-otr'^v,!? Cn 
■...Ti,/,  li.rt  the  room  where  they  had  been 

SJ^ferJlnrtogetb:^     ^  ''-™'"'°'    '°- 

cuMim  non  Infeiiciter  defcndi."    Strata.  De 

■^iJ'cKrsrr'Jm^  G«sh.,B',  «.«; 
JaLw*  \n  &  letter  from  Brussels,  of  the 
:C^dat^  with  trarrest  of  Egmont,  gW.s 
same  a»^  "'  .  .  Kp-rinjr  on  the  occas'on, 
twTdlffers  somewWom  that  in  the  text ; 
^iS'moreVhowTer.than  the  popular  rumours 


«f  Anv  Rtranire  event  of  recent  occurrence  are 
ant^od'ffer^"  A^  as  touching  the  County  of 
Sn  ond  he  wfs  (as  the  saying  y^)  appre- 
hSdvd  by  the  Duke,  and  comyttyd  to  the 

KSchr-ffir^SSi 

J^Pr^IfU  ?om.  ii   p.  ^J^umeuu* 

•"y^ie^yJ^^;  Trouble,  d,.  P.yB-, 
torn.  U.  p.  226. 


1,      w^nnf  had  lately  ruled  "  with  an  authonty,"  wntes  Alva  s 
the  province  where  Egmont  had  lately  r^         ,^  ^^  attempt  was  made 

secretary,  "  greater  even  th^"J^f;;\^^^^^^^^  of  Ghent,  where  Egmont  s 

at  a  rescue ;  and  as  the  procession  f^^'^^^^-^^  ^^  stupefied  silence  on  the 
popularity  was  equal  to  his  P^^f '  ^^^jP^^  ,0  th^  place  of  his  confinement." 
^tern  array  that  was  «>"d^^;^{\f^^\^^^^^^^  hours  after  it  took 

The  arrest  of  Egmont  and  ^^^^^  ^^        ^^,,  g^^ead  to  the 

place,  to  every  inhabitant  of  ^.'^"ff  f '^,;"o,,n,ent  of  the  lords,"  writes  Alva 
farthest  parts  of  the  <^«""\ry        Ihe  imp^^^^  -^  ,'^,1,  that  your 

to  the  king, ;'  has  caused  no  d;?,^^^^^^^^^^  .  {^^l^^^  t?anqu5hty  wa^  that  of  a 

majesty  ^o^f^^^^^^^.^utw  if  murmurs  were  not  lou^,  however  they  were 
man  stunned  by  a  heavy  blow     if^ur°^u  ^^^^^  ^j^  ^^  ^^^ 

deep.    Men  mourned  over  the  c'^^  fj;y  f  _,/f  on  the  forecast  of  the 

fallen  into  the  snare,  ^"d  f  "Sf^]^!^^^^  them.-    The 

prince  of  Orange,  who  might  9"!,^^^  ^^x^  ^e  space  of  a  fel  weeks  no  less 
Lnt  gave  a  new  spur  to  e^iig^^^^^^^^  ]^  have  Ted  the  country.-  And  the 
than  twenty  thousand  pei  sons  are  ^aia  w   m  however 

exiles  were'^^ot  altogether  drawn  f^^^^^^^  Egmont  and 

SnT SetrmeT^  ^K  SVa'd^gW^a  some  cause  of  distrust,  had  long 
since  made  his  peace  with  the  government.  country,  lest  the 

'  Count  Mansfeldt  made  haste  ^''''^2rr^Ltf^^^^^^ 
sympathy  he  had  once  shown  for  the  c^"^^^^^^^^^'?  ^i"^;?  ^^^^^    ThI  old  count. 
cEge  of  opinion,  might  draw  on  him  tlie  ^'^"g^ance  of  A  v^    1  ^| 

whosi  own  royalty  coiUd  not  be  m,P^^^  0     ^^^^ 

the  lords  as  an  inf  nngement  ^n  fe  ngh^^  ^ou  ^^ti^ating,  at 

alone  had  cognizance  of  the  causes  that  «^»^«/"^^^^^  members.    But  he 

the  same  time,  his  intention  to  ^i^mon  a  ^eetrng  01  J    ^^^.^^^  ^^  ^he  order 
was  silenced  by  Alva,  who  P^^^^^y  J^^^^^^^^^^  them  te  a  heavy 

did  meet,  and  said  so  much  'g^^^ ^f^^^^^^^^  majelty  has  pronounced 

reckoning  for  it.       As  to  the  "gnis  ui  i         :  5  jor  you  but  to  submit.  " 
on  them,^'  said  the  duke,    and  "Othing  reniai^^^^^^  ,^^^,  ^^,,,^rs 

The  afrest  and  imprisonment  »«  ^J^^.^" ';'^„'^^^^^^^  with  her,  was  an 

of  the  council  of  state,  and  that  "^"tlwut  any^k  "it  was  in  vain  that  Alva 
affront  to  the  regent  whicli^e  c"»'\"V;^|„  ^{\he  king,  who  wished  to 
excused  it  by  saying  \  .hlStfwIicrmust  attach  to  such  _a  proceeding 


SSplIin.    But  'sh^-^vrote  to  »„n^i"L  wCihTdW  U  di^S.  0 
could  b'e .advantageous  ^^him,  or^d^^r^-^^o^  -^'^^^'^Xrl 


could  be  advantageous  to  n™' ""j;"';"""  "rin'a  place  of  which  the  authority 
-I'rZ'^k'^^'^rS^^^^^''^'    She  sent  


"  "Toutes  ces  mesuresetaient  necessaires 
vu  la  erande  autorite  du  comte  d'Egmont  en 
S  oafs  qui  ne  connaissaient  d'autre  roi  que 
^.'^^C;>?reB^ndance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i. 

^•-^\id..  ubl  supra. -Meteren.  Hist,  des 

^".^.?it?emprS.nnement  des  deux  comtes  ne 
donne  lieu  a  aucune  nimeur ;  ju  fontraire  la 
tranquilllte  est  si  grande,  que  ^e  Rol  ne  le 
pourJait  croire."  Correspondauce  de  Philippe 
ll.,  torn.  I.  p  575  „  ,  ,  X  „  I  n  i»iQ 
"  Strada.*De  Bello  Belgioo  *?™«,J,i?r*e8 
•'  Brandt,Reformatlon  in  the  LowCountnes, 


""t  V.ye!s'il  apprenalt  que  q?elq«e«-;|;«  ^n 
Assent,  encore  mr-me  que  ce  f'f^  P*>"^/;7i,,f 
credo,  il  les  chatierait ;  que,  q"*"^  ?;**  P"Vn 
Ses  de  I'Ordre,  le  lloi.  apres  un  P"r  examen 
ie^ceux-ci,  avail  prononce.  et  q"  °"  ff^f  jf^ 
Boumettre."    Correspondauce  de  Philippe  ii., 

'"^-  w  IdS'contracto  ac  pene  "uljo  cum  Im- 
perio  mcSerari.  an  utile  Regi,  an  dec«rum  el 
Tu^  Rex  sororem  appellare  iron  ^^^^'^ 
lUus  medit.tionl  relinquere.  i>traaa,  i« 
Bello  Belgico,  torn  I.  p-  3tt0. 


i\li 


316  CRUEL  POLICY  OF  ALVA. 

forthwith  leave  the  country.  ro<.\cTr^(^  to  the  proposed  departure  of 

The  duke  of  Alva  was  entirely  resign^  ^o  t^e  prop^^  i       ^^  ^.^ 

Margaret.  However  slight  the  restmmt  her  PJ^^^J^  "^'|^^  compelled  him 
conduct,  it  exax^ted  n^ore  deference  thanjas  c^nve^^^^^^^^^  ^^  ,vas  willing  to 
to  consult  appearances.  ^  ow  that .»;«  *\^^^^'Xr  the  aiTest  of  the  lords  was  to 
play  it  out  boldly  to  the  ^nd-  ^  H  ^.Jj^^^^^^^^^^  of  the  country, 

organize  that  memorable  tribunal  f^^^^^^^^  j^,,^^l  ^^  the 

which  has  no  Parallel  m  history  save  m  the  ^^^^ 

^^^r^^C  tti'liLT^U  he  »ight  eo.e  U.e  a 
gracious  prince,  dispensing  promises  and  pardon  consciousness 

^  This  admirable  coolness  must  ,^«  ^f'^^rncCn  of  his  master.    Indeed, 
that  his  policy  »o»l*J«<=f ;«  Jhe  unquahhedjanctt^^^^^  ^^^^^^^.^^  ^.^ 

his  correspondence  shows  that  a"  »«  had  aijnem  vi  e  Flemish 
accordance  with  a  plan  P«^?n<=e'^^  "''i^/^rfte  court  of  Madrid,  where  it 

lords,  accordingly,  gave  entire  ^t'**?''*'!?!^  mLlurefof VXss  It  gave  equal 

was  looked  on  as  the  ^^^^  6^1  ^;^eP  ">  *«  '"^^^^^^  ^Z  of 

contentment  to  the  court  of  Ro"*' ^^^'^jleTxmtioner.  Yet  there  was 

heresy  was  to  be  reached  only  by  the  a^f,?*  X*''?u"e  ^^^^  him,  the  old 

one  i^rson  at  that  court  of  more  f  "^'j^^t'^jA  „re,t^^^^^  and  Hoorne, 

stat^man  Gmnvelle,  t°4T;^Z'H;^wn  ill  hi  "n^^^^^^^^  <"«-"-»«  the 

inquired  if  the  duke  had '  also  drawn  '"J"  ms  net  tne  the  negative, 

rfe^rti:^^a«^notKl^.rhehascaughtnothing.".. 


CHAPTER  IL 

CRUEL  POLICY  OP   ALVA. 

1566. 
«  Thahk  God,"  writes  the  duke  of  Aha  to  his  -vereign  on  *e  twe^tH^h 
of  October.  "  all  is  tranquil  in  the^o"  ^oun  rie,^  in,  eed  tranquil.    Silence 
ment  he  had  uttered  a  few  /^^s Jjetof^^ut^U  w*3  m^^^  l^loquently  to 

rJtls^i^k-^wKSirJ'^Vtrni^Ve^:^^^^^^^^   nation  is  nV  to 


w  "  II  vaut  mlenx  que  le  Roi  attend?,  poor 
venlr.  que  tous  les  actes  de  ripueur  aient  ete 
falta  il  entrera  alore  dans  le  pays  comme 
,,rince  benin  et  clement,  pard.mnant,  et  ac- 
iordantdesfaveursaceuxqui  I  aurunt  merit^^ 
Correapon  lance  de  PhiUppe  H  .torn  I.  p.  577. 
""  An  captua  qaoque  ful-act  Taclturnua 


CbIc  Oranelum  nomlnabat),  atqne  eo  n*^ante 

nihil  ab  Duce  Albano  captum.      btrada,  Ue 
HpUo  Beltrico.  torn.  i.  p-  360. 

tr.nqniUe  .uj  P.y.-BM."     Cor«»pon<i.t.» 
(!*•  Philippe  II-.  tom-  *  P-  ^**- 


THE  COUNCIL  OF  BLOOD. 


317 


be  brought  about  by  cutting  off  the  heads  of  those  who  are  led  astray  by 

''' YeTin  less  than  a  week  after  this  we  find  a  royal  o>*"»"f  ««tav"^^^^^^^ 
iT^inhe^rSlittlTwlrrS^^^^^^ 

men  iiife  ,  J  mercv  ^  were  death  and  confiscation  oi  property. 

rrr^?re1ei»Ihe|e*m^g^^^^^^^^ 

rpi^i^irii^s^Un  arStr^atm^  o"?  n^aVthe  ne<^ity  of 

^Ru'tToTtiat  the  gieat  nobles  had  come  into  the  snare,  it  was  hardly  neces- 

fu^i'^-rwaf^ti^XM^^ 
Xtrkritllt^Sthe  Ui^ibl^r^     Lived  from  the  people,  of 

*'lt';^rc'"nipldof1we'lve  judges,  "  the  most  l-n^rt't"";To'b1 
tifdT^e^lInTJl  rSi^  L^m^  ;^tirS?ni"s'  lAZ^X^ 

Tornacpnses  e  portu  Flissingano  fugam  m 
Britanniain  adornantr-s  c«pi. '"^  boms  exutoa 
cust.Kiin  jubet."     Strada,  De  Bcllo  Belgico, 

^"^''mJIs  I'intontlon  de  S.  M.  n 'est  pas  de 
verser  le  sai.g  de  ses  sujets,  et  moi,  de  mon 
natuiel.  je  ne  I'aime  pas  davantage.  Cor- 
respondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  57b. 

'  ♦♦  Novum  igitur  consessum  judicum  uiPti- 
tuit.  ext^ris  in  eum  plerisque  adscitis  ;  quern 
Turbarumille;  plebes.  Sanguinis  appellabat 
Senatum."  Rtidani  Annales  (Lugdunum 
Batavorum,  1633),  p.  5. 

•  "  Lea  plus  savants  et  le«  plus  integres  du 
pays,  et  de  la  meilleure  vie."  Correspondauce 
de  Philippe  IL,  torn.  i.  p.  676. 


»  "Le  repos  aux  Pays-Bas  ne  consiste  pas 
h  faire  eouper  la  tPte  k  des  hommes  qui  ^e 
„ont  laisse  persuader  par  d'uutres.  Corre- 
8Don<lance  de  Philippe  IL,  torn.  i.  p.  5<6. 
^  "  Os  habemos  hecho  entender  que  nuestra 
intencion  era  de  no  usar  de  rigor  contra  ime^ 
troa  B-becetos  que  durante  las  revueltas  pa- 
^adas  pudiesen  haber  ofendido  contra  Nos. 
sxno  detoda  duhura  y  dementia  seg an  nu- 
S?ra   tnclinac»m    natural.^      Documentos 

^"^fhrordinJncT'dated  Septeml>er  18th. 
1567.  copied  from  the  Archives  of  'Simancas, 
iB  to  be  found  in  the  Documentos  ineditos. 
torn.  iv.  p.  439,  et  seq.  , 

•  "Stotlmque  mercatores  decern  primaries 


r 


3ig  CRUEL  POLICY  OF  ALVA. 

of  Artois  and  Flanders,  the  chanc*^^^^^^^ 

repute  in  the  countnr.  But  the  FX^i4e's  train  from  Castile.  One  of 
wire  two  lawyers  who  had  come  ^  ^^f^^^'^s,  was  of  Spanish  extraction, 
these,  the  doctor  Del  Rio,  though  born  n  ^%  ^li^^^ited  subserviency  to  the 
His  most  prominent  tnut  seem.  ^  ^^^^|^^^^  ^,,  ^as  to  play  the  most  con- 
wiil  of  his  employer.'  fhe  other,  ^^f "  p.  m^|^'  yg  was  a  Spaniard,  and 
Tpicuous  part  in  the  bloody  4':^»f,^^f„;CH'i8  character  w^infamous ; 
&eld  a  place  in  the  Counci  of  the  L^^^  Jf  her  patrimony.-  When 
and  he  was  said  to  have  de  rauded  an  orphan  warn  o^  y^  ^^  ^ 
he  left  Spain,  two  crinnnal  prosecution^^  ^  ^o^^,^  protection     He 

over  him.  This  on  y  "^^^^^  ^he X"  "^^^^t^  in  application  to  business, 
was  a  man  of  great  energy  of  ^^^f^^,Sver  r^y  at  any  price  to  sacrifice  to 
unscrupulous  in  the  service  of  ^^^^""P^^^^^^^^  tlie  common  feelings  of 

his  own  interest  not  only  e^^^^y.f  "^^^^if  S,'^^^^^^^  he  is  portrayed  by 
humanity.  Such,  at  least,  are  tTie  da  k  ^^J^^^J,"„.^X"t  his  very  v^  made 
the  writers  of  a  nation  which  held  h  mm  ^^^^^^^^  on  him  more  of 

him  so  convenient  to  the  duke  that  the  atte^^^  correspondence 

his  confidence  than  on  any  other  ^^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^  Vargas  to  the  n^onarch's 
with  Philip  we  Peri?etually  hnd  h  m  ^^ether  iuvenile,"  with  the  apathy  of 
favour,  ani  contrasting  t^Jf'V^^^^f  ^"^^^^^^^^  with  Flemish,  the  pro- 

others  of  the  council.*'  As  ^f^f^^rX\t benefit  in  Latin.''  Yet  he  was 
ceedings  of  the  court  ^Y^re  f  "^^^^^^^^  wfblunde^  furnished  infinite 
L^'ri^i^tf  t^^^^^^^^^^  rFafwh^o'Uok  some  revenge  for  their  wrongs 
in  the  ridicule  of  tWr  oPP^e^^sor  ^j  ^  criminal,  that 

As  the  new  court  had  ^^g"^"^^  °^„^"  ^^siness  soon  pressed  on  them  so 
grew  out  of  the  late  disorders,  the  a^^nt  o^^^^^  ^^^^,^^  departments 

Wily  that  it  was  ^0""^  expedient  to  distiibute  n;^  ^  ^^  ^^^ 

among  the  ditlerent  members.    Two  «^V X ^  Culembor^, 

iTir,2A'Gs:  ^r^39l  ji'XdTi^S 

such  causes  as  came  from  the  F.^^^^f^^f , .  .-^.^  to  occupy  a  place  second  only 
The  latter  of  these  two  worthi^  was  desti^^^^^^^      (^cupy     P^^^.^^  ^^  ^^^^^ 

to  that  of  Vargas  on  the  bloody  ^?il  tf/^^.'^i'X  ofh'e  of  attorney- general  of 
of  sufticient  eminence  m  hi«  profession  to  ^^^^the  omce  ^  enforced  the  edicts 
his  province  under  Charles  the  Fifth     In  t^t^apaciiy  ^  i„  ^he 

witl^so  much  rigour  f  to  make  himself  o^ou^  to  nis  ^j.^  n,ischievous 

new  career  now  opened  to  h'"^^tl?nf  hk  ofl^^ce  w^^^  such  hearty  zeal  as  soon 
talents,  and  he  entered  on  the  duties  o  his  office  wiUi  sucn         ^^^^^.^^^^  ^^^. 
roused  general  indignation  in  the  people,  who  ai  a  lawjr  u«j 
geance  on  their  oppressor." 

««  Bulletins  de  l' Academle  Royaie  de  Bel- 

•^n:iv;,KrTn,Sbfes  des  Pays-^ 
♦„™  41  n  942  — Hespels  was  married  to  a 
niSe  of  V^glius.  According  to  the  old  coun- 
c  iTor  8be  w».s  on  bad  terms  with  her  husband. 
S^ause'he  had  not  kept  his  promise  of  re- 

mealion  of  the  tragic  fate  of  Hessela. 


•  Correspondance  de  Marguerite  d'  Autriche, 

^■'•^Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas,  ^o\.bA. 

»  ViKlius,  who  had  not  yet  seen  the  man, 
thus  mlntions  him  in  a  letter  to  his  fr.end 
H"m.er :  "  Imperium  ac  rigorem  metuunt 
ouSIm  VergTsi  qui  «P-J.  --, -J^^)^? 
posse,  et  nescio  quid  almd,  dicitiu.       l!.pist. 

'^^P^TnHct^itl'ioute  Juvenile.''    Corre- 
spondance d-  Philippe  11.,  torn.  I.  p.  583. 
'»  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


i 


1 


THE  COUI^CIL  OF  BLOOD. 


319 


i 


As  soo»  as  the  Council  of  Troubles  was  organized,  commissioners  were 
de^uatchcd  into  the  provinces  to  hunt  out  the  suspected  parties     Ad  who 
had  0  he  ated  as  prea  hers,  or  had  harboured  or  aided  them,  who  had  joined 
tl^e  consistorie.s  who  had  assisted  in  defacin.cc  or  destroying  the  Catholic 
churches  or  in  buUding  the  Protestant,  who  had  subscribed  the  Compronnse, 
or  who,  in  short,  had  taken  an  active  part  in  the  late  disorders,  were  to  be 
arres  el  as  guilty  of  traison.    In  the  hunt  after  victims  informations  were 
hvitedfronf  every  source.    Wives  were  encouraged  to  depose  against  hus- 
bands children  a,^ainst  parents.     The  prisons  were  soon  if  to  .overriowmg 
and  the  provincial  and  tL  local  magistrates  were  busy  in  filing  "^  onuations. 
0  the  dirterent  ca.ses,  which  were  forwarded  to  the  court  at  Brussels.    ^^  hen 
Lined  of  surticient  importance,  the  further  examination  of  a  case  was 
reserved  for  the  council  itself.    But  for  the  most  part  ^^^  local  authortje^ 
or  a  commission  sent  expres.sly  for  the  purpose,  were  ^"  »>^»f^^^^^,][y  /  f 
aiuse  proceeding  even  to  a  detinitive  sentence,  which,  with  the  grounds  of  it, 
Tey\slrrxo\^  before  the  Council  of  Troubles     The  process  wa^j  then 
revised  by  the  committee  for  the  provinces,  wlio  submitted  the  result  of  their 
examination  to  Vargas  and  Del  Kio.    The  latter  were  alone  empowered  to 
vo  e   n  the  niatter,  and  their  sentence,  prepared  m  writing,  was   aid  before 
the  d  ke  who  reserved  to  hin.self  the  right  of  a  hnal  decision.    This  he  did, 
a^  he  wro^  U)l>hilip,  that  he  might  no"t  come  too  much  under  the  direction 
^ the  council     "Your  majesty  well  knows,'' he  concludes,  ' that  gentlemen 
of  the  law  a.!e*  un^^'mng  to  Wde  anything  except  upon^evidence,  while  mea- 
«;iirp<;  of  State  policy  are  not  to  be  regulated  by  the  laws. 

it m  "ht  te^  WO^cU  that  the  ditferent  judges  to  «l,om  the  prisoner's  a|5e 
was  this  seraratey  submitted  for  examination  would  have  aflorded  an  addi- 
tional  ^.arantoe  (or  his  security.  But  quite  the  contraiy :  it  only  mult.pl  cd 
trchancSof  his  conviction.  Wheii  the  provincial  committee  pre>entod 
«  eir  rcDort  to  Varffas  and  Del  Rio-to  whom  a  Spanish  jurist,  auditor  of  the 
r  nnr^rv  S  Va  Sd  named  Ro(W,  was  afterwards  addcd,-if  it  proposed. 

u  Sof  dllMlSdg^  declared  it  '^-f /■«|'i' ""tilr'irenaltyTa^ 
norPsMtv  of  reviewin'^  the  process."    If,  on  the  contrary,  a  lower  penally  ^as 
'ecSndcd  th^"  onl.y  minister,  of  the  Iaw.^e«=  in  thel.aj.t  o^re  -^^^^^^ 
the  proccs.s.  ordering  the  committee,  with  bitter  imprecations,  to  revnse  it 

"^^^^^^^^^^  %^^^  :,rto"^[^\S£V,:iUih? 

?  -IIS"  $^'r:^:<X'^r.^^^^^^^  ^rlrof1^etart^°a  We 

c'^'?/n%rot«v?!j  tz  %:^£t^  ri^^^x^\ 

r  Jsu'iliylo Tongl^rotracted  and  attend^^lt^  su.h  "^^         e=cpe„se,  that 
it  unnld  have  been  better  for  nm  never  to  have  urged  it 

The  iuriTdict^  of  the  court,  within  the  limits  assigned  to  it,  wholly  super- 
self  that  d  of  Mechlin,  as  well  as  of  .very  other  tribunal, 


»•  •*  Letrados  no  sentencian  sino  en  casos 
rrobados ;  y  como  V.  M.  eal)e.  lo««  nepoclos  de 
fetado  son  muy  djferentcs  dc  las  Icycs  que 
ellos  tienen."  PuUctins  de  TAcademle 
Royale  de  Belgique,  torn.  -xvi.  par.  il.  p.  62, 

"  ••  En  slendo  el  aviso  de  condemnar  4 
muerte,  se  decla  que  esUba  muy  bien  y  no 


habia  mas  que  ver ;  empero.  si  el  aviso  era 
de  menor  pena,  no  se  esiaba  k  lo  que  ellos 
decian,  sino  tornabase  &  ver  el  procejo.  y  de- 
ciaJiles  sobre  ello  malas  palabras,  y  bacianles 
rum  tratamiento."  Ga.bard  cites  tbe  words  of 
the  c'flRcial  document.  Ibid.,  p.  67. 
'•  Ibid.,  p.  W,  ei  seq. 


;■.  f  ^.jj*.''^ 


I 


III 


320  CRUEL  POLICY  OF  ALVA. 

iiro>niicial  or  municipal,  in  the  country.  Its  decisions  Tvere  final.  By  the  law 
Ke'm  d  e^iblisLed  bv  repeated  royal  charters  n.  the  I^^^nces  no  n.m 
in  thP  Netherlands  could  be  tried  by  any  but  a  native  judge.  But  ot  the 
™t  coirfo^  e  n  ^vas  a  native  of  Burcundy  and  two  were  Spaniards. 

^  U  mi^ht  be  SUP  osed  that  a  tribunal  with  such  enormous  powers  ^ybich 
involvc^'^o  J^^^  a^  o^S^^^^^  on  the  constitution^  rights  and  long-establu^hed 
rr^PsofilS^  nation  would  at  lea.^t  have  been  sanctioned  by  some  warrant 
SIX  crow^^^/^^^^^  pretend  to  nothing  of  the  kind,-not  even  a  written 
cormi^sion  from  the  duke  of  Alva,  the  man  who  created  it.  By  his  voice 
X  rS  iive^  an  existence.  The  ceremony  of  induction  into  o  hce  was 
Srmed^  the  new  member  placing  his  hands  between  those  of  the  duke 
and  swearing  to  remain  true  to  the  faith,  to  decide  in  all  ca.ses  accordmg  to 
h  s  s  ncTre  c^^^^^^^^  finally,  to  keep  secret  all  the  doings  of  the  council  and 
to  d^ounce  any  ^  who^disclosed  them.-  A  tribunal  clotbed  with  such 
unboS  power,  and  conducted  on  a  plan  so  repugnant  to  all  prmnples  of 
Jiisrice?  fell  nothing  short,  in  its  atrocity,  of  that  Inquisition  so  much  dieaded 

''^lh-afiil^S^^  the  betterable  to  attend  the  council,  appointed  his  own 

rma«  for  the  place  of  meeting.  At  first  the  sittings  were  held  morning  and 
KcinVli'tfug  sometimes  leven  hours  in  a  day,"  There  was  a  geneml 
atteZ"ce  of  tRe  members,  the  duke  presiding  m  person.  After  a  few 
mS^  M  he  was  drawn  to  a  distance  hy  n.ore  pressing  aftairs  he  resigned 
his  pla^  to  Vargas.  Barlaimont  and  Koircarmes,  disgusted  with  he  atro- 
cious clmracterof^  the  proceedings,  soon  absented  themse  ves  from  the  meet- 
S  Tlie  more  rcspcctal)le  of  the  members  imitated  their  exaniple.  One  of 
thf'baira  Burping  a  follower  of  Granvelle,  havmg  criticised  the  pro- 
ceedini^WmSt  too  freely,  had  leave  to  withdraw  to  1^^^^;^  P^^^^^^^^j" 
till  at  len-th  onlv  three  or  four  councillors  remained,- Varga-s  Del  .Bio, 
HLek  an^L  coneaguc,-on  whom  the  despatch  of  the  momentous  business 
whXd^^lved  ToTonie  of  the  processes  we  find  not  more  than  hrec  names 
Tub^Jib^  The  duke  was  as  inJifierent  to  forms  as  he  was  to  the  rights  of 
the  nation." 


»•  ••  Qii'ils  wralcnt  et  dcmcureralcnt  tV  j.iniais 
bons  tatholiques,  selon  quo  conimandait 
riccUse  cailiolique  romaine ;  quo.  par  hainc. 
atnuur.  pltle  ou  cratnte  dc  p-rsonnc.  lis  no 
lal85craient  de  dire  franchcincut  et  einccro- 
n.ent  lour  avU,  Bclcn  qu'cn  boimc  Justice  lis 
trouvalcntctmvonlrct  appartcnlr;  »ni  Ustkn- 
dralonl  M<ret  t*.ut  ce  qui  m  trailcr.nl  nu  con- 
eoll.  et  qu'ils  accuRorawnt  ccux  <im  fcralcnt 
letontruire."  BiiUclitisdo  l' Aca«Uiuic  Kuya»c 
de  Ik'lwique,  t-'in.  xvl.  par.  li.  p.  50. 

•«  Ibid^p.  57.  ^  _,.     , 

»'  IJelin,  in  a  letter  to  hla  patron.  Cardinal 
Granvelle.  gives  full  vrnt  to  his  (lisc«>nt<nt 
>*ilh  ••three  or  four  Spaninrds  in  tin*  duke's 
train,  who  would  puvern  nil  in  his  name^ 
They  make  but  one  hend  undor  the  wnie  hat. 
He  mention?  Va-^g^is  and  Del  Kio  in  panicular. 
Granvelle's  v  ply  is  very  charactt-ri^tic.  Jar 
from  pympathlzing  with  his  quoruluus  fol- 
lower,  he  predicts  the  ruin  of  his  fortunes  by 
this  mode  of  proceeding.  "  A  man  who  would 
rise  in  courts  must  do  as  he  is  bidden,  wjtliout 
que>tion.  Far  from  Uking  umbrage,  he  must 
l)ear  in  mind  t'  at  injuries,  like  pills,  should 
be  swallowed  without  chewing,  that  one  may 


not  taste  the  bitterness  of  them ;  "—a  noble 
maxim,  if  tlic  m-ilve  bad  been  noble,  t^ 
Love^que.  Meuiolrcs  dc  Granvelle,  torn.  li. 
pp.  9i-y4. 

•='  Tlie  historians  of  the  time  are  all  more 
or  loss  dilTuse  on  the  doings  of  the  Council  of 
Troubles,  written  ns  th<y  are  in  cliaruclers  of 
blood.  Hut  wc  l«»ok  in  vain  for  uny  nccount 
of  the  Inleriur  organiiation  of  that  tribunal, 
or  of  its  nKHle  of  judicial  procedure.  I  his 
may  l)C  owing  to  the  natural  reluctance  which 
the  actors  thrmselves  felt.  In  later  times,  to 
bt'lng  mixed  up  with  the  proceedings  of  a 
court  so  universiilly  detested.  For  the  saine 
rea.son.  as  Gach.-ird  Intimates,  they  may  not 
iinprobablv  have  even  destroyed  some  of  the 
records  of  its  proceedings.  Fortunately,  that 
zoalous  and  patriotic  scholar  has  distov.rc*! 
In  the  archives  of  Simano«s  sundry  l« iters  of 
Alva  and  hi?  successor,  as  well  as  tonic  of  the 
official  records  of  the  tribunal,  which  In  a 
great  d^-gree  vupply  the  defect.  The  result 
he  has  emb-  dicil  in  a  luminous  paper  prepared 
for  the  Iloval  Academy  of  Belgium,  which 
lia.s  supplied  me  with  the  materials  for  the 
preceding  pages.    See  B'llle'iusdc  I'Acadcmie 


GENERAL  PROSECUTION& 


321 


I 


It  soon  became  apparent  that,  as  in  most  proscriptions,  wealth  was  tlie 
mark  at  which  persecution  was  mainly  directed.  At  least,  if  it  did  not 
actually  form  a  ground  of  accusation,  it  greatly  enhanced  the  chances  of  a 
conviction.  The  commissioners  sent  to  the  provinces  received  written  instruc- 
tions to  ascertain  the  exact  amount  of  property  belonging  to  the  suspected 
parties.  The  expense  incident  on  the  maintenance  of  so  many  officials,  as 
well  as  of  a  large  military  force,  pressed  heavily  on  the  government ;  and  Alva 
soon  found  it  necessary  to  ask  for  support  from  Madrid.  It  was  in  vain  he 
attempted  to  obtain  a  loan  from  the  merchants.  "  They  refuse,"  he  writes, 
"  to  advance  a  real  on  the  security  of  the  confiscations,  till  they  see  how  the 
game  we  have  begun  is  likely  to  prosper  ! "" 

In  another  letter  to  Philip,  dated  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  October,  Alva, 
expressing  his  regret  at  the  necessity  of  demanding  suppUes,  says  that  the 
Low  Countries  ought  to  maintain  themselves  and  be  no  tax  upon  Spain,  lie 
is  constantly  thwarted  by  the  duchess,  and  by  the  council  of  finance,  in  his 
appropriation  of  the  confiscated  property.  Could  he  onl^  manage  things  in 
his  own  way,  he  would  answer  for  it  that  the  Flemish  cities,  uncertain  and. 
anxious  as  to  their  fate,  would  readily  acquiesce  in  the  fair  means  of  raising  a 
revenue  proposed  by  the  king."  The  ambitious  general,  eager  to  secure  the 
sole  authority  to  himself,  artfully  touched  on  the  topic  whidi  would  be  most 
likely  to  operate  with  his  master.  In  a  note  on  this  passage,  in  his  own  hand- 
writing, Philip  remarked  that  this  was  but  just,  but,  as  he  feared  that  sup- 
pUes would  never  be  raised  with  the  consent  of  the  states,  Alva  must  devise 
some  expedient  by  which  their  consent  in  the  matter  might  be  dispensed  with, 
and  communicate  lijyrivately  to  him.'*  This  pregiiant  thought  he  soon  after 
develops  more  fully  in  a  letter  to  the  duke.'^"  It  is  edifying  to  observe  the 
cool  manner  in  which  the  king  and  his  general  discuss  the  best  means  for 
filching  a  revenue  from  the  pockets  of  the  good  people  of  the  Netherlands. 

Margaret,— whose  name  now  rarely  appears,— scandalized  by  the  plan 
avoweof  of  wholesale  persecution,  and  satisfied  that  blood  enough  had  been 
shed  already,  would  fain  have  urged  her  brother  to  grant  a  general  pardon. 
But  to  this  the  duke  strongly  objected.  "He  would  have  every  man,"  he 
wrote  to  Philip,  "  feel  that  any  day  his  house  might  fall  about  his  ears.'^ 
Thus  private  individuals  would  be  induced  to  pay  larger  sums  by  way  of  com- 
position for  their  offences." 

As  the  result  of  the  confiscations,  owing  to  the  drains  upon  them  above 
alluded  to,  proved  less  than  he  expected,  the  duke,  somewhat  later,  proposed 
a  tax  of  one  per  cent,  on  all  property,  personal  and  real.  But  to  this  some  of 
the  council  had  the  courage  to  object,  as  a  thing  not  likely  to  be  relished  by 
the  states.  "That  depends,"  said  Alva,  "on  the  way  in  which  they  are 
approached."  He  had  as  little  love  for  the  states-general  as  his  master,  and 
looked  on  applications  to  them  for  money  as  something  derogatory  to  the 
crown.    **  I  would  take  care  to  ask  for  it,"  he  said,  "  as  I  did  when  I  wanted 


\ 


Royale  des  Sciences,  des  Lettres,  et  des  Beaux- 
Arts  de  Belgique,  torn.  xvi.  par.  il.  pp.  50-78. 

"  "  Hasta  que  vean  en  que  para  este  juego 
que  se  comien^a."  Correspondance  de  Phi- 
lippe II.,  torn.  i.  p.  598. 

'*  "Car  rincertitude  od celles-ci  se trouvent 
du  sort  qu'on  leur  reserve,  les  fera  plus  aise- 
ment  consentir  aux  tnoyens  de  finances  justes 
ct  honnetes  qui  seront  etablis  par  le  Roi." 
Ibid.,  p.  590. 

'*  "  Porque  cero  yo  que,  con  la  voluntad  de 


los  Estadoe,  no  se  hallaran  estas,  que  es 
menester  ponerlos  de  manera  que  no  sea  me- 
neeter  su  voluntad  y  consentimiento  paraello. 
.  .  .  Esto  iri  en  cifra,  y  aun  creo  que  seria 
bien  que  fuese  en  una  cartilla  a  parte  que 
descifrase  el  mas  confidente."  Ibid.,  ubi 
supra. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  610. 

■'  "Para  que  cada  uno  piense  que  &  la 
noche,  6  d  la  lua&ana,  se  le  puede  caer  la  casa 
encima."    Ibid.,  p.  4. 


(  i 


322 


CRUEL  POLICY  OF  ALVA. 


GENERAL  PROSECUTIONS. 


323 


money  to  build  the  citadel  of  Antwerp,— in  such  a  way  that  they  should  ngt 
care  to  refuse  it."  " 

The  most  perfect  harmony  seems  to  have  subsisted  between  the  king  and 
Alva  in  their  operations  for  destroying  the  liberties  of  the  nation, — so  perfect, 
indeed,  that  it  could  have  been  the  result  only  of  some  previous  plan,  concerted 
probably  while  the  duke  was  in  Castile.  The  details  of  the  execution  were 
doubtless  left,  as  they  arose,  to  Alva's  discretion.  But  they  so  entirely  re- 
ceived the  royal  sanction — as  is  abundantly  shown  by  the  correspondence — 
that  Philip  may  be  said  to  have  made  every  act  of  his  general  his  own.  And 
not  unfrequently  we  find  the  monarch  improving  on  the  hints  of  his  corre- 
spondent by  some  additional  suggestion.*'  Whatever  evils  grew  out  of  the 
mal- ad  ministration  of  the  duke  of  Alva,  the  responsibility  for  the  measures 
rests  ultimately  on  the  head  of  Philip. 

One  of  the  early  acts  of  the  new  council  was  to  issue  a  summons  to  the 
prince  of  Orange,  and  to  each  of  the  noble  exiles  in  his  company,  to  present 
themselves  at  Brussels  and  answer  the  charges  against  them.  In  the  sum- 
mons addressed  to  William,  he  was  accused  of  having  early  encouraged  a 
spirit  of  disartection  in  the  nation  ;  of  bringing  the  Inquisition  into  contempt ; 
of  promoting  the  confederacy  of  the  nobles  and  opening  his  own  palace  of 
Breda  for  their  discussions ;  of  authorizing  the  exercise  of  the  reformed 
religion  in  Antwerp  ;  in  fine,  of  being  at  the  bottom  of  the  troubles,  civil  and 
reli'nous,  which  had  so  long  distracted  the  land.  He  was  required,  therefore, 
under  pain  of  confiscation  of  his  property  and  perpetual  exile,  to  present  him- 
self before  the  council  at  Brussels  within  the  space  of  six  weeks,  and  answer 
the  charges  against  him.  This  summons  was  proclaimed  by  the  fiublic  crier 
both  in  Brussels  and  in  William's  own  town  of  fereda  ;  and  a  placard  contain- 
ing it  was  affixed  to  the  door  of  the  principal  church  in  each  of  tho;se  places."' 

Alva  followed  up  this  act  by  another,  which  excited  general  indignation 
through  the  country.  He  caused  the  count  of  Buren,  William's  eldest  son, 
then  a  lad  pursuing  his  studies  at  Louvain,  to  be  removed  from  the  university 
and  sent  to  Spain.  His  tutor  and  several  of  his  domestics  were  allowed  to 
accompany  him.  But  the  duke  advised  the  king  to  get  rid  of  these  attendants 
as  speedily  as  possible,  and  fill  their  places  with  Spaniards.'^  This  unwar- 
rantable act  appears  to  have  originated  with  Granvelle,  who  recommends  it 
in  one  of  his  letters  from  Rome.^'  The  object,  no  doubt,  was  to  secure  some 
guarantee  for  the  father's  obedience,  as  well  as  to  insure  the  loyalty  of  the 
heir  of  the  house  of  Nassau  and  to  retain  him  in  the  Catholic  faith.  In  the 
last  object  the  plan  succeeded.  The  youth  was  kindly  treated  by  PhiHp,  and 
his  long  residence  in  Spain  nourished  in  him  so  strong  an  attachment  to  both 
Church  and  crown  that  he  was  ever  after  divorced  from  the  great  cause  in 
which  his  father  and  his  countrymen  were  embarked. 


'*  "  E^to  se  ha  de  projwner  en  la  forma  que 
yo  propuse  d  los  de  Auvers  los  cuatrocientos 
mill  florines  para  la  ciudadela,  y  que  ellos 
entiendan  que  aunque  se  les  propone  y  se  les 
pide,  es  en  tal  inanera  que  lo  que  pe  propu- 
Biere  no  s-  ha  de  dejar  de  hacer."  Documen- 
tos  in^ditos,  torn.  iv.  p.  492. 

■'"  Thus,  for  example,  when  Alva  states 
that  the  council  had  declared  all  those  who 
signed  the  Con  promise  guilly  of  t  eason, 
Philip  notes,  in  his  own  handwriting,  on  the 
margin  of  the  letter,  "The  same  should  be 
done  with  all  who  aided  and  abetted  them,  as 
in  fact  the  more  guilty  party."  (Correspon- 
dance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  590.)    These 


private  memoranda  of  Philip  are  of  real  value 
to  the  historian,  letting  him  behind  the  cur- 
tain, where  the  king's  own  ministers  could  not 
always  j>enetrate. 

"  Cornejo,  Disonsion  de  Flandes,  fol.  63, 
et  seq. — Hist,  des  Troubles  et  Guerres  civilea 
dis  Pays-Bas,  pp.  133-136.  —  Documentos 
inedit08,  torn.  iv.  pp.  428-439. — Archives  de 
la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau,  tom.  iii.  p.  119. 

^'  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  tom,  U. 
p.  13. 

"  ••  Non-seulement  afin  qu'il  servit  d'litage 
pour  ce  que  son  pere  pourrait  faire  en  AUe- 
magne,  mais  pour  qu'il  fut  elev6  cathoiique- 
ment."    Ibid.,  tom.  i.  p.  596. 


' 


The  prince  of  Orange  published  to  the  world  his  sense  of  the  injury  done 
to  him  by  this  high-handed  proceeding  of  the  duke  of  Alva ;  and  the  university 
of  Louvain  boldly  sent  a  committee  to  the  council  to  remonstrate  on  the 
violation  of  their  privileges.  Vargas  listened  to  them  with  a  smile  of  con- 
tempt, and,  as  he  dismissed  the  deputation,  exclaimed,  "iVo?i  curamus  vestros 
pnvilepos"—an  exclamation  long  remembered  for  its  bad  Latin  as  well  as 
for  its  insolence.'' 

It  may  well  be  believed  that  neither  William  nor  his  friends  obeyed  the 
summons  of  the  Council  of  Blood.  The  prince,  in  a  reply  which  was  printed 
and  circulated  abroad,  denied  the  authonty  of  Alva  to  try  him.  As  a  knight 
of  the  Golden  Fleece,  he  had  a  right  to  be  tried  by  his  peers  ;  as  a  citizen  of 
Brabant,  by  his  countrymen.  He  was  not  bound  to  present  himself  before 
an  incompetent  tribunal,— one,  moreover,  which  had  his  avowed  personal 
enemy  at  its  head.'* 

The  prince,  during  his  residence  in  Germany,  experienced  all  those  allevia- 
tions of  his  misfortunes  which  the  sympathy  and  support  of  powerful  friends 
could  aftbrd.  Among  these  the  most  deserving  of  notice  was  William  the 
Wise,  a  worthy  son  of  the  famous  old  landgrave  of  Hesse  who  so  stoutly 
maintained  the  Protestant  cause  against  Charles  the  Fifth.  He  and  the  elector 
of  Saxony,  both  kinsmen  of  William's  wife,  offered  to  provide  an  establish- 
ment for  the  prince,  while  he  remained  in  Germany,  which,  if  it  was  not  on 
the  magnificent  scale  to  which  he  had  been  used  in  the  Netherlands,  was  still 
not  unsuited  to  the  dignity  of  his  rank." 

The  little  court  of  William  received  every  day  fresh  accessions  from  those 
who  fled  from  persecution  in  the  Netherlands.  They  brought  with  them 
appeals  to  him  from  his  countrymen  to  inte'ipose  in  their  behalf.  The  hour 
had  not  yet  come.  But  still  he  was  not  idle.  He  was  earnestly  endeavouring 
to  interest  the  German  princes  in  the  cause,  was  strengthening  his  own 
resources,  and  steadily,  though  silently,  making  preparations  for  the  great 
struggle  with  the  oppressors  of  his  country. 

While  these  events  were  passing  in  the  Netherlands,  the  neighbouring 
monarchy  of  France  was  torn  by  those  religious  dissensions  which  at  this 
period  agitated,  in  a  greater  or  less  degree,  most  of  the  states  of  Christendom. 
(;ne  half  of  the  French  nation  was  in  arms  against  the  other  half.  At  the 
time  of  our  history  the  Huguenots  had  gained  a  temporary  advantage  ;  their 
combined  forces  were  beleaguering  the  capital,  in  which  the  king  and  Catherine 
de  Medicis,  his  mother,  were  then  held  prisoners.  In  this  extremity, 
Catherine  appealed  to  Margaret  to  send  a  body  of  troops  to  her  assistance. 
The  regent  hesitated  as  to  what  course  to  take,  and  referred  the  matter  to 
Alva.  He  did  not  hesitate.  He  knew  Philip's  disposition  in  regard  to 
France,  and  had  himself,  probably,  come  to  an  understanding  on  the  subject 
with  the  (lueen-mother  in  the  famous  interview  at  Bayonne.  He  proposed  to 
send  a  bouy  of  three  thousand  horse  to  her  relief.  At  the  same  time  ne  wrote 
to  Catherine,  offering  to  leave  the  Low  Countries  and  march  himself  to  her 
support  with  his  whole  strength,  five  thousand  horse  and  fifteen  thousand  foot, 
all  his  Spanish  veterans  included,  provided  she  would  bring  matters  to  an  issue 
and  finish  at  once  with  the  enemies  of  their  religion.  The  duke  felt  how 
powerfully  such  a  result  would  react  on  the  Catholic  cause  in  the  Netherlands. 

He  besought  Catherine  to  come  to  no  terms  with  the  rebels ;  above  all,  to 

•"  Strada,  De  BelloBelgico.tora.i.  p.  372.—  Troubles  des    Pays-Bas,  tom.  li.  p.  243.— 

Yandervynckt,  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas,  tom.  Auberi,  Histoire  de  HoUande,  p.  25. 

ii.  p.  261.  -"^  Archiven  de  la  Muison  d'Orange-Nassan, 

■**   Strada,    ubi     supra.  —  Vandcivynckt,  tom.  ill.  p.  159. 


324  CRUEL  POLICY  OF   ALVA. 

an  inluence  m  the  revolutionanr  'n?^"'"'','^;'"  *  to  the  hereHcs     "  Whiis 

encouraged  the  rZ^'^'ZtJ^.^tTi.^vtte^^^X-^^^^     to 
own  person,    he  declared,     ana  ^yui  »"  "'V^'^  r^viic»»8     Philin's  zeal  in  the 

'''ctttrinTSmcis  did  not  discover  the  ;»"Vv"rSic"v'ielf;hTch 
had  before  this  disgusted  her  royal  soninlaw  by  the  roUtic  vie^s  luiicn 
mingtel  with  her  religion.  On  the  present. occasion  ^^e  did  nrt  proht  by  Uie 
vliiiT.nt  nffor  marlp  to  her  bv  Alva  to  come  m  person  at  the  head  ol  ms  army. 
She  mav  tvHhought  so  imiiJable  a  presence  might  endanger  the  inde- 
Lndei.ce  of  the  goverment.    Roman  Catho'lic  as  she  «  as  at  heart,  she  preferred 

iseiore  tne  couni  le^^ui  k^  ,  victorious.     Catherine  made  a 

Wv",Xhe  dtomfit^  H^gueEote  as  favourable  to  them  as  if  they,  not 
.rLrwo^ttie  fight  Alva,  disgusted  with  the  issue  ordered  the  speedy 
Jet^u^of  Aremb^rg,%hose  preWnct  moreover,  was  needed  on  a  more  active 

*Xrin2  Xtwf  while  Margaret's  position  afforded  a  pitiable  contrast  to  the 
splendd^efeation  which  shI  had  occupied  for  so  many  years  a^  head  of  he 
Xernment  Not  only  had  the  actual  power  passed  from  her  Wsb^^t  he 
fplf  that  all  her  influence  had  gone  with  it.  hne  hardly  en.ioyeu  even  uie 
riyofremon  trance  In  this  p^osition,  she  had  the  advantage  of  ta^^^  rn^e 
favourably  situated  for  criticising  the  conduct  of  the  administration  than 


-  "  Or,  11  vaut  beawcoup  mieax  avoir  un 
royaumo  ruine,  en  le  conservant  pour  Dieu  et 
le  roi,  au  moyen  de  la  guerre,  que  de  I  avoir 
tout  entier  sans  celle-cl,  au  profit  du  d6mon  et 
des  hereUques,  srs  secUteurs."  Correspon- 
dance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p  609.  ^ 

"  This  appears  not  merely  from  the  king  s 
letters  to  the  duke,  but  from  a  still  more  un- 
equivocal testimony,  the  minutes  in  his  own 
handwriting  on  the  duke's  letters  to  him. 
See,  in  particular,  hia  summary  approval  of 
the  reply  which  Alva  tells  him  he  has  made 
to  Catherine  de  Medicis  :  "  Yo  lo  mismo,  todo 
lo  demas  que  dice  en  este  capitulo,  que  todo 
ha  8ido  muy  &  proposito."    Ibid.,  p.  691. 

'•  Ranke,    Civil  Ware   and  Monarchy  In 


France   in    the   Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth 
Centuries  (Eng.  trans.),  vol  i.  p.  349. 

"  The  cardinal  of  Lorraine  went  so  far  as 
to  offer,  in  a  certain  contingency,  to  put 
several  strong  frontier  places  into  Alv^s 
hands.  In  case  the  French  king  and  his 
brothers  should  die  without  heirs,  the  king  of 
Spain  might  urge  his  own  claim  through  his 
wife,  as  nearest  of  blood,  to  the  crown  of 
France.  "The  Salic  law."  adds  the  duke, 
"  is  but  a  jest.  All  difficulties  will  be  eanily 
smoothed  away  with  the  help  of  an  army. 
Philip,  in  a  marginal  note  to  this  letter,  in- 
timates his  relish  for  the  proposal.  5>ee 
Correspondance  de  Philippe  II-,  torn.  i.  p. 
593. 


DEPARTURE  OF  MARGARET. 


325 


-4 


when  she  was  herself  at  the  head  of  it.  She  became  more  sensible  of  the 
wrongs  of  the  people,— now  that  they  were  inflicted  by  other  hands  than  her 
own  She  did  not  refuse  to  intercede  in  their  behalf.  She  deprecated  the 
introduction  of  a  garrison  into  the  good  city  of  Brussels.  If  this  were  neces- 
sary, she  still  besought  the  duke  not  to  allow  the  loyal  mhabitante  to  be 
burdened  with  the  maintenance  of  the  soldiers.*"  But  he  turned  a  deaf  ear 
to  her  petition.  She  urged  that,  after  the  chastisement  already  inflicted  on 
the  nation,  the  only  way  to  restore  quiet  was  by  a  general  amnesty,  ihe 
duke  replied  that  no  amnesty  could  be  so  general  but  there  must  be  some 
exceptions,  and  it  would  take  time  to  determine  who  should  be  excepted.  She 
recominended  that  the  states  be  called  together  to  vote  the  supplies.  He 
evaded  this  also  by  saying  it  would  be  necessary  first  to  decide  on  the  amount 
of  the  subsidy  to  be  raised."  The  regent  felt  that  in  all  matters  of  real 
moment  she  had  as  little  weight  as  any  private  individual  m  the  country 

From  this  state  of  humiliation  she  was  at  last  relieved  by  the  return  of  her 
secretary,  Machiavelli,  who  brought  with  him  despatches  from  Ruy  ('Ome^ 
Philip's  favourite  minister.  He  informed  the  duchess  that  the  king,  though 
reluctantly,  had  at  last  acceded  to  her  request  and  allowed  her  to  resign  the 
government  of  the  provinces.  In  token  of  his  satisfaction  with  her  conduct, 
his  majesty  had  raised  the  pension  which  she  had  hitherto  enjoyed,  of  eight 
thousand  "florins,  to  fourteen  thousand,  to  be  paid  her  yearly  during  the 
remainder  of  her  life.  This  letter  was  dated  on  the  sixth  of  October." 
Margaret  soon  after  received  one,  dated  four  days  later,  from  Fhilip  himself, 
of  nmch  the  same  tenor  with  that  of  his  minister.  The  king,  ma  few  words, 
intimated  the  regret  he  felt  at  his  sister's  retirement  from  othce,  and  the 
sense  he  entertained  of  the  services  she  had  rendered  him  by  her  long  and 
faithful  administration."  , 

The  increase  of  the  pension  showed  no  very  extravagant  estimate  of  these 
services  ;  and  the  parsimonious  tribute  which,  after  his  long  silence,  he  now, 
in  a  few  brief  sentences,  paid  to  her  deserts,  too  plainly  intimated  that  all 
she  had  done  had  failed  to  excite  even  a  feeling  of  gratitude  in  the  bosom  of 
her  brother.**  At  the  same  time  with  the  letter  to  Margaret  came  a  com- 
mission to  the  duke  of  Alva,  investing  him  with  the  title  of  regent  and 
governor-general,  together  with  all  the  powers  that  had  been  possessed  by  his 

Margaret  made  only  one  request  of  Philip,  previous  to  her  departure.  This 
he  denied  her.  Her  father,  Charles  the  Fifth,  at  the  time  of  his  abtotion. 
had  called  the  states-general  together  and  taken  leave  of  them  m  a  farewell 
address,  which  was  stUl  cherished  as  a  legacy  by  jiis  subjects.  Margaret 
would  have  imitated  his  example.    The  grandeur  of  the  spectacle  pleased  her 


*"  The  municipality  of  Brussels,  alarmed  at 
the  interpretation  which  the  duke,  after 
Margaret's  departure,  might  put  on  certain 
equivocal  passages  In  their  recent  history, 
obtained  a  letter  from  the  regent,  in  which 
she  warmly  commends  the  good  people  of  the 
capital  a.s  zealous  Catholics,  loyal  to  their 
k  n?,  and  on  all  occa-sions  prompt  to  show 
til  m'^elves  the  friends  of  public  order.  See 
the  correspondence,  ap.  Gachard,  Analectes 
Belgiques,  p.  343,  et  seq. 

*'  Documentos  ineditos,  torn.  iv.  p.  481,  et 

seq. 
*-  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  1. 

*■•  The   king's    acknowledgments   to  his 


sister  are  condensed  into  the  sentence  with 
which  he  concludes  his  letter,  or.  mure  pro- 
perly, his  billet.  This  is  dated  October  13th, 
1668,  and  is  published  by  Gachard.  in  the 
Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn,  ii., 
Appen.iix,  No.  119. 

**  "EUe  re<;ut,"8ay8  De  Thou  with  some 
humour,  "  enfin  d  Espagne  une  lettre  pleine 
d'amitie  et  de  tendresse,  telle  qu'on  on  cou- 
tume  d'ecrire  a  une  personne  qu'on  rem<Tcie 
apres  I'avoir  depouillee  de  sa  dignite."  Hist, 
universelle,  tom.  v.  p.  439. 

"  A  copy  of  the  original  is  to  be  found  in 
the  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  tom.  U., 
Appendix,  No.  118. 


326 


CRUEL  POLICY  OF  ALVA. 


iraa^nation,  and  she  was  influenced,  no  doubt,  by  the  honest  desire  of  mani- 
festing, in  the  hour  of  separation,  some  feeliniijs  of  a  kindly  nature  for  the 
people  over  whom  she  had  ruled  for  so  many  years. 

But  Phihp,  as  we  have  seen,  had  no  reUsh  for  these  meetmgs  of  the  state",. 
He  had  no  idea  of  consenting  to  them  on  an  emergency  no  more  pressing  than 
tlie  present.  Margaret  was  obliged,  therefore,  to  relinquish  the  pageant,  and 
to  content  herself  with  taking  leave  of  the  people  by  letters  addressed  to  the 
principal  cities  of  the  provinces.  In  these  she  briefly  touched  on  the  ditti- 
culties  which  had  lain  in  her  path,  and  on  the  satisfaction  which  she  felt  at 
having  at  length  brought  the  country  to  a  state  of  tranc^uillity  and  order. 
She  besought  them  to  remain  always  constant  in  the  faith  m  which  they  had 
been  nurtured,  as  well  as  in  their  loyalty  to  a  prince  so  benign  and  merciful  as 
the  king,  her  brother.  In  so  doing,  the  blessing  of  Heaven  would  rest  upon 
them ;  and,  for  her  own  part,  she  would  ever  be  found  ready  to  use  her  good 
offices  in  their  behalf."  ^,  ,      ,   ^ 

She  proved  her  sincerity  by  a  letter  written  to  Philip,  before  her  departure, 
in  which  she  invoked  his  mercy  in  behalf  of  his  Flemish  subjects.  "  Mercy,' 
she  said,  "was  a  divine  attribute.  The  greater  the  power  possessed  by  a 
monarch,  the  nearer  he  approached  the  Deity,  and  the  more  should  he  strive 
to  imitate  the  divine  clemency  and  compassion.*'  His  royal  predecessors 
had  contented  themselves  with  punishing  the  leaders  of  sedition,  while  they 
spared  the  masses  who  repented.  Any  other  course  would  confound  the  good 
with  the  bad,  and  bring  such  calamities  on  the  country  as  his  majesty  could 
not  fail  to  appreciate."  "  Well  had  it  been  for  the  fair  fame  of  Margaret  if  her 
counsels  haa  always  been  guided  by  such  wise  and  magnanimous  sentiments. 

The  tidiugs  of  the  regent's  abdication  were  received  with  dismay  throughout 
the  provinces.  All  the  errors  of  her  government,  her  acts  of  duplicity,  the 
excessive  rigour  with  which  she  had  of  late  visited  offences,— all  were  forgotten 
in  the  regret  felt  for  her  departure.  Men  thought  only  of  the  prosperity 
which  the  country  had  enjoyed  under  her  rule,  the  confidence  which  in  eariier 
years  she  had  bestowed  on  the  friends  of  the  people,  the  generous  manner  in 
which  she  had  interposed  on  more  than  one  occasion  to  mitigate  the  hard 
policy  of  the  court  of  Madrid.  And  as  they  turned  from  these  more  brilliant 
passages  of  her  history,  their  hearts  were  filled  with  dismay  while  they  looked 
gloomily  into  the  future. 

Addresses  poured  in  upon  her  from  all  quarters.  The  different  cities  vied 
with  one  another  in  expressions  of  regret  for  her  departure,  while  they  invoked 
the  blessings  of  Heaven  on  her  remaining  days.  More  than  one  of  the 
provinces  gave  substantial  evidence  of  their  good  will  by  liberal  donatives. 
Brabant  voted  her  the  sum  of  twenty-five  thousand  florins,  and  Flanders 
thirty  thousand."  The  neighbouring  princes,  and  among  them  Elizabeth  of 
England,  joined  with  the  people  of  the  Netheriands  in  professions  of  respect  for 
the  regent,  as  well  as  of  regret  that  she  was  to  relinquish  the  government." 
Cheered  by  these  assurances  of  the  consideration  in  which  she  was  held  both 


•»  The  letter  has  been  inserted  by  Gachard 
in  the  Analectes  IJeliiiquea.  pp.  295-300. 

"  •♦  SupUcar  muy  humllmente,  y  con  toda 
afeccion,  que  V.  M .  use  de  clemencia  y  miseri- 
cordia  con  ellos,  conforme  a  la  esperanza  que 
t.int;t8  vezes  lea  ha  dado,  y  que  tenga  en  me- 
morla  que  cuantomas  grandes  son  los  reye8,y 
se  acercan  mas  &  Dies,  tanto  maa  deben  ser 
iniitadores  de  esta  grande  divina  bondad, 
poder,   y   clemencia."      Correspondance  de 


Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  603. 

♦"  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 

*•  Ibid.,  torn.  ii.p.  6. 

"  "SuperavitqueomnesElizabetha  Angliae 
Retdna,  tarn  bona?  caneque  sororis,  uti  scribe- 
bat,  vicinitatein  posterumcariiura; "  "Bive," 
adds  the  historian,  with  candid  eliepticism, 
"is  amor  fuit  in  Margaritam,  sive  sollicitndo 
ex  Albano  successore."  Strada,  De  Bello 
Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  365. 


MARGARET'S  ADMINISTRATION  REVIEWED. 


327 


at  home  and  abroad,  Margaret  quitted  Brussels  at  the  close  of  December,  1567. 
She  was  attended  to  the  borders  of  Brabant  by  Alva,  and  thence  conducted 
to  Germany  by  Count  Mansfeldt  and  an  escort  of  Flemish  nobles.  ihere 
bidding  adieu  to  all  that  remained  of  her  former  state,  she  pursued  ner 
journey  quietly  to  Italy.  For  some  time  she  continued  with  her  husband  in 
his  ducal  residence  at  Parma.  But,  wherever  lay  the  fault,  it  was  Margaret  s 
misfortune  to  taste  but  little  of  the  sweets  of  domestic  intercourse.  Soon 
afterwards  she  removed  to  Naples,  and  there  permanently  established  her 
abode,  on  estates  which  had  been  granted  her  bv  the  crown.  Many  years 
later,  when  her  son,  Alexander  Farnese,  was  called  to  the  government  of  the 
Netherlands,  she  qiiitted  her  retirement  to  take  part  with  him  in  the  direction 
of  public  art'airs.  It  was  but  for  a  moment ;  and  her  present  departure  from 
the  Netherlands  may  be  regarded  as  the  close  of  her  pohtical  existence. 

The  government  of  Margaret  continued  from  the  autumn  of  1559  to  the  end 
of  1567,  a  period  of  eight  years.  It  was  a  stormy  and  most  eventful  period ; 
for  it  was  then  that  the  minds  of  men  were  agitated  to  their  utmost  depths 
by  the  new  doctrines  which  gave  birth  to  the  revolution.  Margaret's  regency, 
indeed,  may  be  said  to  have  furnished  the  opening  scenes  of  that  great  drama. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  Low  Countries  were  accustomed  to  the  swa^  of  a 
woman.  Margaret  was  the  third  of  her  line  that  had  been  intrusted  with  the 
regency.  In  qualifications  for  the  office  she  was  probably  not  inferior  to  her 
predecessors.  Her  long  residence  in  Italy  had  made  her  acquainted  with  the 
principles  of  government  in  a  country  where  political  science  was  more  care- 
fully studied  than  in  any  other  quarter  of  Europe.  She  was  habitually  indus- 
trious, and  her  robust  frame  was  capable  of  any  amount  of  labour.  If  she 
was  too  masculine  in  her  nature  to  allow  of  the  softer  qualities  of  her  sex,  she 
was,  on  the  other  hand,  exempt  from  the  fondness  for  pleasure  and  from 
most  of  the  frivolities  which  belonged  to  the  women  of  the  voluptuous  clirae 
in  which  she  had  lived.  She  was  stanch  in  her  devotion  to  the  Catholic  faith ; 
and  her  loyalty  was  such  that  from  the  moment  of  assuming  the  government 
she  acknowledged  no  stronger  motive  than  that  of  conformity  to  the  will  of  her 
sovereign.  She  was  fond  of  power ;  and  she  well  knew  that,  with  Philip, 
absolute  conformity  to  his  will  was  the  only  condition  on  which  it  was  to  be 

With  her  natural  good  sense,  and  the  general  moderation  of  her  views,  she 
would,  doubtless,  have  ruled  over  the  land  as  prosperously  as  her  predecessors, 
had  the  times  been  like  theirs.  But,  unhappily  for  her,  the  times  had  greatly 
changed.  Still,  Margaret,  living  on  the  theatre  of  action  and  feeling  the 
pressure  of  circumstances,  would  have  gone  far  to  conform  to  the  chanee.  But 
unfortunately  she  represented  a  prince,  dwelling  at  a  distance,  who  knew  no 
change  himself,  allowed  no  concessions  to  others,— whose  conservative  policy 

rested  wholly  on  the  past. 

It  was  unfortunate  for  Margaret  that  she  never  fully  possessed  the  con- 
fidence of  Philip.  Whether  from  distrust  of  her  more  accommodating  temper 
or  of  her  capacity  for  government,  he  gave  a  larger  share  of  it,  at  the  outset, 
to  Granvelle  than  to  her.  If  the  regent  could  have  been  bUnd  to  thi^  her 
eyes  would  soon  have  been  opened  to  the  fact  by  the  rivals  who  hated  the 
minister.  It  was  not  long  before  she  hated  him  too.  But  the  removal  of 
Granvelle  did  not  establish  her  in  her  brother's  confidence.    It  rather  in- 


•'  Historians  vary  considerably  as  to  the 
date  of  Margaret's  departure.  She  crossed  the 
frontier  of  the  Netherlands  probably  by  the 
middle  of  January,  1568.    At  least,  we  fiod  a 


letter  from  her  to  Philip  w  hen  she  had  nearly 
reached  the  borders,  dated  at  Luxembourg,  on 
the  twelfth  of  that  month. 


323 


CRUEL  POLICY  OF  ALVA. 


creased  his  distrust,  by  the  necessity  it  imposed  on  her  of  throwing  herself 
into  the  arras  of  the  opposite  party,  the  friends  of  the  people.  From  this 
moment  Philip's  confidence  was  more  heartily  bestowed  on  the  duke  of  Alva, 
even  on  the  oanished  Granvelle,  than  on  the  recent.  Her  letters  remained 
too  often  unanswered.  The  answers,  when  they  did  come,  furnished  only  dark 
ana  mysterious  hints  of  the  course  to  be  pursued.  She  was  left  to  work  out 
the  problem  of  goverRiiiciit  bj  aerseh',  sure  for  every  blunder  to  be  called  to  a 
strict  account  Rumours  of  the  speedy  coming  of  the  king  suggested  the  idea 
that  her  own  dominion  was  transitory,  soon  to  be  superseded  by  that  of  a 

higher  power.  i       ,* 

u  nder  these  disadvantages  she  might  well  have  lost  all  reliance  on  herself. 
She  was  not  even  supplied  with  the  means  of  carrying  out  her  own  schemes. 
She  was  left  without  money,  without  arms,  without  the  power  to  pardon. — 
more  important,  with  a  brave  and  generous  race,  than  the  power  to  punish. 
Thus,  destitute  of  resources,  without  the  confidence  of  her  employer,  with  the 
people  stoutly  demanding  concessions  on  the  one  side,  with  the  sovereign 
sternly  refusing  them  on  the  other,  it  is  little  to  say  that  Margaret  was  in  a 
false  position.  Her  position  was  deplorable.  She  ought  not  to  nave  remained 
in  it  a  day  after  she  found  that  she  could  not  hold  it  with  honour.  But  Mar- 
garet was  too  covetous  of  power  readily  to  resign  it.  Her  misunderstanding 
with  her  husband  made  her,  moreover,  somewhat  dependent  on  her  brother. 

At  last  came  the  Compromise  and  the  league.  Margaret's  eyes  seemed  now 
to  be  first  opened  to  the  direction  of  the  course  she  was  taking.  This  was 
followed  by  the  explosion  of  the  iconoclasts.  The  shock  fully  awoke  her  from 
her  delusion.  She  was  as  zealous  for  the  Catholic  Church  as  Philip  himself ; 
and  she  saw  with  horror  that  it  was  trembling  to  its  foundations.  A  complete 
change  seemed  to  take  place  in  her  convictions,— in  her  very  nature.  She 
repudiated  aU  those  with  whom  she  had  hitherto  acted.  She  embraced,  as 
heartily  as  he  could  desire,  the  stern  policy  of  Philip.    She  proscribed,  she 

Eersecuted,  she  punished,— and  that  with  an  excess  of  rigour  that  does  little 
onour  to  her  memory.  It  was  too  late.  The  distrust  of  Philip  was  not  to 
be  removed  by  this  tardy  compliance  with  his  wishes.  A  successor  was 
already  appointed ;  and  at  the  very  moment  when  she  flattered  herself  that 
the  tranquillity  of  the  country  ana  her  own  authority  were  established  on  a 
permanent  basis,  the  duke  of  Alva  was  on  his  march  across  the  mountains. 

Yet  it  was  fortunate  for  Margaret's  reputation  that  she  was  succeeded  in 
the  government  by  a  man  like  Alva.  The  darkest  spots  on  her  administration 
became  light  when  brought  into  comparison  with  his  reign  of  terror.  From 
this  point  of  view  it  has  been  criticised  by  the  writers  of  her  own  time  and 
those  of  later  ages.*'  And  in  this  way,  probably,  as  the  student  who  ponders 
the  events  of  her  history  may  infer,  a  more  favourable  judgment  has  been 
passed  upon  her  actions  than  would  be  warranted  by  a  calm  and  deliberate 
scrutiny. 


•■  See,  among  others,  Strada,  De  Belle 
Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  12«;  Guerres  civiles  du 
Pays-Baa.  p.  128;  Oe  Then.  Hist,  gen.,  torn. 
V.  p.  439 ;  and  Renom  de  Francia,  Alborotos 
de  Flandes,  MS,,  who  in  these  words  con- 
cludes his  notice  of  Margaret's  departure: 


"  DeJAndo  gran  reputacion  de  su  virtud  y  un 
sentimiento  de  su  partida  en  los  corazones  de 
loe  vasallos  de  por  acii  el  qual  creclo  mucho 
despues  ansi  continue  quando  se  desci  ibio  el 
gusto  de  los  humores  y  andamientos  de  eu 


succesor. 


t 


\ 


\ 


t 


NUMEROUS  ARRESTS.  329 


CHAPTER  III. 

REIGN   OF   TERROR. 

Numerous  Arrests— Trials  and  Executions— Confiscations— Orange  assembles  an  Army- 
Battle  of  Heyligerlee— Alva's  Proceedings. 

1568. 

In  the  beginning  of  1568,  Philip,  if  we  may  trust  the  historians,  resorted  to  a 
very  extraordinary  measure  for  justifying  to  the  world  his  rigorous  proceed- 
in4  against  the  Netherlands.  He  submitted  the  case  to  the  Inquisition  at 
Madrid ;  and  that  ghostly  tribunal,  after  duly  considering  the  evidence 
derived  from  the  information  of  the  king  and  of  the  inquisitors  m  the  JS  ether- 
lands,  came  to  the  following  decision.  All  who  had  been  guilty  of  heresy, 
apostasy,  or  sedition,  and  all,  moreover,  who,  though  professing  themselves 
good  Catholics,  had  ottered  no  resistance  to  these,  were,  with  the  exception  of 
a  few  specified  individuals,  thereby  convicted  of  treason  m  the  highest  degree. 
This  sweeping  judgment  was  followed  by  a  royal  edict,  dated  on  the  same 
day,  the  sixteenth  of  February,  in  which,  after  reciting  the  language  of  the 
Inquisition,  the  whole  nation,  with  the  exception  above  stated,  was  sentenced, 
wiOiout  distinction  of  sex  or  age,  to  the  penalties  of  treason,-4eath  and  con- 
fiscation  of  property ;  and  this,  the  decree  went  on  to  say,  "without  any  hope 
of  grace  whatever,  that  it  might  serve  for  an  example  and  a  warnmg  to  all 

future  time !"'  ,  i.  j  i.u      i,  -4.  i,«„ 

It  is  ditticult  to  give  credit  to  a  story  so  monstrous,  repeated  though  it  has 
been  by  successive  writers  without  the  least  distrust  of  its  correctness.  JSot 
that  anything  can  be  too  monstrous  to  be  believed  of  the  Inquisition.  Uut  it 
is  not  easy  to  believe  that  a  sagacious  prince  like  Philip  the- Second,  however 
willing  he  might  be  to  shelter  himself  under  the  mantle  of  the  Holy  Oftice, 
could  have  lent  himself  to  an  act  as  impoUtic  as  it  was  absurd  ;  one  that,  con- 
founding the  innocent  with  the  guilty,  would  drive  both  to  desperation,- 
would  incite  the  former,  from  a  sense  of  injury,  to  take  up  rebellion,  by  which 
there  was  nothing  more  to  lose,  and  the  latter  to  persist  m  it,  smce  there  was 

nothing  more  to  hope.'  ,  .  .    •     x^      • *i,^ 

The  messenger  who  brought  to  Margaret  the  royal  permission  to  resign  the 
regency  delivered  to  Alva  his  commission  as  captam -general  of  the  Nether- 
lands. This  would  place  the  duke,  as  Philip  wrote  him,  beyond  the  control  of 
the  council  of  finance  in  the  important  matter  of  the  confiscations.*  It  raised 
him  indeed,  not  only  above  that  council,  but  above  every  other  council  in  the 
country     It  gave  huu  an  authority  not  less  than  that  of  the  sovereign  hun- 


^ 


»  De  Thou,  Hist.  g6n.,  torn.  v.  p.  437.— 
Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas,  fol.  64.-The 
latter  historian  cites  the  words  of  the  original 
instrument. 

=  "  Voulans  et  ordonnans  quainsi  en  soit 
faict.  afin  que  ceste  serieuse  sentence  serve 
d'exemple.  et  donne  crainte  pour  radveinr, 
nans  aucune  esperance  de  grace."  Meteren, 
Hist,  des  Pays-Bas,  fol.  54. 

^  Among  contemporary  writers  whom  l 
have  consulteti,  I  find  no  authorities  for  this 
remarkable  statement  except  Meteren  and 
De  Th.u.    Tliis  miiht  seem  strauge  to  one 


who  credited  the  story,  but  not  so  strange  as 
that  a  proceeiling  so  extraordinary  should 
have  escaped  the  vigilance  of  Llorente,  the 
secretary  of  the  Holy  OfiBce,  who  had  all  its 
papers  at  his  command.  I  have  met  with  no 
allusion  whatever  to  it  in  his  pages. 

*  "  Au  moyen  de  la  patente  de  gouvemeur 
general  que  le  due  aura  re9ue,  11  pourra  faire 
cesser  les  entraves  que  metuit  le  conseil  dee 
finances  a  ce  qu'il  disposat  des  denicrs  des 
confiscations."  Correspondance  de  Philippe 
II.,  torn.  i.  p.  609. 


330 


REIGN  OF  TERROR. 


self.  And  Alva  prepared  to  stretch  this  to  an  extent  greater  than  any  sove- 
rei'^n  of  the  Netherlands  had  ever  ventured  on.  The  tnne  had  now  come  to 
put  his  terrible  machinery  into  operation.  The  regent  was  gone,  who,  if  she 
could  not  curb,  might  at  least  criticise  his  actions.  The  prisons  were  full ; 
the  processes  were  completed.    Nothing  remained  but  to  pass  sentence  and 

°0n  the  'fourth  of  January,  1568,  we  find  eighty-four  persons  sentenced  to 
death  at  Valenciennes  on  the  charge  of  having  taken  part  in  the  late  move- 
ments,— religious  or  political.*  On  the  twentieth  of  February,  ninety-five 
persons  were  arraigned  before  the  Council  of  Blood,  and  thirty-seven  capitally 
co!ivicted.«  On  the  twentieth  of  March  thirty-five  more  were  condemned. 
The  governor's  emissaries  were  out  in  every  direction.  "  I  heard  that  preach- 
ing was  going  on  at  Antwerp,"  he  writes  to  Philip,  "  and  I  sent  my  own  pro- 
vost there,  for  I  cannot  trust  the  authorities.  He  arrested  a  good  number  of 
heretics.  They  will  never  attend  another  such  meeting.  The  magistrates 
complain  that  the  interference  of  the  provost  was  a  violation  of  their  privileges. 
The  raa^nstrates  may  as  well  take  it  patiently."'  The  pleasant  manner  m 
which  the  duke  talks  over  the  fate  of  his  victims  with  his  master  may  remind 
one  of  the  similar  dialogues  between  Petit  Andre  and  Louis  the  Eleventh, 

in "  Qiieutin  Durward."  ,  .     .,      i.u       •^• 

The  proceedings  in  Ghent  may  show  the  course  pursued  in  the  other  cities. 
Commissioners  were  sent  to  that  capital,  to  ferret  out  the  suspected.  No  le^^s 
than  a  hundred  and  forty-seven  were  summoned  before  the  council  atBmssels. 
Their  names  were  cried  about  the  streets  and  posted  up  in  placards  on  the 
public  buildings.  Among  them  were  many  noble  and  wealthy  individuals. 
The  officers  were  particularly  instructed  to  ascertain  the  wealth  of  the  parties. 
Most  of  the  accused  contrived  to  make  their  escape.  They  preferred  flight  to 
the  chance  of  an  acquittal  by  the  bloody  tribunal,— though  flight  involved 
certain  banishment  and  confiscation  of  property.  Eighteen  only  answered 
the  summons  by  repairing  to  Brussels.  They  were  all  arrested  on  the  same 
day,  at  their  lodginsrs,  and,  without  exception,  were  sentenced  to  death  ! 
Five  or  six  of  the  principal  were  beheaded.  The  rest  perished  on  the  gallows.* 
Impatient  of  what  seemed  to  him  a  too  tardy  method  of  following  up  his 
game,  the  duke  determined  on  a  bolder  movement,  and  laid  his  nlans  for 
driving  a  goodly  number  of  victims  into  the  toils  at  once.  He  fixed  on  Ash 
Wednesday  for  the  time,— the  beginning  of  Lent,  when  men,  after  the  Car- 
nival was  past,  would  be  gathered  soberly  in  their  own  dwellings. '•  The 
otficers  of  justice  entered  their  premises  at  dead  of  night,  and  no  less  than 
five  hundred  citizens  were  dragged  from  their  beds  and  hurried  off  to  prison." 


•  BulletinB  de  I'Academie  Royale  de  Bel- 
giqii^,  torn.  xvi.  par.  ii.  p.  62. 

Ibid.,  p.  62. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  63. 

•  "  Le  niai?i«trat  s'est  plaint  de  I'infractfon 
de  ses  privilege's,  k  cause  de  I'envoi  dudit 
previit;  raais  il  fandra  bien  qu'il  prenne 
patience."    Correspondance  de  Philippe  II., 

torn.  ii.  p.  13. 

•  Vandervynckt,  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas, 
torn.  ii.  pp.  243-247.— The  author  tells  us  he 
collected  these  particulars  from  the  memoirs 
and  diaries  of  eye -witnesses.—con firmed, 
moreover,  by  the  acts  and  public  registers  of 
the  time,  the  authenticity  of  the  statement, 
he  adds,  is  incontestable. 

'»  See  the  circular  of  Alva  to  the  ofBcers 


charged  with  these  arrests,  in  the  Correspon- 
dance de  Philippe  II.,  torn,  ii.,  Appendix,  p. 
660. 

"  "Kt,  aflRn  que  ledict  due  d'Alve  face 
apparoir  de  plus  son  affection  sanguinaire  et 
tyrannicque,  il  a,  passe  pen  de  temps,  faict 
appr^hender,  tout  sur  une  nuict  [le  3  mars, 
1568],  en  toutes  les  viUes  des  pays  d'embas, 
ung  grand  nombre  de  ceulx  qu'il  a  tenu 
suspect  en  leur  foy.  et  les  faict  mectre  hors 
leurs  maisons  et  lictz  en  prison,  pour  en 
apres  a  sa  commodite,  faire  son  plaisir  et 
volunte  avecque  lesdicts  prisonniers."  Cor- 
respondance de  Gulllaume  le  Taciturne,  torn, 
iii.  p.  9. — Th<»  extract  is  from  a  memorial 
addressed  by  William  to  the  empe' or,  vindi- 
cating his  own  course,  anil  exposing,  with  the 


TRIALS  AND  EXECUTIONS. 


331 


They  all  received  sentence  of  death ! "  "  I  have  reiterated  the  sentence  again 
and  again,"'  be  writes  to  Philip,  "  for  they  torment  me  witli  inquiries  whether 
in  this  or  that  case  it  might  not  be  commuted  for  banishment.  They  weary 
me  of  my  life  with  their  importunities."  '*  He  was  not  too  weary,  however, 
to  go  on  with  the  bloody  work  ;  for  in  the  same  letter  we  rind  him  reckoning 
that  three  hundred  heads  more  must  fall  before  it  will  be  time  to  talk  of  a 
general  pardon.'* 

It  was  common,  says  an  old  chronicler,  to  see  thirty  or  forty  persons  arrested 
at  once.  The  wealthier  burghers  might  be  seen,  with  their  arms  pinioned 
behind  them,  dragged  at  the  horse's  tail  to  the  place  of  execution.'*  The 
poorer  sort  were  not  even  summoned  to  take  their  trial  in  Brussels.  Their 
cases  were  despatched  at  once,  and  they  were  hung  up,  without  further  delay, 
in  the  city  or  in  the  suburbs.  "* 

Brandt,  in  his  History  of  the  Reformation,  has  collected  many  particulars 
respecting  the  persecution,  especially  in  his  own  province  of  Holland,  during 
that  "  reign  of  terror."  Men  of  lower  consideration,  when  dragged  to  prison, 
were  often  cruelly  tortured  on  the  rack,  to  extort  confessions  implicating 
themselves  or  their  friends.  The  modes  of  death  adjudged  by  the  bloody 
tribunal  were  various.  Some  were  beheaded  with  the  sword,— a  distinction 
reserved,  as  it  would  seem,  for  persons  of  condition.  Some  were  sentenced  to 
the  gibbet,  and  others  to  the  stake."  This  last  punishment,  the  most  dread- 
ful of  all,  was  confined  to  the  greater  offenders  against  religion.  But  it  seems 
to  have  been  left  much  to  the  caprice  of  the  judges,  sometimes  even  of  the 
brutal  soldiery  who  superintended  the  executions.  At  least  we  find  the 
Spanish  soldiers,  on  one  occasion,  in  their  righteous  indignation,  throwing 
into  the  flames  an  unhappy  Protestant  preacher  whom  the  court  had  sen- 
tenced to  the  gallows." 

The  soldiers  of  Alva  were  many  of  them  veterans,  who  had  borne  arms 
against  the  Protestants  under  Charles  the  Fifth,— comrades  of  the  men  who 
at  that  very  time  were  hunting  down  the  natives  of  the  New  World  and 
slaughtering  them  bv  thousand  in  the  name  of  religion.  With  them  the 
sum  and  substance  of  religion  were  comprised  in  a  blind  faith  in  the  Romish 
Church,  and  in  uncompromising  hostility  to  the  heretic.  The  life  of  the 
heretic  was  the  most  acceptable  sacrifice  that  could  be  offered  to  Jehovah. 
With  hearts  thus  seared  by  fanaticism  and  made  callous  by  long  familiarity 
with  human  suffering,  they  were  the  very  minister  to  do  the  bidding  of  such 
a  master  as  the  duke  of  Alva. 


indignant  eloquence  of  a  patriot,  the  wrongs 
and  calamities  of  his  country.  This  docu- 
ment, printed  by  Gacbard,  is  a  version  from 
the  German  original  by  the  hand  of  a  con- 
temporary. A  modern  translation — bo  am- 
bitious in  its  style  that  one  may  distrust  its 
fidelity— is  also  to  be  found  in  the  Archives 
de  la  Maison  d'Oiange-Massau,  Supplement, 
p.  91,  et  8eq. 

"  "Se  prendieron  cercadequinientos.  .  .  . 
He  mandado  justiciar  todos,"  says  Alva  to 
the  king,  in  a  letter  written  in  cipher,  April 
13tb.  1568.  (IkKumentos  ineditos,  tom.  iv.  p. 
488.)  Not  one  escaped  !  It  is  told  with  an  air 
of  nonchalatice  truly  appalling. 

"  ''Que  cada  dia  lue  quiebran  la  cabeza 
con  dudas  de  que  si  el  que  delinquid  desta 
manera  mercsce  la  muerte,  6  si  el  que  de- 
linqui6  desta  otra  meresce  destierro,  que  no 


me  dejan  vivir,  y  no  basta  con  ellos."  Ibid., 
ubi  supra. 

'*  "En  este castigo  que  agora se  hace  y  en 
el  que  vendr^  despues  de  Pascua  tengo  que 
pasar^  de  ochocientas  cabezas."  Ibid.,  p. 
489. 

'*  "  Les  Bourgeois  qui  estoyet  riches  de 
quarante,  soixante,  et  cent  mille  florins,  il  les 
fay  soil  attacher  a  la  queue  d'un  cheval,  et 
ain.si  les  faysoit  trainer,  ayant  les  mains  liees 
sur  le  dos,  jusques  au  lieu  oii  on  les  dt  bvoit 
pendre."  JSdetenn,  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas,  fol. 
65. 

'•  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

"  "  Ille  [Vargas]  promlscue  laqueo,  Igne, 
homines  enecare."    Keidanus,  Annales,  p.  6. 

'•  Brandt,  Reformation  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, vol,  I.  p.  274. 


332  REIGN  OF  TERROR 

The  cnielty  of  the  persecutors  was  met  by  an  indomitahle  courage  on  the 
part  of  their  victims.    Most  of  the  offences  were,  in  some  way  or  other  con- 
nected with  rehgion.    The  accused  were  preachers,  or  had  aided  and  comforted 
the  prSerl  or  had  attended  their  services,  or  joined  the  consistories  or 
attbrSST  eWtoce,  in  some  form,  that  they  had  espoused  the  danmah  e 
doctrines  of  heres}.    It  is  precisely  in  such  a  case,  where  men  are  called    o 
suffer  for  conscience'  sake,  that  they  are  prepared  to  endure  allr-to  d^  m 
defence  of  their  opinions.    The  storm  of  Persecution  fell  on  persons  of  eve^^ 
condition  ;  men  and  women,  the  young,  the  old,  the  infirm  and  helpless.    But 
the  weaker  the  party,  the  more 'did  lis  spirit  rise  to  endure  his  sufferings 
Many  affecting  instances  are  recorded  of  persons  who,  with  no  support  but 
their  trust  in  Heaven,  displayed  the  most  heroic  fortitude  in  the  presence  of 
their  judges,  and,  by  the  boldness  with  which  they  asseited  their  opinions 
seemed  even  to  court  the  crown  of  martyrdom.    On  the  scaffold  and  at  the 
stake  this  intrepid  spirit  did  not  desert  them  ;  and  the  testimony  they  bore  to 
the  truth  of  the  cause  for  which  they  sutiered  had  such  an  efiect  on  the  by- 
standers that  it  was  found  necessary  to  silence  them.    A  cruel  ^e^ice  for  more 
effectually  accomplishing  this  was  employed  by  the  officials,     ihe  tip  ot  the 
tongue  was  seared  with  a  red-hot  iron,  and  the  swollen  member  then  com- 
pressed between  two  plates  of  metal  screwed  fast  together.    Thus  gagged,  the 
groans  of  the  wretched  sufferer  found  vent  in  strange  sounds  that  excited  the 
bnital  merriment  of  his  tormentors.'*  _         j    ^  v„  *v^  ^^^,.io  nf 

But  it  is  needless  to  dwell  longer  on  the  miseries  endured  by  the  pe(>ple  o! 
the  Netheriands  in  this  season  of  trial.  Yet,  if  the  cruelties  perpetrated  m 
the  name  of  religion  are  most  degrading  to  humanity,  they  must  be  allowed 
to  have  called  forth  the  most  sublime  spectacle  which  humanity  can  present, 
—that  of  the  martyr  offering  up  his  life  on  the  altar  of  principle 

It  is  difficult— in  fact,  from  the  data  in  my  possession,  not  possible-to 
calculate  the  number  of  those  who  fell  by  the  hand  of  the  executioner  m  this 
dismal  persecution.'^*  The  number,  doubtless,  was  not  great  «-«  compared  with 
the  population  of  the  country,— not  so  great  as  we  may  find  left,  almost  every 
year  of  our  lives,  on  a  single  battle-field.  When  the  forms  of  le^al  proceeding^ 
kre  maintained,  the  movements  of  justice-if  the  name  can  be  so  profaned 
-are  comparatively  tardy.  It  Ls  only,  as  in  the  French  Revolution,  when 
thousands  are  swept  down  by  the  cannon,  or  whole  cargoes  of  wretched  victims 
are  plunged  at  once  into  the  waters,  that  death  moves  on  with  the  gigantic 
striae  of  pestilence  and  war.  .  •    .       .  .    ,       .-     ^^  j 

But  the  amount  of  suffering  from  such  a  persecution  is  not  to  be  estimated 


'•  "Hark  how  they  sing!"  exclaimed  a 
friar  in  the  crowd ;  "  should  they  not  be  made 
tt>  dance  too  ?  "  Brandt,  Reformation  in  the 
Low  Countries,  vol.  1.  p.  275. 

■"'  It  will  be  understood  that  I  am  speaking 
of  the  period  embraced  in  this  portion  of  the 
history,  terminating  at  the  beginning  of  June, 
1568,  when  the  Council  of  Blood  had  been  in 
active  operation  about  four  months, — the 
period  when  the  sword  of  legal  persecution 
fell  heaviest.  A  iva,  in  the  letter  above  cited 
to  Philip,  admits  eight  hundred-including 
three  hundred  to  be  examined  after  Ea>ter— 
as  the  number  of  victims.  (Documentos 
ineditos,  torn,  iv,  p.  489.)  Viglius,  in  a  letter 
of  the  twenty-ninth  of  March,  says  fifteen 
hundred  had  been  already  cited  before  the 
tribunal,  the  greater  part  of  whom— they  had 


probably  fled  the  cotmtry— were  condemned 
for  contumacy.  (Epist.  ad  Hoppenam,  p. 
415.)  Grotius.  alluding  to  this  period,  spf  aks 
even  more  vaguely  of  the  multitude  of  tlie 
victims,  as  innumerable :  "  Stipata*  reis  custo- 
disB,  innumei  i  mortalps  necatl :  ubique  una 
species  ut  captK  civitatis."  (Annales,  p.  29.) 
So  also  Hooft,  cited  by  Brandt:  "The 
Gallows,  the  Wheels,  Stakes,  and  Trees  in 
the  highways,  were  loaden  with  carcasses  or 
limbs  of  such  as  had  been  hanged,  beheaded, 
or  roasted  ;  so  that  the  air,  which  God  had 
made  for  respiration  of  the  living,  was  now 
become  the  common  grave  or  habitation  of 
the  dead."  (Reformation  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, vol.  i,  p.  261.)  l^anguage  like  this, 
however  expressive,  does  Utile  for  statistics. 


CONFISCATIONS. 


333 


merely  by  the  number  of  those  who  have  actually  suffered  death,  when  the 
fear  of  death  hung  like  a  naked  sword  over  every  mans  head.  Alva  had 
expressed  to  Phihp  the  wish  that  every  man,  as  he  lay  down  at  night  or  as  he 
ro^  in  the  morning,  "  might  feel  that  his  house,  at  any  hour,  might  fall  and 
crush  him!""  This  humane  wish  was  accomplished.  Those  who  escaped 
death  had  to  fear  a  fate  scarcely  less  dreadful,  in  banishment  and  confiscation 
of  property.  The  persecution  very  soon  took  this  direction  ;  and  persecution 
when  prompted  by  avarice  is  even  more  odious  than  when  it  springs  from 
fanaticism,  which,  however  degrading  in  itself,  is  but  the  perversion  of  the 

^^Stencrofperpetual  exile  and  confiscation  was  pronounced  at  once  against 
all  who  fled  the  country."  Even  the  dead  were  not  spared ;  as  is  shown  by 
the  process  instituted  against  the  marquis  of  Bergen  for  the  confiscation  of  his 
estates  on  the  charge  of  treason.  That  nobleman  had  gone  with  Montigny ,  as 
the  reader  may  remember,  on  his  mission  to  Madrid,  where  he  had  recently 
died,- more  fortunate  than  his  companion,  who  survived  for  a  darker  destiny. 
The  duke's  emissaries  were  everywhere  active  in  making  up  theu:  inventories 
of  the  property  of  the  suspected  parties.  "I  am  going  to  arrest  some  of  the 
richest  ancfthe  worst  offenders,"  writes  Alva  to  his  master,  "and  bring  them 
to  a  pecuniary  composition."  "  lie  shall  next  proceed,  he  says  ^^f  ;.^^^^^« 
delinquent  cities,  fn  this  way  a  round  sum  wiU  flow  into  his  majesty  s  coffers 
The  victims  of  this  cla^  were  so  numerous  that  we  find  a  single  sentence  of 
the  council  sometimes  comprehending  eighty  or  a  hundred  mdividuals.  One 
before  me,  in  fewer  words  than  are  taken  up  by  the  names  of  the  parties 
dooms  no  less  than  a  hundred  and  thirty-five  uiabitants  of  Amsteriam  to 

confiscation  and  exile.**  ,  ,.  a      •  i.-  4.-^  v^«^ 

One  may  imagine  the  distress  brought  on  this  once  flourishing  country  by 
this  wholesale  proscription  ;  for,  besides  the  parties  directly  interested,  there 
was  a  host  of  others  incidentally  affected,-hospitals  and  charitable  estabhsh- 
ments,  widows  and  helpless  orphans,  now  reduced  to  want  by  the  fadure  of 
the  sources  which  supplied  them  with  their  ordinary  subsistence.'^*  Slow  and 
sparing  must  have  bSn  the  justice  doled  out  to  such  imootent  creditors,  when 
tFiey  preferred  their  claims  tb  a  tribunal  Uke  the  Councif  of  Blood  !  The  effect 
was  soon  visible  in  the  decay  of  trade  and  the  rapid  depopulation  of  the  towns 
Notwithstanding  the  dreadful  penalties  denounced  agamst  fu^tiyes,  great 
numbers,  especially  from  the  border  states,  contnved  to  make  their  es^a]^; 
The  neighbouring  districts  of  Germany  opened  their  arms  to  the  wanderers  , 
and  many  a  wretohed  exile  from  the  northern  provinces,  flying  across  the 
frozen  waters  of  the  Zuyder  Zee,  found  refuge  within  the  hospitable  walls  of 
Sden.»^  Even  in  an  inland  city  like  Ghent,  half  the  houses,  if  we  may 


«'  Correspondance   de  Philippe  II.,  torn. 

"Sentences  passed  by  the  Council  of 
Blood  against  a  great  number  of  individuals 
—two  thousand  or  more— have  been  collected 
in  a  little  \olume  (Sententien  en  Indagingen 
van  Alba)  published  at  Amsterdam  in  1735. 
The  parties  condemned  were  for  the  most 
part  natives  of  Holland,  Zealand,  and  Utrecht. 
They  would  seem,  with  very  few  exceptions, 
to  have  been  absentees,  and,  being  pronounced 
guilty  of  contumacy,  were  sentenced  to  banish- 
ment and  the  confiscation  of  their  property. 
The  volume  furnishes  a  more  emphatic  com- 
mentary on  the  proceedings  of  Alva  than  any- 
thing which  could  come  from  the  pen  of  the 


historian.  , 

"  •«  Acabando  este  castlgo  comenzare  a  pren- 
der  algunos  particulares  de  los  mas  culpadoa 
y  mas  ricos  para  moverlos  6.  que  vengan  a 
composicion."      Documentos  Ineditos,  torn. 

iv.  p.  48».  .,,.!» 

»♦  ••  Destos  tales  se  saque  todo  el  golpe  de 
dlnero  que  sea  possible."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

»'  Sententien  van  Alva,  bl.  122-124. 

■^  »'  Combien  d'Hospitaux,  Vefues,  et  Or- 
phelins,  estoyent  par  ce  moyen  priv68  de 
feur  rentes,  et  moyes  de  vivre ! "  Meteren, 
Hlet.  des  Pajrs-Bas,  fol  55. 

»'  Brandt,  Reformation  In  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, vol.  I.  p.  i66. 


334 


REIGN  OF  TERROR. 


credit  the  historian,  were  abandoned.'"  Not  a  family  was  there,  he  says,  but 
some  of  its  members  had  tasted  the  bitterness  of  exile  or  of  death. *•  "  The 
fury  of  persecution,"  writes  the  prince  of  Orange,  "  spreads  such  horror 
throughout  the  nation  that  thousands,  and  among  them  some  of  the  principal 
Panists,  have  fled  a  country  where  tyranny  seems  to  be  direct«l  against  all, 
without  distinction  of  faith."  »• 

Yet  in  a  financial  point  of  view  the  results  did  not  keep  pace  with  Alva's 
wishes.  Notwithstanding  the  large  amount  of  the  confiscations,  the  proceeds, 
as  he  complains  to  Philip,  were  absorbed  in  so  many  ways,  especially  by  the 
peculation  of  his  agents,  that  he  doubted  whether  the  expense  would  not  come 
to  more  than  the  profits  !  "  He  was  eipially  dissatisfied  with  the  conduct  of 
other  functionaries.  The  commissioners  sent  into  the  provinces,  instead  of 
using  their  eflforts  to  detect  the  guilty,  seemed  disposed,  he  said,  rather  to 
conceal  them.  Even  the  members  of  the  Council  ot  Troubles  manifested  so 
much  apathy  in  their  vocation  as  to  give  him  more  annoyance  than  the  delin- 
quents themselves  ! "  The  only  person  who  showed  any  zeal  in  the  service 
was  Vargas.  He  was  worth  all  the  others  of  the  council  put  together."  The 
duke  might  have  excepted  from  this  sweeping  condemnation  Hessels,  the 
lawyer  of  Ghent,  if  the  rumours  concerning  him  were  true.  This  worthy 
councillor,  it  is  said,  would  sometimes  fall  asleep  in  his  chair,  worn  out  by  the 
fatigue  of  trying  causes  and  signing  death-warrants.  In  this  state,  when 
suddenly  called  on  to  pronounce  the  doom  of  the  prisoner,  he  would  cry  out, 
half  awake,  and  rubbing  his  eyes,  "  Adpatihidum  I  Ad  patibuUm  /"— "  To 
the  gallows  !  To  the  gallows  !^'  " 

But  Vargas  was  after  the  duke's  own  heart.  Alva  was  never  weary  of 
commending  his  follower  to  the  kinff.  He  besought  Philip  to  interpose  in  his 
behalf,  and  cause  three  suits  which  had  been  brought  against  that  functionary 
to  be  suspended  during  his  absence  from  Spain.  The  king*  accordingly 
addressed  the  judge  on  the  subject.  But  the  magistrate  (his  name  should 
have  been  preserved)  had  the  independence  to  reply  that  "justice  must  take 
its  course,  and  could  not  be  suspended  from  favour  to  any  one."  "  Nor  would 
I  have  it  so,"  answered  Philip  (it  is  the  king  who  tells  it) :  "  I  would  do  only 
what  is  possible  to  save  the  interests  of  Vargas  from  suffering  by  his  absence  " 
In  conclusion,  he  tells  the  duke  that  Vargas  should  give  no  heed  to  what  is 

A  1,*  ^"^*^  ^"^^®  ^®  "^"^^  ^  assured,  after  the  letter  he  has  received 
under  the  royal  hand,  that  his  sovereign  fully  approves  his  conduct."  But  if 
Vargas,  by  his  unscnipulous  devotion  to  the  cause,  won  the  confidence  of  his 
employers,  he  incurred,  on  the  other  hand,  the  unmitigated  hatred  of  the 
people,— a  hatred  deeper,  it  would  almost  seem,  than  even  that  which  attached 

cosas  no  solamente  no  me  ayu<ia.  pero  estdr- 
bame  tanto  que  tf-ngo  masque  hacer  con  ellos 
que  con  los  delincuentes.'    Ibid.,  ubi  eupra. 

■*^'  Varga«  passed  as  summary  a  judgment 
on  the  people  of  the  Netherlands  as  that 
imputed  to  the  Inquisition,  condensing  it  into 
a  memorable  sentence,  much  admired  for  its 
Latinitv:  "  Haretici  fraxerunt  Umpla,boni 
n'hil  jaxerunt  contra,  ergo  debent  omnes 
patibulare."    Reidanus,  Annales.  p.  5. 

•'  "Quand  on  I'eveiUoit  pour  dire  son  avis, 
il  disoit  tout  endormi,  en  se  frottant  les  yeux, 
ad  patibulum,  wi  patibulum,  c'est-a-dire,  au 
gibet,  au  gibet."  Auberi,  Mem.  pour  servir 
a  I'Hist.  de  Hollande,  p.  22. 

"  Ctorrespondance  de  Philippe  IL,  torn.  ii. 
p.  12. 


"  Vandervynckt,  Troubles  dea  Pays-Bas, 
torn.  ii.  p.  247. 

^  Ibid.,  p.  245. 

»o  "  Par  laqueUe  auparavant  Jamais  onye 
tyrannic  ct  persecution,  ledict  due  d'Albe  a 
caus^  partout  t  lie  peur,  que  aulcuns  milles 
personnes,  et  mesmement  ceulx  estans  princi- 
laulx  papistes,  se  sont  retirez  en  dedens  peu 
de  temps  bors  lea  Pays-Bas,  en  consideration 
que  ceste  tyrannic  s'exerce  centre  tous,  sans 
aulcune  distinction  de  la  religion."  Corre- 
spondauce  de  Guillaumc  U'  Tacitumc,  torn.  iii. 
p.  14. 

»'  "  Que  temo  no  venga  &  ser  mayor  la  esposa 
de  lo8  ministros  que  el  util  que  dello  se  sa- 
cani."    Documentos  ineditos,  tom.  iv.  p.  495. 

•'  "El  tribunal  todo  que  hice  para  estaa 


RESULTS. 


335 


I 


to  Alva ;  owing  perhaps  to  the  circumstance  that,  as  the  instmment  for  the 
execution  of  the  duke  s  measures.  Vargas  was  brought  more  immediately  in 
contatt  with  the  people  than  the  auke  himself. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  many,  especially  of  those  who  dwelt  in  the  border 
provinces,  escaped  the  storm  of  persecution  by  voluntary  exile.  The  sus- 
pjected  parties  would  seem  to  have  received,  not  unfrequently,  kindly  intima- 
tions from  the  local  magistrates  of  the  fate  that  menaced  them.''  Others, 
who  lived  in  the  interior,  were  driven  to  more  desperate  courses.  They  banded 
together  in  considerable  numbers,  under  the  name  of  the  *'  wild  Gueua;" — 
^'•(iueux  savages"— a.nd  took  refuge  in  the  forests,  particularly  of  West 
Flanders.  Thence  they  sallied  forth,  fell  upon  unsuspecting  travellers,  espe- 
cially the  monks  and  ecclesiastics,  whom  they  robbed,  and  sometimes  murdered. 
Occasionally  they  were  so  bold  as  to  invade  the  monasteries  and  churches, 
stripping  them  of  their  rich  ornament?,  their  plate  and  other  valuables,  when, 
loaded  with  booty,  they  hurried  back  to  their  fastnesses.  The  evil  proceeded 
to  such  a  length  that  the  governor-general  was  obliged  to  order  out  a  strong 
force  to  exterminate  the  banditti,  while  at  the  same  time  he  published  an 
edict  declaring  that  every  district  should  be  held  responsible  for  the  damage 
done  to  property  within  its  limits  by  these  marauders."  " 

It  might  be  supposed  that,  under  the  general  feeling  of  resentment  pro- 
voked by  Alva's  cruel  policy,  his  life  would  have  been  in  constant  danger  from 
the  hand  of  the  assassin.  Once,  indeed,  he  had  nearly  fallen  a  victim  to  a 
conspiracy  headed  bv  two  brothers,  men  of  good  family  in  Flanders,  who 
formed  a  plan  to  kill  him  while  attending  mass  at  an  abbey  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Bnissels."    But  Alva  was  not  destined  to  fall  bv  the  hand  of  violence. 

We  may  well  believe  that  wise  and  temperate  men,  like  Viglius,  condemned 
the  duke's  proceedings  as  no  less  impolitic  than  cruel.  That  this  veteran 
councillor  did  so  is  apparent  from  his  confidential  letters,  though  he  was  too 
prudent  to  expose  himself  to  Alva's  enmity  by  openly  avowing  it.'*  There 
were  others,  however, — the  princes  of  Germany,  in  particular, — who  had  no 
such  reasons  for  dissembling,  and  who  carried  tlieir  remonstrances  to  a  higher 
tribunal  than  that  of  the  governor-general 

On  the  second  of  March,  1568,  the  emperor  Maximilian,  in  the  name  of  the 
electors,  addressed  a  letter  to  Philip,  in  behalf  of  his  oppressed  subjects  in  the 
Netherlands.  He  reminded  the  king  that  he  had  alreacly  more  than  once,  and 
in  most  affectionate  terms,  interceded  with  him  for  a  milder  and  more  merciful 
policy  towards  his  Flemish  subjects.  He  entreated  his  royal  kinsman  to 
reflect  whether  it  were  not  better  to  insure  the  tranquillity  of  the  state  by 
winning  the  hearts  of  his  people  than  by  excessive  rigour  to  drive  them  to 
extremity.  And  he  concluded  by  intimating  that,  as  a  member  of  the  Ger- 
manic body,  the  Netherlands  had  a  right  to  be  dealt  with  in  that  spirit  of 
clemency  which  was  conformable  to  the  constitutions  of  the  empire.'** 

Although  neither  the  arguments  nor  the  importunity  of  Maximilian  had 
power  to  shake  the  constancy  of  Philip,  he  did  not  refuse  to  enter  into  some 
explanation,  if  not  vindication,  of  his  conduct.  "What  I  have  done,"  he 
replied,  ^'  has  been  for  the  repose  of  the  provinces  and  for  the  defence  of  the 
Catholic  faith.     If  I  had  respected  justice  less,  I  should  have  despatched 


••  Brandt,  Reformation  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries, vol.  i.  pp.  263,  264,  et  alibi. 

-'  Grotius,  Annales,  p.  29.— Vandervynckt, 
Troubles  des  Pays-Bas,  tom.  ii.  p.  450. 

*"  Campana,  Guerra  de  Fiandra,  fol.  38. — 
Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  tom.  ix.  p.  555. 

'*  "  Valde    optaremus    tandeiu    aliquam 


fan»8ti  hujns  temporis,  criminaliumqoe  pro- 
cessuum  finem,  qui  non  populum  tantum  nos- 
trum, sed  vicinos  omnes  exasperant."  Viglii 
Epist.  ad  Hop|>emm,  p.  482. 

*"  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  tom.  ii. 
p.  15. 


336 


REIGN  OF  TERROR. 


the  whole  business  in  a  single  day.  No  one  acquainted  with  the  state  of 
affairs  will  find  reason  to  censure  my  severity.  Nor  would  I  do  otherwise  than 
I  have  done,  though  I  should  risk  the  sovereignty  of  the  Netherlands,— no, 
though  the  world  should  fall  in  ruins  around  me  I "  "  Such  a  reply  effectually 
closed  the  correspondence. 

The  wretched  people  of  the  Netherlands,  meanwhile,  now  looked  to  the 
prince  of  Orange  as  tne  only  refuge  left  them,  under  Providence.  Those  who 
fled  the  countrjr,  especially  persons  of  higher  condition,  gathered  round  his 
little  court  at  Dillenburg,  where  they  were  eagerly  devising  plans  for  the  best 
means  of  restoring  freedom  to  their  country.  They  brought  with  them  repeated 
invitations  from  their  countrymen  to  William  that  he  would  take  up  arms  in 
their  defence.  The  Protestants  of  Antwerp,  in  particular,  promised  that,  if 
he  would  raise  funds  by  coining  his  plate,  they  would  agree  to  pay  him  double 
the  value  of  it.** 

William  had  no  wish  nearer  his  heart  than  that  of  assuming  the  enterprise. 
But  he  knew  the  difficulties  that  lay  in  the  way,  and,  like  a  wise  man,  he  was 
not  disposed  to  enter  on  it  till  he  saw  the  means  of  carrying  it  through  suc- 
cessfully. To  the  citizens  of  Antwerp  he  answered  that  not  only  would  he 
devote  his  plate,  but  his  person  and  ail  that  he  possessed,  most  willinglj^,  for 
the  freedom  of  religion  and  of  his  country."  But  the  expenses  of  raising 
a  force  were  great,— at  the  very  least,  six  hundred  thousand  florins  ;  nor  could 
he  now  undertake  to  procure  that  amount,  unless  some  of  the  principal 
merchants,  whom  he  named,  would  consent  to  remain  with  him  as  security,** 

In  the  mean  time  he  was  carrying  on  an  extensive  correspondence  with  the 
German  princes,  with  the  leaders  of  the  Huguenot  party  in  France,  and  even 
with  the  English  government, — endeavouring  to  propitiate  them  to  the  cause, 
as  one  in  which  every  Protestant  had  an  interest.  From  the  elector  of 
Saxony  and  the  landgrave  of  Hesse  he  received  assurances  of  aid.  Consider- 
able sums  seem  to  have  been  secretly  remitted  from  the  principal  towns  in  the 
Low  Countries ;  while  Culemborg,  Hoogstraten,  Louis  of  Nassau,  and  the 
other  great  lords  who  shared  his  exile,  contributed  as  largely  as  their  dilapi- 
dated fortunes  would  allow.**  The  prince  himself  parted  with  his  most  precious 
effects,  pawning  his  jewels,  and  senaing  his  plate  to  the  mint, — "  the  ornaments 
of  a  palace,"  exclaims  an  old  writer,  "  but  yielding  little  for  the  necessities 
of  war."  *• 

By  these  sacrifices  a  considerable  force  was  assembled  before  the  end  of 
April,  consisting  of  the  most  irregular  and  incongruous  materials.  There 
were  German  mercenaries,  who  had  no  interest  in  the  cause  beyond  their  pay ; 


*•  "  Y  qnando  por  esta  causa  se  aventuras- 
Mn  los  EstadoB,  y  me  viniesse  a  caer  el  mun- 
do  encima."  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II., 
torn.  ii.  p.  27. — Philip  seems  to  have  put  him- 
self in  the  attitude  of  the  *' justum  et  tena- 
cem  "  of  Horacp.  His  concluding  hyperbole 
is  almost  a  literal  version  of  the  Roman  bard  : 

**  Si  fractus  illabatur  orbio, 
Impavidum  ferient  ruinae." 

**  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange- Nassau, 
Supplement,  p.  87. 

"ill  n'est  pas  sealement  content  de  s'em- 
ployer  IL  la  necessite  presente  par  le  moyen 
par  eulx  propose  touchant  sa  vasselle,  ains  de 
sa  propre  personne,  et  de  tout  ce  que  reste 
en  son  pouvoir."    Ibid.,  p.  88. 

**  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


**  The  funds  were  chiefly  furnished,  as  it 
would  seem,  by  Antwerp,  and  the  great  towns 
of  Holland,  Zealand,  FriesUnd,  and  Qronin- 
gen,  the  quarter  of  the  country  where  the 
spirit  of  independence  was  always  high.  The 
noble  exiles  with  William  contributed  half 
the  amount  raised.  This  information  was 
given  to  Alva  by  Villers,  one  of  the  banished 
lords,  after  he  had  fallen  into  the  duke's  hands 
in  a  disa-otruus  affair,  of  which  some  account 
will  be  given  in  the  present  chapter.  Corre- 
spondance de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  ii.  p.  27. 

**  "  Ipse  Arausionensis  monilia,  vasa  ar- 
gentea,  tapetes,  caetera  supellectilit  diveot 
dit,  digna  regio  palatio  omamenta.  sed  exigui 
ad  bellum  momenti."  Reldanus,  Annales, 
p.  6. 


ORANGE  ASSEMBLES  AN  ARM\. 


337 


II 


Huguenots  from  France,  who  brought  into  the  field  a  hatred  of  the  Roman 
Catholics  which  made  them  little  welcome,  even  as  allies,  to  a  large  portion  of 
the  Netherlands ;  and  lastly,  exiles  from  the  Netherlands,— the  only  men 
worthy  of  the  struggle,— who  held  life  cheap  in  comparison  with  the  great 
cause  to  which  they  devoted  it.  But  these,  however  strong  in  their  patriotism, 
were  for  the  most  part  simple  burghers,  untrained  to  arms,  and  ill  fitted  to 
cope  with  the  hardy  veterans  of  Castile. 

Before  completing  his  levies,  the  prince  of  Orange,  at  the  suggestion  of  his 
friend  the  landgrave  of  Hesse,  prepared  and  published  a  document,  known  as 
his  "Justification,"  in  which  he  vindicated  himself  and  his  cause  from  the 
charges  of  Alva.  He  threw  the  original  blame  of  the  troubles  on  Granvelle, 
denied  having  planned  or  even  promoted  the  confederacy  of  the  nobles,  and 
treated  with  scorn  the  charge  of  having,  from  motives  of  criminal  ambition, 
fomented  rebellion  in  a  country  where  he  had  larger  interests  at  stake  than 
almost  any  other  inhabitant.  He  touched  on  his  own  services,  as  well  as 
those  of  his  ancestors,  and  the  ingratitude  with  which  they  had  been  requited 
by  the  throne.  And  in  conclusion  he  prayed  that  his  majesty  might  at  length 
open  his  eyes  to  the  innocence  of  his  persecuted  subjects,  and  that  it  might  be 
made  apparent  to  the  world  that  the  wrongs  inflicted  on  them  had  come  from 
evil  counsellors  rather  than  himself.*' 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  was  to  distract  the  duke's  attention,  and,  if 
possible,  create  a  general  rising  in  the  country,  by  assailing  it  on  three  several 
points  at  once.  A  Huguenot  corps,  under  an  adventurer  named  Cocqueville, 
was  to  operate  against  Artois ;  Hoogstraten,  with  the  lord  of  Villers,  and 
others  of  the  banished  nobles,  was  to  penetrate  the  country  in  a  central  direc- 
tion, through  Brabant;  while  William's  brothers,  the  Counts  Louis  and 
Adolphus,  at  the  head  of  a  force  partly  Flemish,  partly  German,  were  to  carry 
the  war  over  the  northern  borders,  into  Groningen.  The  prince  himself,  who 
established  his  head-quarters  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Cleves,  was  busy  in 
assembling  a  force  prepared  to  support  any  one  of  the  divisions,  as  occasion 
might  require. 

It  was  the  latter  part  of  April  before  Hoogstraten  and  Louis  took  the  field. 
The  Huguenots  were  still  later ;  and  William  met  with  dilficulties  which  greatly 
retarded  the  formation  of  his  own  corp.s.  The  great  difiiculty— one  which 
threatened  to  defeat  the  enterprise  at  its  commencement — was  the  want  of 
money,  equally  felt  in  raising  troops  and  in  enforcing  discipline  among  them 
when  they  were  raised.  *'  If  you  have  any  love  for  me,"  he  writes  to  his  friend, 
the  "  wise  "  landgrave  of  Hesse,  "  I  beseech  you  to  aid  me  privately  with  a 


*'  The  "Justification  "  has  been  very  com- 
monly attributed  to  the  pen  of  the  learned 
Languet,  who  was  much  in  William's  con- 
fidence, and  is  known  to  have  been  with  him 
at  tbi8  time.  But  William  was  too  practised 
a  writer,  as  Groen  well  suggests,  to  make  it 
probable  that  he  would  trust  the  composition 
of  a  paper  of  such  moment  to  any  hand  but 
his  own.  It  is  very  likely  that  he  submitted 
his  own  draft  to  the  revision  of  Laiiguer, 
■whose  political  sagacity  he  well  understood. 
And  this  is  the  most  that  can  be  f  tirly  inferred 
from  Languet's  own  account  of  the  matter : 
•*  Fui  Dillemburgi  per  duodecim  et  tredecim 
dies,  ubi  Princeps  Orangiae  mihi  et  aliquot 
aliis  curavit  prolixe  explicari  cau^as  et  initia 
tumultuum  in  inferiore  Germania  et  suam 
respousiuuem  ad  accusationes  Albani."      It 


fared  with  the  prince's  "  JustiflcAtion  "  as  it 
did  with  the  famous  "  Farewell  Address  "  of 
Washington,  so  often  attributed  to  another 
pen  than  his,  but  which,  however  much  it 
may  have  been  benefited  by  the  counsels  and 
corrections  of  others,  bears  on  every  page 
unequivocal  marks  of  its  genuineness.  The 
"  Justification  "  called  out  several  answers 
from  the  opposite  party.  Among  them  were 
two  by  Vargas  and  Del  Rio.  But  in  the 
judgment  of  Viglius — whose  bias  certainly 
did  not  lie  on  William's  8i<le — these  answers 
were  a  failure.  See  his  letter  to  Hopper 
(F^pist.  ad  Hopperum,  p.  458).  The  reader 
will  find  a  full  discussion  of  the  matt  r  by 
Groen,  in  the  Archives  dela  Maison d'Orange- 
Nassan,  torn.  iii.  p.  187. 


338 


REIGN  OF  TERROR. 


sum  sufficient  to  meet  the  pay  of  the  troops  for  the  first  month.  Without 
this  I  shall  be  in  danger  of  failing  in  my  engagements,— to  me  worse  than 
death  ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  ruin  which  such  a  failure  must  bring  on  our 
credit  and  on  the  cause."  "  We  are  constantly  reminded,  in  the  career  of  the 
prince  of  Orange,  of  the  embarrassments  unaer  which  our  own  Washington 
laboured  in  the  time  of  the  Revolution,  and  of  the  patience  and  unconquerable 
spirit  which  enabled  him  to  surmount  them. 

Little  need  be  said  of  two  of  the  expeditions,  which  were  failures.  Hoog- 
straten  had  scarcely  crossed  the  frontier,  towards  the  end  of  April,  when  he 
was  met  by  Alva's  trusty  lieutenant,  Sancho  Davila,  and  beaten,  with  con- 
siderable loss.  Villers  and  some  others  of  the  rebel  lords,  made  prisoners, 
c-icaped  the  sword  of  the  enemy  in  the  field,  to  fall  by  that  of  the  executioner 
in  Brussels.  Hoogstraten,  with  the  remnant  of  his  forces,  made  good  his 
retreat,  and  effected  a  junction  with  the  prince  of  Orange.*' 

Cocqueville  met  witn  a  worse  fate.  A  detachment  of  French  troops  was 
sent  against  him  by  Charles  the  Ninth,  who  thus  requited  the  service  of  the 
same  kind  he  had  lately  received  from  the  duke  of  Alva.  On  the  approach  of 
their  countrymen,  the  Iluguenots  basely  laid  down  their  arms.  Cocqueville 
and  his  principal  officers  were  surrounded,  made  prisoners,  and  perished 
ignominiously  on  the  scaffold.** 

The  enterprise  of  Louis  of  Nassau  was  attended  with  different  results.  Yet 
after  he  had  penetrated  into  Groningen  he  was  soreljr  embarrassed  by  the 
mutinous  spirit  of  the  German  mercenaries.  The  province  was  defended  by 
Count  Aremberg,  its  governor,  a  brave  old  officer,  who  had  studied  the  art  of 
war  under  Charles  the  Fifth ;  one  of  those  models  of  chivalry  on  whom  the 
men  of  a  younger  generation  are  ambitious  to  form  themselves.  He  had  been 
employed  on  many  distinguished  services,  and  there  were  few  men  at  the 
court  of  Brussels  wno  enjoyed  higher  consideration  under  both  Philip  and  his 
father.  The  strength  of  his  forces  lay  in  his  Spanish  infantry.  He  was 
deficient  in  cavalry,  but  was  soon  to  be  reinforced  by  a  body  of  horse  under 
Count  Megen,  who  was  a  day's  march  in  his  rear. 

Areuiberg  soon  came  in  sight  of  Louis,  who  was  less  troubled  by  the 
presence  of  his  enemy  than  by  the  disorderly  conduct  of  his  German  soldiers, 
clamorous  for  their  pay.  Doubtful  of  his  men,  Louis  declined  to  give  battle 
to  a  foe  so  far  superior  to  him  in  everything  but  numl)ers.  He  accordingly 
established  himself  in  an  uncommonly  strong  position,  which  the  nature  of  tne 
ground  fortunately  afforded.  In  his  rear,  protected  by  a  thick  wood,  stood 
the  convent  of  Heyligerlee,  which  gave  its  name  to  the  battle.  In  front  the 
land  sloped  towards  an  extensive  morass.  His  infantry,  on  the  left,  was 
partly  screened  by  a  hill  from  the  enemy's  fire ;  and  on  the  right  he  stationed 
nis  cavalry,  under  the  conmiand  of  his  brother  Adolphus,  who  was  to  fall  on 
the  enemy^s  flank,  should  they  be  hardy  enough  to  give  battle. 

But  Aremberg  was  too  wefl  acquainted  with  the  difficulties  of  the  ground 
to  risk  an  engagement,  at  least  till  he  was  strengthened  by  the  reinforcement 
under  Megen.  Unfortunately,  the  Spanish  infantry,  accustomed  to  victory, 
and  feeling  a  contempt  for  the  disorderly  levies  opposed  to  them,  loudly  called 
to  be  led  against  the  heretics.  In  vain  their  more  pnident  general  persisted 
in  his  plan.    They  chafed  at  the  delay,  refusing  to  a  Flemish  commander  the 

■*"  **  En  quoy  ne  gist  pas  seulement  Ip  bien 
de  ce  faict,  mais  auasi  mon  honour  et  reputa- 
tion, pfmr  avoir  promis  aus  gens  de  guerre 
leur  paler  le  diet  moi9,  et  que  j'aymerois 
mifu'.x  morir  que  les  falUir  k  ma  prompsse." 
Archives    de   la   Maison    d'Orange-Nassau, 


Supplement,  p.  89. 

*•  Mendo/a,  Comentario«,  p.  42,  et  peq. 
Cornejo.  Dispneion  de  Fland^-s,  p.  63. 

*"  Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pa.vB-Ba8,  fo'.  56, 
De  Thou,  Hist,  universelle,  torn.  v.  p.  4  43. 


BATTLE  OF  HEYLIGERLEE. 


3S9 


obedience  which  they  might  probably  have  paid  to  one  of  their  own  natic:\ 
They  openly  accused  him  of  treachery,  and  of  having  an  understanding  with 
his  countrymen  in  the  enemy's  camp.  Stung  by  their  reproaches,  Aremberg 
had  the  imprudence  to  do  what  more  than  one  brave  man  has  been  led  to  do, 
both  before  and  since  :  .he  surrendered  his  own  judgment  to  the  importunities 
of  his  soldiers.  Crying  out  that  "  they  should  soon  see  if  he  were  a  traitor,"  ^* 
he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  little  army  and  marched  against  the  enemy. 
His  artillery,  meanwhile,  which  he  had  posted  on  his  right,  opened  a  brisk 
fire  on  Louis's  left  wing,  where  owing  to  tne  nature  of  the  ground,  it  did  little 
execution. 

Under  cover  of  this  fire  the  main  body  of  the  Spanish  infantry  move«Wforward  ; 
but,  as  their  connnander  had  foreseen,  the  men  soon  became  entangled  in  the 
morass ;  their  ranks  were  thrown  into  disorder ;  and  when  at  length,  after 
long  and  painful  etibrts,  they  emerged  on  the  firm  ground,  they  were  more 
spent  with  toil  than  they  would  have  been  after  a  hard  day's  march.  Thus 
jaded,  and  sadly  in  disarray,  they  were  at  once  assailed  in  front  by  an  enemy 
who,  conscious  of  his  own  advantage,  was  all  fresh  and  hot  for  action.  Not- 
withstanding their  distressed  condition,  Aremberg's  soldiers  maintained  their 
ground  for  some  time,  like  men  unaccustomed  to  defeat.  At  length  Louis 
ordered  the  cavaliy  on  his  right  to  charge  Aremberg's  flank.  This  unexpected 
movement,  occurring  at  a  critical  moment,  decided  the  day.  Assailed  in  front 
and  in  flank,  hemmed  in  by  the  fatal  morass  in  the  rear,  the  Spaniards  were 
thrown  into  utter  confusion.  In  vain  their  gallant  leader,  proof  against 
danger,  though  not  against  the  taunts  of  his  followers,  endeavoured  to  rally 
them.  His  horse  was  killed  under  him  ;  and,  as  he  was  mounting  another, 
he  received  a  shot  from  a  foot-soldier,  and  fell  mortally  wounded  from  his 
saddle.**  The  rout  now  became  general.  Some  took  to  the  morass,  and  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Some  succeeded  in  cutting  their  way  through  the 
ranks  of  their  assailants,  while  many  more  lost  their  lives  in  the  attempt. 
The  ground  was  covered  with  the  wounded  and  the  dead.  The  victory  was 
complete. 

Sixteen  hundred  of  the  enemy  were  left  on  that  fatal  field.  In  the  imagina- 
tion of  the  exile  thirsting  for  vengeance,  it  might  serve  in  some  degree  to 
balance  the  bloody  roll  of  victims  whom  the  pitiless  duke  had  sent  to  their 
account.  Nine  pieces  of  artillery,  with  a  large  quantity  of  ammunition  and 
military  stores,  a  rich  service  of  plate  belonging  to  Aremberg,  and  a  consider- 
able sum  of  money  lately  received  by  him  to  pay  the  arrears  of  the  soldiers, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  patriots.  Yet  as  serious  a  loss  as  any  inflicted  on 
the  Spaniards  was  that  of  their  brave  commander.  His  corpse,  disfigured  by 
wounds,  was  reco^ized,  amid  a  heap  of  the  slain,  by  the  insignia  of  the 
Golden  Fleece,  which  he  wore  round  nis  neck,  and  which  Louis  sent  to  the 
prince,  his  brother,  as  a  proud  trophy  of  his  victory.*'    The  joy  of  the  con- 


•'  "  Ains,  comme  gens  predestinez  a  leur 
maltaeur  et  de  leur  general,  crierent  plus  que 
devant  centre  luy  jusques  a  I'appeler  tiaistre, 
et  qu'il  s'entendoit  avec  les  ennemis.  Luy, 
qui  estoit  tout  noble  et  courageux,  leur  dit : 
'Ouy,  je  V0U8  monstreray  si  je  le  suis."  Bran- 
tome,  CEuvres,  torn.  i.  p.  382. 

"'  Brantonic  has  given  us  the  portrait  of 
this  Flemisi)  nobleman,  with  whom  he  became 
acquainted  on  bis  visit  to  Paris,  when  «nt 
tiiither  by  Alva  to  relieve  the  French  mon- 
arch. The  chivalrous  old  writer  dwells  on 
th  •  personal  appearance  of  Aremberg,  his 
noble  mien  and  high-bred  courte.'^y,  which 


made  him  a  favourite  with  the  dames  of  tlie 
royal  circle :  ••  Un  tres  beau  et  tre-  apreable 
seigneur,  surtout  de  fort  grande  et  haute 
taille  et  de  tres  belle  apparence."  (CEuvres, 
torn.  i.  p.  383.)  Kor  deep  he  omit  to  mention, 
among  other  accompliRhmpnt-,  the  fluency 
with  which  he  could  sj>eak  Fiench  and  several 
other  languages.     Ibid.,  p.  3h4. 

'■"^  See  a  letu  r  writtr-n,  tts  seems  probable, 
by  a  councillor  of  William  to  the  elector  of 
Saxony,  the  week  after  the  battle.  Archive* 
de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nussau,  torn.  ill.  p. 
221. 


340 


REIGN  OF  TERROR 


qiierors  was  dimmed  by  one  mournful  event,  the  death  of  Count  Adolphus  of 
Nassau,  who  fell,  bravely  fighting,  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  one  of  the  first 
victims  in  the  war  of  the  revolution.  He  was  a  younger  brother  of  William, 
only  twenty-seven  years  of  age.  But  he  had  already  given  promise  of  those 
heroic  quaUties  which  proved  him  worthy  of  the  generous  race  from  which  he 
sprang.** 

The  battle  was  fought  on  the  twenty- third  of  May,  1568.  On  the  day 
following.  Count  Megen  arrived  with  a  reinforcement, — too  late  to  secure  the 
victory,  but  not,  as  it  proved,  too  late  to  snatch  the  fruits  of  it  from  the  victors. 
By  a  rapid  movement,  he  succeeded  in  throwing  himself  into  the  town  of 
Groning«n,  and  thus  saved  that  important  place  from  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  j>atriots.** 

The  tidings  of  the  battle  of  Heyligerlee  caused  a  great  sensation  through 
the  country.  While  it  mised  the  hopes  of  the  malecontents,  it  filled  the  duke 
of  Alva  with  indignation,— the  greater,  as  he  perceived  that  the  loss  of  the 
batt'e  was  to  be  referred  mainly  to  the  misconduct  of  his  own  soldiers.  lie 
saw  with  alarm  the  disastrous  effect  likely  to  be  produced  by  so  brilliant  a 
success  on  the  part  of  the  rebels  in  the  very  beginning  of  the  struggle.  The 
hardy  men  of  Friesland  would  rise  to  assert  their  independence.  The  prince 
of  Orange,  with  his  German  levies,  would  unite  with  his  victorious  brother,  and, 
aided  by  the  inhabitants,  would  be  in  condition  to  make  formidable  head 
against  any  force  that  Alva  could  muster.  It  was  an  important  crisis,  and 
called  for  prompt  and  decisive  action.  The  duke,  with  his  usual  energy, 
determined  to  employ  no  agent  here,  but  to  take  the  aflair  into  his  own  hands, 
concentrate  his  forces,  and  march  in  person  against  the  enemy. 

Yet  there  were  some  things  he  deemed  necessary  to  be  done,  if  it  were  only 
for  their  effect  on  the  public  mind,  before  entering  on  the  campaign.  On  the 
twenty-eighth  of  May,  sentence  was  passed  on  the  prince  of  Orange,  his 
brother  Louis,  and  their  noble  companions.  They  were  pronounced  guilty  of 
contumacy  in  not  obeying  the  summons  of  the  council,  and  of  levying  war 
against  the  king.  For  this  they  were  condennied  to  perpetual  banishment, 
and  their  estates  confiscated  to  the  use  of  the  crown.  The  sentence  was 
signed  by  the  duke  of  Alva.*'  William's  estates  had  been  already  seques- 
trated, and  a  body  of  Spanish  troops  was  quartered  in  his  town  of  Breda. 

Another  act,  of  a  singular  nature,  intimated  pretty  clearly  the  dispositions  of 
the  government.  The  duke  caused  the  Hotel  de  Culemborg,  where  he  had 
fixed  his  own  residence  before  the  regent's  departure,  and  where  the  Gueux 
had  held  their  meetings  on  coming  to  Brussels,  to  be  levelled  with  the  ground. 
On  the  spot  a  marble  column  was  raised,  bearing  on  each  side  of  the  base  the 
following  inscription :  "  Here  once  stood  the  mansion  of  Florence  Pallant, ' 


**  It  is  a  common  report  of  historians  that 
Adolphus  and  Aremberg  met  in  single  combat 
iti  the  thick  of  the  fight  and  fell  by  each 
other's  hands.  See  Comejo,  Disension  de 
Flandes,  fol.  63 ;  Strada.  De  Bello  Belgico, 
torn.  i.  p.  282 ;  et  al.  An  incident  so  roman- 
tic found  easy  credit  in  a  romantic  age. 

''■  The  accounts  of  the  battle  of  Heyligerlee, 
given  somewhat  confusedly,  may  be  found  in 
H'  rrtra.  Hist. del M undo, torn.  1.  p.  6H>*,et seq., 
— Cimj»ana,  Guerra  di  Fianda  (Vicenza, 
J6ti2).  p.  42,  et  seq., — Mendoza,  Comentarios 
(Madrid,  1592).  p.  43,  et  seq.,— Cornejo.  Dl- 
sension  <le  Flandes,  fol.  66,  et  seq.,— Carnero, 
Guerras  de  Flandes  (Rrusselas,  I62.i),  p.  2«, 
et  seq  ,— Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  tom.  i.  p. 


382,  et  seq.,— Bent ivdgllo,  Guerra  di  Fiandra, 
p.  192,  et  seq.— The  lai-t  writer  tells  us  he 
had  heard  the  story  more  than  once  from  the 
son  and  heir  of  the  deceased  Count  Aremberg, 
who  sorely  lamented  that  his  gallant  father 
Fhouid  have  thrown  away  his  life  fur  a  mis- 
taken point  of  honour. — In  addition  tu  the 
above  authorities,  1  regret  it  is  not  in  niy 
piwer  to  cite  a  volume  published  by  M. 
Gacliard  since  the  present  chapter  was  written. 
It  contains  the  correspondence  of  Alva  relat- 
ing to  the  invasion  by  Luuis. 

*•  Viglii  Epist.  ad  Hopporum,  p.  181.— The 
8"'ntpnce  of  the  prime  of  Orange  may  be  found 
iu  the  Scutentien  van  Alba,  p.  70. 


ALVA'S  PROCEEDINGS. 


341 


—the  name  of  the  Count  of  Culemborg, — "  now  razed  to  the  ground  for  the 
execrable  conspiracy  plotted  therein  against  religion,  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church,  the  king's  majesty,  and  the  country." "  Alva  by  this  act  intended 
doubtless  to  proclaim  to  the  world,  not  so  much  his  detestation  of  the  con- 
federacy— that  would  have  been  superfluous — as  his  determination  to  show 
no  mercy  to  those  who  had  taken  part  in  it.  Indeed,  in  his  letters,  on  more 
than  one  occasion,  he  speaks  of  the  signers  of  the  Compromise  as  men  who 
had  placed  themselves  beyond  the  pale  of  mercy. 

But  all  these  acts  were  only  the  prelude  to  the  dismal  tragedy  which  was 
soon  to  be  performed.  Nearly  nine  months  had  elapsed  since  the  arrest  of 
the  Counts  Egmont  and  Hoorne.  During  all  this  time  they  had  remained 
prisoners  of  state,  under  a  strong  guard,  in  the  castle  of  Ghent.  Their 
prosecution  had  been  conducted  in  a  deliberate,  and  indeed  dilatory,  manner, 
which  had  nourished  in  their  friends  the  hope  of  a  favourable  issue.  Alva 
now  determined  to  bring  the  trial  to  a  close, — to  pass  sentence  of  death  on 
the  two  lords,  and  to  carry  it  into  execution  before  departing  on  his  expe- 
dition. 

It  was  in  vain  that  some  of  his  counsellors  remonstrated  on  the  impolicy, 
at  a  crisis  like  the  present,  of  outraging  the  feelings  of  the  nation,  by  whom 
Egmont,  in  particular,  was  so  much  beloved.  In  vain  they  suggested  that 
the  two  nobles  would  serve  as  hostages  for  the  good  behaviour  of  the  people 
during  his  absence,  since  any  tumult  must  only  tend  to  precipitate  the  fate  of 
the  prisoners.*'  Whether  it  was  that  Alva  distrusted  the  effect  on  his  master 
of  the  importunities,  from  numerous  quarters,  in  their  behalf,  or,  what  is  far 
more  likely,  that  he  feared  lest  some  pouular  rising,  during  his  absence,  might 
open  the  gates  to  his  prisoners,  he  was  determined  to  proceed  at  once  to  their 
execution.  His  appetite  for  vengeance  may  have  beeij  sharpened  by  mortifi- 
cation at  the  reverse  his  arms  had  lately  experienced  ;  and  ne  may  have  felt 
that  a  blow  like  the  present  would  be  the  most  effectual  to  humble  the  arro- 
gance of  the  nation. 

There  were  some  other  prisoners,  of  less  note,  but  of  no  little  consideration, 
who  remained  to  be  disposed  of.  Their  execution  would  prepare  the  public 
mind  for  the  last  scene  of  the  drama.  There  were  nineteen  persons  wno,  at 
this  time,  lay  in  confinement  in  the  castle  of  Vilvoorde,  a  fortress  of  great 
strength,  two  leagues  distant  from  Brussels.  They  were  chiefly  men  of  rank, 
and  for  the  most  part  members  of  the  Union.  For  these  latter,  of  course, 
there  was  no  hope.  Their  trials  were  now  concluded,  and  they  were  only 
awaiting  their  sentences.  On  the  ominous  twenty-eignth  of  May,  a  day  on 
which  the  Council  of  Blood  seems  to  have  been  uncommonly  alert,  they  were 
all,  without  exception,  condemned  to  be  beheaded,  and  their  estates  were 
confiscated  to  the  public  use. 

On  the  first  of  June  they  were  brought  to  Brussels,  having  been  escorted 
there  by  nine  companies  of  Spanish  infantry,  were  conducted  to  the  great 
square  m  front  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  and,  while  the  drums  beat  to  prevent 
their  last  words  from  reaching  the  ears  of  the  bystanders,  their  heads  were 
struck  off  by  the  sword  of  the  executioner.    Eight  of  the  number,  who  died 


•'  Vlglii  Eplst.  ad  Hopperum,  p.  481.— 
Strada,  De  Belli>  Belgico,  tom.  i.  p.  373.— Vera 
y  Figueroa,  Vida  de  Alva,  p.  lol. — The 
Hotel  de  Culemborg,  so  memorable  for  its 
connection  with  the  early  meetings  of  the 
Gueux,  had  not  been  long  in  possession  of 
Count  Culemborg,  who  purchas'-d  it  as  late  as 
1556.    It  sto  d  on  the  Place  du  Petit  Sablon. 


See  Reiffenberg,  Correspondance  de  Margue- 
rite d'Autriche,  p.  363. 

**  "His  tamen  Albanus  facile  contemptis, 
quippe  a  diuternii  rerum  experientia  suspicax, 
et  suopte  ingenio  ab  aliorum  consiliis;  si  ultr5 

Erjesertim  off^-rrentur,  aversus."    Strada,  De 
eUo  Belgico,  tom.  i.  p.  386. 


342 


TRIALS  OF  EGMONT  AND  HOORNE. 


in  the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  were  graciously  allowed  the  rites  of  Christian 
burial.  The  heads  of  the  remaining  eleven  were  set  upon  poles,  and  their 
bodies  left  to  rot  upon  the  gibbet,  like  those  of  the  vilest  malefactors." 

On  the  second  of  June  ten  or  twelve  more,  some  of  them  persons  of  dis- 
tinction, perished  on  the  scaffold,  in  the  same  sc^uare  in  Brussels.  Among 
these  was  Villers,  the  companion  of  Hoogstraten  m  the  ill-starred  expedition 
to  Brabant,  in  which  he  was  made  prisoner.  Since  his  captivity  he  made 
some  disclosures  respecting  the  measures  of  Orange  and  his  party,  which 
might  have  entitled  him  to  the  consideration  of  Alva.  But  he  had  signed  the 
Compromise. 

On  the  following  day  five  other  victims  were  led  to  execution  within  the 
walls  of  Vilvoorde,  where  they  had  been  long  confined-  One  of  these  has 
some  interest  for  us,  Casembrot,  lord  of  Backerzeele,  Egmont's  confidential 
secretary.  That  unfortunate  gentleman  had  been  put  to  the  rack  more  than 
once,  to  draw  from  him  disclosures  to  the  prejudice  of  Egmont.  But  his  con- 
stancy proved  stronger  than  the  cruelty  of  his  persecutors.  He  was  now  to 
close  nis  sufferings  by  an  ignominious  death  ;  so  far  fortunate,  however,  that 
it  saved  him  from  witnessing  the  fate  of  his  beloved  master.'"  Such  were  the 
gloomy  scenes  which  ushered  in  the  great  catastrophe  of  the  fifth  of  June. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

TRIALS  OF  EQMONT  AND  HOOBNE. 

The  Examination— Efforts  la  their  Behalf— Specification  of  Charges — Sentence  of  Death— The 

Processes  reviewed. 

1568. 

Nine  months  had  now  elapsed  since  the  Counts  Egmont  and  Hoome  had  been 
immured  within  the  strong  citadel  of  Ghent.    During  their  confinement  they 


"  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico.tom.  i  p.  386.— 
Guterres  civilesdu  Pays-Bas,p.  171.— Meteren, 
Hist.  dc8  Pays-Bas,  fol.  57.— The  third  volume 
of  the  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau 
contains  a  report  of  this  execution  from  an 
eye-witness,  a  courier  of  Alva,  who  left  Brus- 
seLs  the  day  after  the  event  and  was  inter- 
cepted on  his  route  by  the  patriots.  One  may 
imagine  the  interest  with  which  William  and 
his  friends  listened  to  the  recital  of  the  tragedy, 
and  how  deep  must  have  been  their  anxii  ty 
for  the  fate  of  their  other  friends,— Hoorne 
and  Egmont  in  particular, — over  whom  the 
sword  of  the  executioner  bung  by  a  thread. 
We  may  w<  11  credit  the  account  of  the  coi»- 
Bternation  that  reigned  throughout  Brussels  : 
"  11  affirme  que  cVstoit  une  cliose  de  I'autre 
monde,  le  crys,  lamentation  et  juste  compas- 
sion qu'aviont  tons  ceux  de  la  ville  du  dit 
Bruxelles,  nobles  et  ignobles,  pour  ceste  bar- 
bare  tyrunnie,  mais  que  nonobstant,  ce  cestuy 
Nero  d' Alve  se  vante  en  ierut  le  ^emblable  de 
tous  ceulx  quy  potra  avoir  en  mains."  p.  241. 

•*■  If  we  are  to  believe  Beutivoglio,  Backer- 


leele  was  torn  asunder  by  horses :  "  Da  quat- 
tro  cavalli  fu  smembrato  vivo  in  Brusselles  il 
Casembrot  gia  segretario  dell'  Agamonte." 
(Guerra  di  Fiandra,  p.  200)  But  Alva's 
character,  hard  and  unscrupulous  as  be  may 
have  been  in  carrying  out  his  designs,  does 
not  warrant  the  imputation  of  an  act  of  such 
wanton  cruelty  as  this.  Happily,  it  is  not 
justified  by  historic  testimony ;  no  notice  of 
the  fact  being  found  in  Struda,  or  Meteren,  or 
the  author  of  the  Uuerres  civilcs  du  Pays-Bas, 
not  to  add  other  writers  of  the  time,  who 
cannot  certainly  be  charged  with  undue  par- 
tiality to  the  Spaniards.  If  so  atrocious  a 
deed  had  been  perpetrated,  it  would  be  passing 
strange  that  it  should  not  have  found  a  place 
in  the  catalogue  of  crimes  imputed  to  Alva  by 
the  prince  of  Orange.  See,  in  particular,  his 
letter  to  Schwendi,  written  in  an  agony 
of  grief  and  indignation,  soon  after  he  had 
learned  the  execution  of  his  friends.  Ar- 
chives de  la  Maison  d'Orange-Nassau,  torn, 
iii.  p.  244. 


I 


THE  EXAMINATION. 


343 


had  met  with  even  less  indulgence  than  was  commonly  shown  to  prisoners  of 
state.  They  were  not  allowed  to  take  the  air  of  the  castle,  and  were  debarred 
from  all  intercourse  with  the  members  of  their  families.  The  sequestration  of 
their  property  at  the  time  of  their  arrest  had  moreover  reduced  them  to  such 
extreme  indigence  that  but  for  the  care  of  their  friends  they  would  have 
wanted  the  common  necessaries  of  life.' 

During  this  period  their  enemies  had  not  been  idle.  We  have  seen,  at  the 
time  of  the  arrest  of  the  two  nobles,  that  their  secretaries  and  their  private 
papers  had  been  also  seized.  * '  Rackerzeele,"  writes  the  duke  of  Alva  to 
Fhilip,  "  makes  disclosures  every  day  respecting  his  master,  Count  Egmont. 
When  he  is  put  to  the  torture,  wonders  may  be  expected  from  him  m  this 
way ! " '  But  all  that  the  rack  extorted  from  the  unhappy  man  was  some 
obscure  intimation  respecting  a  place  in  which  Egmont  had  secreted  a  portion 
of  his  effects.  After  turning  up  the  ground  in  every  direction  round  the 
castle  of  Ghent,  the  Spaniards  succeeded  in  disinterring  eleven  boxes  filled 
with  plate,  and  some  caskets  of  jewels,  and  other  precious  articles,— all  that 
now  remained  of  Egmont's  once  splendid  fortune.' 

Meanwhile,  commissioners  were  sent  into  the  provinces  placed  under  the 
rule  of  the  two  noblemen  to  collect  information  respecting  their  government. 
The  burgomasters  of  the  towns  were  closely  questioned,  and,  where  they 
showed  reluctance,  were  compelled  by  menaces  to  answer.  But  what  Alva 
chiefly  relied  on  was  the  examination  of  the  prisoners  themselves. 

On  the  twelfth  of  November,  1567,  a  commission,  composed  of  Vargas,  Del 
Rio,  and  the  Secretary  Pratz,  proceeded  to  Ghent  and  began  a  personal 
examination  of  Egmont.  The  interrogatories  covered  the  whole  ^ound  of  the 
recent  troubles.  They  were  particularly  directed  to  ascertain  Egmont's 
relations  with  the  reformed  i)arty,  but,  above  all,  his  connection  with  the  con- 
federates,—the  offence  of  deepest  dye  in  the  view  of  the  commissioners.  The 
examination  continued  through  five  days  ;  and  a  record,  signed  and  sworn  to 
by  the  several  parties,  furnished  the  basis  of  the  future  proceedinK^s  against 
the  prisoner.    A  similar  course  was  then  taken  in  regard  to  Hoorne.* 

In  the  meantime  the  friends  of  the  two  nobles  were  making  active  exertions 
in  their  behalf.  Egmont,  as  we  have  already  seen,  was  married  to  a  German 
princess,  Sabina,  sister  of  the  elector  of  Bavaria,— a  lady  who,  from  her  rank, 
the  charm  of  her  manners,  and  her  irreproachable  character,  was  the  most  dis- 
tinguished ornament  of  the  court  of  Brussels.  She  was  the  mother  of  eleven 
children,  the  eldest  of  them  still  of  tender  age.  Surrounded  by  this  numerous 
and  helpless  family,  thus  suddenly  reduced  from  affluence  to  miserable  penury, 
the  countess  became  the  object  of  general  commiseration.    Even  the  stern 


'  Bor,  the  old  Dutch  historian,  contemporary 
with  these  events,  says  that  "  if  it  had  not 
been  for  the  countess  dowager,  Hoorne's  step- 
mother, that  noble  would  actually  have 
starved  in  prison  from  want  of  money  to 
procure  himself  food!"  Arend,  Algcmeene 
Gescniedenis  des  Vaderlands,  D.  ii.  St.  v.  bl. 
37. 

■■'  "Ce  dernier  fait  chaquc  jour  des  aveux, 
et  on  peut  s'attendrequ'il  dira  desmerveilles, 
lorsqu'il  sera  mis  a  la  torture."  O^rrespon- 
dance  do  Philippe  II..  torn.  i.  p.  589. 

'  Vandei-vynckt,  Troubles  des  Pays-Ras, 
torn.  ii.  p.  247. 

*  The  Interrogatoires,  filling  nearly  fifty 
octavo  pafre«,  were  tiiven  to  tlie  public  by  the 
late  Buon  Reiffenberg,  at  the  end  of  his 


valuable  compilation  of  the  correspondence 
of  Mai  garet.  Both  the  questions  and  answers, 
strange  as  it  may  seem,  were  originally  drawn 
up  in  Castilian.  A  French  version  was  im- 
mediately made  by  the  Secretary  Pratz, — 
probably  for  the  benefit  of  the  Flemish  coun- 
cillors of  the  bloody  tribunal.  Both  the 
Castilian  and  French  MSS.  were  preserved  in 
the  archives  of  the  house  of  Egmont  until  the 
middle  of  the  last  century,  when  an  unworthy 
heir  of  this  ancient  line  suffered  them  to  pass 
into  other  hands.  They  were  afterwards 
purchased  by  the  crown,  and  are  now  in  a 
fitting  place  of  deposit,— the  archives  of  the 
kingdom  of  Holland.  The  MS.  printed  by 
Reiffenberg  is  in  French. 


344  TRIALS  OF  EGMONT  AND  HOORNE. 

heart  of  Alva  seems  to  have  been  touched,  as  he  notices  her  "  lamentable 
situation,"  in  one  of  his  letters  to  Philip.*        ,  .         -  t,..  ,   i     ,i« 

The  unhappy  lady  was  fortunate  in  securmg  the  services  of  JNicholas  de 
Landas,  one  of  the  most  eminent  jurists  of  the  country,  and  a  personal  friend 
of  her  husband.  In  her  name,  he  addressed  letters  to  several  of  the  German 
princes,  and  to  the  emperor  Maximilian,  requesting  their  good  othces  in  belialt 
of  her  lord-  He  also  wrote  both  to  Alva  and  the  king,  less  to  solicit  the 
release  of  Egraont— a  thing  little  to  be  expected— than  to  obtain  the  removal 
of  the  cause  from  the  Council  of  Blood  to  a  court  consisting  of  the  knights  of 
the  Golden  Fleece.  To  this  both  Egmont  and  Hoorne  had  a  good  claim,  as 
belongim;  to  that  order,  the  statutes  of  which,  solemnly  ratified  by  Philip  him- 
self, guaranteed  to  its  members  the  right  of  bein^  tried  only  by  their  peers. 
The  frank  and  independent  tone  with  which  the  Flemish  junst,  himself  also 
one  of  the  order,  and  well  skilled  in  the  law,  urged  this  claun  on  the  Spanish 
monarch,  reflects  honour  on  his  memory.  , , .     .  ^.i, 

Hoorne's  wife,  also  a  German  lady  of  high  connections,  and  his  step-mother, 
the  countess-dowager,  were  unwearied  in  their  exertions  in  his  behalf.  Ihey 
wrote  to  the  knights  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  in  whatever  country  residing,  and 
obtained  their  written  testimony  to  the  inalienable  right  of  the  accused  to  be 
tried  by  his  brethren."  This  was  obviously  a  point  of  the  last  importance, 
since  a  trial  by  the  Council  of  Blood  was  itself  equivalent  to  a  condemnation. 

Several  of  the  electors,  as  well  as  other  princes  of  the  empire,  addressed 
Philip  directly  on  the  subject,  beseeching  him  to  deal  with  the  two  nobles 
according  to  the  statutes  of  the  order.  Maximilian  wrote  two  letters  to  the 
same  purpose ;  and,  touching  on  the  brilliant  services  of  Egmont.  he  endea- 
voured to  excite  the  king's  compassion  for  the  desolate  condition  of  the  countess 

and  her  children.^  ,  , .    ^  ,   ,,   *  ^l  i    j       nir 

But  it  was  not  foreigners  only  who  interceded  m  behalf  of  the  lords.  Mans- 
feldt,  than  whom  Philip  had  not  a  more  devoted  subject  in  the  Netherlands 
implored  his  sovereign  to  act  conformably  to  justice  and  reason  in  the  matter. 
Count  Barlaimont,  who  on  all  occasions  had  proved  himself  no  less  stanch  m 
his  loyalty,  found  himself  now  in  an  embarrassing  situation,— being  both  a 
knio^ht  of  the  order  and  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Troubles.  He  wrote 
accordingly  to  Philip,  beseeching  his  majesty  to  relieve  him  from  the  nece.;sity 
of  either  acting  hke  a  disloyal  subject  or  of  incurring  the  reproaches  of  his 

brethren  * 

Still  more  worthy  of  notice  is  the  interference  of  Cardinal  Granvelle,  who, 
forgetting  his  own  disgrace,  for  which  he  had  been  indebted  to  Egmont  per- 
haps as  much  as  to  any  other  person,  now  generously  interceded  m  l>ehalf  of 
his  ancient  foe.  He  invoked  the  clemency  of  Philip,  as  more  worthy  of  a 
great  prince  than  rigour.  He  called  to  mind  the  former  good  deeds  of  the 
count,  and  declared,  if  he  had  since  been  led  astray,  the  blame  was  chargeable 
on  others  rather  than  on  himself.'*  But  although  the  cardinal  wrote  more 
than  once  to  the  king  in  this  strain,  it  was  too  late  to  efface  the  impression 
made  by  former  communications,  in  which  he  had  accused  his  rival  of  being 
a  party  to  the  treasonable  designs  of  the  prince  of  Orange."    This  impression 


SPECIFICATION  OF  CHARGES. 


345 


•  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  il. 
p.  14. 

•  Supplement  k  Strada,  torn.  I  p.  244. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  219.— Correapondancede  Fhllippe 
II.,  torn.  i.  p.  588. 

•  *•  I^  Buppliant  de  prendre  en  cette  affaire 
la  determination  que  la  raison  et  I'equite 
reclaraent."    Correspondance  de  Thllippe  il.. 


torn.  i.  p.  607. 

»  Ibid.,  p.  614. 

•°  Ibid.,  p.  599. 

"  "1^  Comte  d'Egmont,"  said  Granvelle, 
in  a  letter  po  recent  as  August  17tb,  1567, 
"disait  au  prince  que  leurs  menees  etaient 
decouvertes ;  que  le  Kui  fasait  des  armt  ments ; 
qa'tls  ue  sauraient  lui  resister;   qu'ainsi  il 


had  been  deepened  by  the  reports  from  time  to  time  received  from  the  regent, 
who  at  one  period,  as  we  have  seen,  withdrew  her  confidence  altogether  from 
Egmont.  Thus  the  conviction  of  tnat  nobleman's  guilt  was  so  firmly  settled 
in  the  king's  mind  that  when  Alva  received  the  government  of  the  Nether- 
lands there  can  be  little  doubt  that  Egmont  was  already  marked  out  as  the 
first  great  victim  to  expiate  the  sins  of  the  nation.  The  argunients  and 
entreaties,  therefore,  used  on  the  present  occasion  to  dissuade  Philip  from  his 

Eurpose  had  no  other  eliect  than  to  quicken  his  movements.  Anxious  to  rid 
imself  of  importunities  so  annoying,  he  ordered  Alva  to  press  forward  the 
trial,  adding,  at  the  same  time,  that  all  should  be  made  so  clear  that  the 
world,  whose  eyes  were  now  turned  on  these  proceedings,  might  be  satisfied 
of  their  justice.'* 

Before  the  end  of  December  the  attorney-general,  Du  Bois,  had  prepared 
the  articles  of  accusation  against  Egmont.  They  amounted  to  no  less  than 
ninety,  some  of  them  of  great  length.  They  chiefly  rested  on  evidence  de- 
rived from  the  personal  examination,  sustained  by  information  gathered  from 
other  quarters.  The  first  article,  which  indeed  may  be  said  to  have  been  the 
key  to  all  the  rest,  charged  Egmont  with  having  conspired  with  William  and 
the  other  banished  lords  to  shake  off  the  Spanish  rule  and  divide  the  govern- 
ment among  themselves.  With  this  view  he  had  made  war  on  the  faithful 
Granvelle,  had  sought  to  concentrate  the  powers  of  the  various  councils  into 
one,  had  resisted  the  Inquisition,  had  urged  the  meeting  of  the  states-general, 
in  short,  had  thwarted,  as  far  as  possible,  in  every  particular,  the  intentions 
of  the  king.  He  was  accused,  moreover,  of  giving  encouragement  to  the 
sectaries.  He  had  not  only  refused  his  aid  when  asked  to  repress  their 
violence,  but  had  repeatedly  licensed  their  meetings  and  allowed  them  to 
celebrate  their  religious  rites.  Egmont  was  too  stanch  a  CathoUc  to  warrant 
his  own  faith  being  called  into  question.  It  was  only  in  connection  with  the 
political  movements  of  the  country  that  he  was  supposed  to  have  coun- 
tenanced the  party  of  religious  reform.  Lastly,  he  was  charged  not  only  with 
abetting  the  confederacy  of  the  nobles,  but  with  having,  in  conjunction  with 
the  prince  of  Orange  and  his  associates,  devised  the  original  plan  of  it.  It 
was  proof  of  the  good  will  he  bore  the  league,  that  he  had  retained  in  his 
service  more  than  one  member  of  his  household  after  they  had  subscribed  the 
Compromise.  On  these  various  grounds,  Egmont  was  declared  to  be  guilty 
of  treason.** 

The  charges,  which  cover  a  great  space,  would  seem  at  the  first  glance  to 
be  crudely  put  together,  confounding  things  trivial,  and  even  irrelevant  to 
the  question,  with  others  of  real  moment."  Yet  they  must  be  admitted 
to  have  been  so  cunningly  prepared  as  to  leave  an  impression  most  unfavour- 
able to  the  innocence  of  the  prisoner.  The  attorney-general,  sometimes 
audaciously  perverting  the  answers  of  Egmont,*^  at  other  times  giving  an 


leur  fallait  disalmuler,  et  s'accommoder  le 
mieux  possible,  en  attendant  d'autres  circon- 
stances,  jwur  realiser  leurs  desseins."  Corre- 
Bpondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  561. 

'*  •*  Tout  ce  qui  s'est  pasK^  doit  etre  tire  au 
claire,  pour  quMl  soit  bien  constant  que,  dans 
une  aff.iire  fur  laqm'Ue  le  monde  entier  a  les 
yeux  fixes,  le  Roi  et  lul  ont  procede  avec 
Jusiice."    Ibid.,  p.  609. 

'^  This  tediou-  instrument  is  given  in  ex- 
tenso  by  Foppens,  Supplement  a  Strada,  tum. 
I.  pp.  44-63. 

"  ludecd,  this  seems  to  have  been  the 


opinion  of  the  friends  of  the  government. 
Councillor  Belin  writes  to  Granvelle,  Decem- 
ber 14th,  1567,  "They  have  arrested  Hoorne 
and  Egmont,  but  in  their  accusations  have 
not  confined  themselves  to  individual  charges, 
but  have  accumulated  a  confused  ma.<»8  of 
things."  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth 
Centuries,  vol.  1.  p.  182. 

'*  For  example,  see  the  thirty-*'ighth 
article,  in  which  the  atto'  ney-general  accuses 
Kgmont  of  adiiiitting,  on  his  examin.ition, 
that  he  had  parted  with  one  of  his  followers, 
suspected  of  heretical .  opinions,  for  a  short 


M 


346 


TRIALS  OF  EGMONT  AND  HOORNE. 


DEFENCE  OF  THE  PRISONERS. 


34'; 


exaggerated  importance  to  his  occasional  admissions,  succeeded  m  spreadmg 
hismeshes  so  artfully  that  it  required  no  slight  degree  of  coolness  and  circum- 
spection, even  in  an  innocent  party,  to  escape  from  them. 

The  instrument  was  delivered  to  Egmont  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  December. 
Five  days  only  were  allowed  him  to  prepare  his  defence,— and  that,  too,  with- 
out the  aid  of  a  friend  to  support  or  of  counsel  to  advise  him.  He  at  first 
resolutely  declined  to  make  a  defence  at  all,  declaring  that  he  was  amenable 
to  no  tribunal  but  that  of  the  members  of  the  order.  Being  informed,  how- 
ever, that  if  he  persisted  he  would  be  condemned  for  contumacy,  he  consented, 
though  with  a  formal  protest  against  the  proceedings  as  illegal,  to  enter  on 

his  defence. 

He  indignantly  disclaimed  the  idea  of  any  design  to  subvert  the  existing 
government.  He  admitted  the  charges  in  regard  to  his  treatment  of  bran- 
velle,  and  defended  his  conduct  on  the  ground  of  expediency,— of  its  being 
demanded  by  the  public  interest.  On  the  same  ground  he  explained  his 
course  in  reference  to  some  of  the  other  matters  charged  on  him,  and  espe- 
cially in  relation  to  the  sectaries,— too  strong  in  numbers,  he  mainlined,  to 
be  openly  resisted.  He  positively  denied  the  connection  imputed  to  him  with 
the  confederates  ;  declaring  that,  far  from  countenancing  the  league,  he  had 
always  lamented  its  existence  and  discouraged  all  within  his  reach  from  join- 
ing it.  In  reply  to  the  charge  of  not  having  dismissed  Backerzeele  after  it 
w^  known  that  he  had  joined  the  confederates,  he  excused  himself  by  alleging 
the  good  services  which  his  secretary  had  rendered  the  government,  more 
especially  in  repressing  the  disorders  of  the  iconoclasts.  On  the  whole,  his 
answers  seem  to  have  been  given  in  good  faith,  and  convey  the  impression-—, 
probably  not  far  from  the  truth— of  one  who,  while  he  did  not  approve  of  the 
policy  of  the  crown,  and  thought,  indeed,  some  of  its  measures  impracticable, 
had  no  design  to  overturn  the  government." 

The  attorney-general  next  prepared  his  accusation  of  Count  Hoome,  con- 
sistin<'  of  sixty-three  separate  charges.  They  were  of  much  the  same  import 
with  those  brought  against  Egmont.  The  bold,  impatient  temper  of  the 
admiral  made  him  particularly  open  to  the  assault  of  his  enemies.  He  was 
still  more  peremptory  than  his  friend  in  his  refusal  to  relinquish  his  nghts  as 
a  knit^ht  of  the  Golden  Fleece  and  appear  before  the  tribunal  of  Alva.  When 
prevailed  on  to  waive  his  scruples,  his  defence  was  couched  in  language  so 
direct  and  manly  as  at  once  engages  our  confidence.  "  Unskilled  as  I  am  m 
this  sort  of  business,"  he  remarks,  "and  without  the  aid  of  counsel  to  guide 
me,  if  I  have  fallen  into  errors  they  must  be  imputed  not  to  intention,  but  to 
the  want  of  experience.  ...  I  can  only  beseech  those  who  shall  read  my 
defence  to  believe  that  it  has  been  made  sincerely  and  in  all  truth,  as  becomes 
a  gentleman  of  honourable  descent. "  "  ,.,.••    xi     j  i  4. 

By  the  remonstrances  of  the  prisoners  and  their  friends,  the  duke  was  at 
length  prevailed  on  to  allow  them  counsel.  Each  of  the  two  lords  obtained 
the°services  of  five  of  the  most  eminent  jurists  of  the  country,— who,  to  their 
credit,  seem  not  to  have  shrunk  from  a  duty  which,  if  not  attended  with 
actual  danger,  certainly  did  not  lie  in  the  road  to  preferment. *• 


time  only,  when,  on  the  c.-ntrary,  he  had 
expressly  stated  that  the  dismissal  was  final, 
and  that  he  hxd  never  seen  the  man  since. 
Supplement  a  Strada,  tom.  i.  p.  40. 

•'  Egmont's  defence,  of  which  extracts, 
wretchedly  garbled,  are  given  by  Foppens, 
has  been  iirinted  in  extenso  by  M.  de  Bavay, 
in  his  useful  couipilatioii,  Pr  K^^es  du  Comte 


d'Egmont  (Bruxelles.  1854),  pp.  121-153. 

"  "Suppliant  a  tous  ceux  qui  la  verront, 
croire  qu'il  a  respondu  a  tons  4e8  articles 
Blncerement  et  en  toute  verite  comme  un 
Gentilhomme  bien  ne  est  tenu  et  oblige  de 
faire."    Supp'ement  a  ^trada,  tom.  i.  p  209. 

'•  Foppens  has  devoted  n -arly  all  the  first 
volume  of  his  "■  Suitpltment"  to  pieces  iUus- 


The  counsel  of  the  two  lords  lost  no  time  m  preparing  the  defence  thej 
clients,  taking  up  each  charge  brought  against  them  by  the  attorney-genera , 
and  minutely  replying  to  it  Their  defence  was  substantially  the  same  w  th 
that  Xich  iJLd  L^n^set  up  by  the  prisoners  themselves,  though  more  dabo- 
rate  and  sustained  by  a  greater  array  both  of  facts  and  arguments."  M^n- 
;\tirthe  coS  did'not'remit  thei/eiforts  to  have  the  ^^^^^^^£^^tlZ 
the  tribunal  of  the  Toison  d)  Or.  Unless  this  could>eflected,  they  felt  that 
all  endeavours  to  establish  the  innocence  of  their  clients  would  be  unavailing 

Alva  had  early  foreseen  the  embarrassments  to  which  he  wouia  oe 
exSJsedrthis  Iround.  He  had  a^^.^^ingly  requested  Phihp  to  ^^^^^^^ 
furUer  solicitations  bv  making  known  his  own  decision  ^^  thejnatter  ihe 
king,  in  reply,  assured  the  duke  that  men  of  authority  and  learning,  to  whom 
Se  subiect  had  been  committed,  after  a  full  examination,  entirely  confirmed 
the  STon  madrbefore  Alva's  departure,  that  the  case  of  treason  did  not 

'cSme  Sn  the  cognizance  of  the  To^ond^  Or.^^  ^f '1^^  dTl^cTSSs 
this  note  empowering  the  duke  to  try  the  cause."  With  these  credentials 
Alva  now  s'trove  to  sifence,  if  not  to  ^satisfy,  the  counse  of.the  prisoners  ;  and^ 
hv  a  formal  decree,  all  further  applications  for  transferring  the  cause  from 
fis  0™  isSn  to  that  of  the  Golden  Fleece  were  peremptorily  for- 

^' YeT  all  were  not  to  be  thus  silenced.  Jg«^<>JJt^^"t'•L1fi'af  t"^^^^^^ 
unwearied  in  her  ettbrts  to  excite  a  sympathy  ^."  her  lord  sbe^lfm  ^  hose 
who  would  be  likely  to  have  any  influence  with  the  government  tAm  m 
r&sXagahi  ^ote  to  PhiUp,  complaining  that  she  had  not  been  allowed  so 
much  as  to  see  her  husbani  She  implored  the  king  to  take  her  and  her 
Sdldren  a^  si^efe  for  Egmont  and  permit  him  to  I.  --oved  to  one  ^^  h^ 
own  houses  If  that  could  not  be,  she  begged  that  he  might  at  least  oe 
ahowed  the*  air  of  the^stle,  lest,  though  innocent,  his  confinement  might 
cost  hfm  Ws  hie.  She  alludes  to  h^r  miserable  condition,  with  her  young  and 
hebles7  family,  and  trusts  in  the  king's  goodness  and  mstice  that  she  shall 
not^be  fS  to  seek  a  subsistence  in  Germany,  from  ^^^^  T n^/^^^^^ 
been  brought  to  Flanders  by  liis  father  the  emperor."    The  letter,  says  a 


strfltive  of  the  proceedings  against  Egmont 
and  Hoome.  The  articles  of  accu&ition  are 
given  at  length.  His  countrymen  are  under 
obligations  to  this  compiler,  who  thus  early 
brought  before  them  so  many  documents  of 
great  importance  to  the  national  history.  The 
obligation  would  have  been  greater  if  the 
editor  had  done  his  work  in  a  scholar-like 
way,— instead  of  heaping  together  a  confused 
mass  of  materials,  without  method,  often 
without  dates,  and  with  so  little  care  that  the 
titles  of  the  documents  are  not  seldom  at 
variance  with  the  contents. 

'»  At  least  such  is  the  account  whtcd 
Foppens  gives  of  the  "Justification."  as  it  is 
teraed,  of  Hoome,  of  which  the  Flemish  editor 
has  printed  only  the  preamble  and  the  conclu- 
sion, without  so  much  as  favoring  us  with  the 
date  of  the  Instrument.  (Supplement  a  btrada, 
tom.  i.  pp.  241-243.)  M.de  Bavay.  on  the 
other  hand,  has  given  the  defence  set  up  by 
Egmonfs  counsel  in  esUenso.  It  covers  seventy 
printed  pages,  being  double  the  quantity 
occupied  by  blgmonfs  defence  of  himself.  By 
comparing  the  two  together,  it  is  easy  to  see 
how  closely  the  former,  though  « ith  greater 


amplification,  is  fashioned  on  the  latter.  Pro- 
ces  du  Comte  d'Egmont,  pp.  153-223. 
•■"'  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  1. 

p.  582.  ,  .        11     •*. 

="  "Quoique,  avant  le  depart  du  due,  11  alt 
ete  recunnu,  dans  les  deliberations  qui  ont  eu 
lieu  a  Madrid  en  sa  presence,  que  cette  pre- 
tention n'eUit  pas  fondee,  le  Roi,  vu  la  gravity 
de  I'affaire,  a  ordonne  que  quelques  personnes 
d'autorite  et  de  lettres  se  reunisseut  de  nou- 
veau,  pour  examiner  la  question.— II  com- 
munique au  due  les  considerations  qui  ont 
ete  approuvees  dans  cette  junte,  et  q)^>  con- 
firment  I'opinion  precedemment  emise.    Ibid., 

•^  The  letters  patent  were  ante-dated  as  far 
back  as  April  15th,  1567,  probably  that  they 
might  not  appear  to  have  been  got  up  for  the 
nonce.    Conf.  Ibid.,  p.  528. 

"  "  J'espere  en  la  bonte.  clemence  et  jus- 
tice  de  Votre  Majeste  qu'icelle  ne  voudra 
souffrir  que  je  sorte  vos  pays,  avec  mes  onze 
enfants,  pour  aller  hors  d'iceux  chercher 
moyen  de  vivre,  ayant  ete  amenee  par  feu  de 
bonne  m^moire  I'Kmpereur,  votre  pere. 
Ibid.,  tom.  ii.  p.  5. 


>(| 


Ifl 


348  TRIALS  OF  EGMONT  AND  HOORNE. 

chronicler  of  the  time,  was  not  to  be  read  by  any  one  without  sincere  com- 

"^T^'Germln^^^^^^  the  same  time,  continued  their  interces^ons  with 
the  king  for  both  the  noble.  ;  and  the  duke  of  Havana  and  the  duke  and 
ducheTsVf  Lorraine,  eaniestlv  invoked  his  clemency  m  their  behalf  Philip, 
weaned  by  this  importunity,  but  not  wavering  m  his  purpose,  again  called  on 
Alva  to  Dress  the  trial  to  a  conclusion."  .  ^v    v    j  «<,  v« 

ToS  the  end  of  AprU,  1568,  came  that  imiption  across  the  border  by 
HooKtraten  and  the  otfier  lords,  described  in  the  previous  chapter.  Alva, 
fS  probably  that  his  own  presence  might  be  required  to  check  fiie  invaders, 
fmind  an  additional  motive  for  bringing  tie  trials  to  a  decision.  . 

On  the  sixth  of  May,  the  attorney-general  presented  a  remonstrance  against 
the  dilatory  prweedings  of  Egmont^s  counsel,  declaring  that  although  so 
mfny  mSs'^hTd  dapfed,  they  had  neglected  to  bring  forward  their  witnesses 
hi  support  of  their  defence.    He  prayed  that  a  day  might  be  named  for  the 

^'lIl'StertToTMay,  news  came  of  the  battle  won  by  Lonis  of  Nas«»u 
5n  the  north     Ihat  now  Wie  certain  which  had  before  been  only  probably 

^that  Alva  must  repair  in  person  to  the  seat  of  war  ''»\»?^\»7j';^,'7rcree 
nf  the  arniv  There  could  be  no  further  delay.  On  the  first  of  J  une,  a  decree 
tUpuSed,  declaring  that  the  time  allowed  ^o^the  defo.ce  of  the^risoners 
had  exoired,  and  that  no  evidence  could  henceforth  be  aan""ed.  Ihe 
colsel&e  accused  loudly  protested  against  a/emon  which  cut  them  off 
from  all  means  of  esUb  shmg  the  innocence  of  their  clients,  iney  naa 
Ebuida  tTeTtimony  at  hand,  they  said,  and  had  only  waited  until  the  govern- 
S  sCild  hSve  Voduced  theirs.    This  was  plausible,  as  ,t  was  m  the 

?^l,"lar  couie  for  L  prosecuting  oarty  to  ^^^  PJf,',^»'«t„B^\«"tcted 
horHlv  doubt  that  the  wary  lawyers  knew  that  too  little  was  to  oe  expeciea 
from  a  Sunal  like  the  Council  of  Blood  to  wish  to  have.the  case  brought  to 
Td^chiM  By  delaying  matters,  some  circumstance  might  occur- perhaps 
t)mes?roncer  expression  of  the  public  sentiment-to  work  a  favourable  change 
i^he  S  of  the  king.  Poor  Is  it  was,  this  was  the  only  chance  for  safety. ; 
Ind "d^y  tlLt  tie  decision  was  postpon^l  was  a  iiy  gamed  to  their 

''wilt 'no  time  was  riven  for  expostulation.    On  the  day  on  which  Alva^s 
i^^  wip^*lisW,Te  affair  w^  submitted  to  the  deci  of  the^ounc. 
of  Blood ,  and  on  the  following  morning,  the  ^o^ond  of  -Jupe,   ^a*  bod^-or 
rather  Vargas  and  Del  R  o,  the  only  members  who  had  a  voice  in  tne  matter 
-pronoS  both  the  prisoners  guilty  of  treason,  and  doomed  them  to  death. 

""  On^t^e'eZgTthf  fmirthl  Aiva  went  in  person  to  the  meeting  of  the 
poiVncil  The  sentences  of  the  two  lords,  each  under  a  sealed  envelope,  were 
3u^,;nd  r^abud  by  the  secreUiV-    They  were  both  of  precisely  the 


THE  PROCESSES  REVIEWED. 


849 


**  "  Haud  facile  sine  commiseratione  leg!  k 
qnoquam  potest."  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico, 
torn  i.  p.  387.— According  to  Alva's  bio- 
grapher, Ossorio,  the  appeal  of  the  countess 
would  probably  have  softened  the  heart  of 
Philip,  and  inclined  him  to  an  "ill-timed 
clemency,"  had  it  not  been  for  the  remon- 
strance of  Cardinal  Espinos*.  then  predonii- 
nant  in  the  cabinet,  who  reminded  the  kmg 
that  "  clemency  was  a  sin  when  the  outrage 
was  against  religion."  (Albae  Vita,  p.  282.) 
To   one   acquainted  with  the  character  of 


Philip  the  "  probability "  of  the   historian 
may  seem  somewhat  less  than  probable. 
"  Correspondance  de  I'hilippe  11.,  torn.  U. 

p.  18. 

"  Supplement  k  Strada.  torn.  i.  p.  90. 

«'  Supplement  k  Strada,  tom.  i.  p  252.— By 
a  decree  passed  on  the  eighteenth  of  May, 
Ettmont  had  been  already  excluded  fVom  any 
further  right  to  bring  evidence  in  his  defence. 
The  documents  connected  with  this  matter 
are  given  by  Foppens,  Ibid.,  tom.  L  pp.  90- 
103. 


* 


:l 


same  import  After  the  usual  preamble,  they  pronounced  the  Coimts  Egmont 
and  Hoorne  to  have  been  proved  parties  to  the  abominable  league  and  con- 
spiracy of  the  prince  of  Orange  and  his  associates ;  to  have  given  aid  and 
protection  to  the  confederates ;  and  to  have  conniiitted  sundry  malpractices 
in  their  respective  governments  in  regard  to  the  sectaries,  to  the  prejudice  of 
the  holy  Catholic  faith.  On  these  grounds  they  were  adjudged  guilty  of 
treason  and  rebellion,  and  were  sentenced  accordingly  to  be  behead^  with  the 
sword,  their  heads  to  be  set  upon  poles  and  there  to  continue  dunng  the 
pleasure  of  the  duke ;  their  ix)sse.ssions,  fiefs,  and  rights,  of  every  descrintion, 
to  be  confiscated  to  the  use  of  the  crown.=»  These  sentences  were  signed  only 
with  the  name  of  Alva,  and  countersigned  with  that  of  the  Secretary  Pratz." 
Such  was  the  result  of  these  famous  trials,  which,  from  the  peculiar  circum- 
stances that  attended  them,  especially  their  extraordinary  duration  and  the 
iUustrious  characters  and  rank  of  the  accused,  became  an  object  of  general 
interest  throughout  Europe.  In  reviewing  them,  the  first  question  that 
occurs  is  in  regard  to  the  validity  of  the  grounds  on  which  the  causes  were 
removed  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Toisofi  d'  Or,  The  decision  of  the  "  men 
of  authority  and  learning  "  referred  to  by  the  king  is  of  little  moment,  con- 
sidering the  influences  under  which  such  a  decision  in  the  court  of  Madrid  was 
necessarily  given.  The  only  authority  of  any  weight  in  favour  of  this  inter- 
pretation seems  to  have  been  tliat  of  the  President  Viglius ;  a  man  well 
versed  in  the  law,  with  the  statutes  of  the  order  before  him,  and,  in  short, 
with  every  facility  at  his  command  for  forming  an  accurate  judgment  in  the 

matter. 

His  opinion  seems  to  have  mainly  rested  on  the  fact  that  in  the  year  1473 
a  knight  of  the  order,  charged  with  a  capital  crime,  submitted  to  be  tried  by 
the  ordinary  courts  of  law.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  some  years  later,  in  149a 
four  knights  accused  of  treason,  the  precise  crime  alleged  against  Egmont  and 
Hoorne,  were  arraigned  and  tried  before  the  members  of  the  Touoii,  A  more 
conclusive  argument  against  Viglius  was  afforded  by  the  fact  that  in  1531  a 
law  was  passed,  under  the  emperor  Charles  the  Fifth,  that  no  knight  of  the 
Golden  Fleece  could  be  arrested  or  tried,  for  any  offence  whatever,  by  any 
other  body  than  the  members  of  his  own  order.  This  statute  was  solemnly 
confirmed  by  Philip  himself  in  1550;  and  no  law,  surely,  could  be  devised 
covering  more  effectually  the  whole  ground  in  question.  Yet  Viglius  had  the 
effrontery  to  set  this  aside  as  of  no  force,  being  so  clearly  in  contempt  of  all 
precedents  and  statutes.  A  subterfuge  like  this,  which  might  justify  the 
disregard  of  any  law  whatever,  found  no  favour  with  the  members  of  the 
order.  Aerschot  and  Barlaimont,  in  particular,  the  mOsSt  devoted  adherents 
of  the  crown,  and  among  the  few  knights  of  the  Toison  then  in  Brussels, 
openly  expressed  their  dissent.  The  authority  of  a  jurist  like  Viglius  was  of 
great  moment,  however,  to  the  duke,  who  did  not  fail  to  parade  it*'  But 
sorely  was  it  to  the  disgrace  of  that  timid  and  time-serving  councillor  that  he 


••  Among  the  documents  analyzed  by  Ga- 
chard  is  one  exhibiting  the  revenues  of  the 
great  lords  of  the  Low  Countries  whose 
estates  were  confiscated.  No  one  except  the 
prince  of  Orange  had  an  income  nearly  so 
great  as  that  of  Egmont,  amounting  to  63,000 
florins.  He  had  a  palace  at  Brussels,  and 
other  residence*  at  Mechlin,  Ghent,  Bruges, 
Arra.<»,  and  the  Hague.  The  revenues  of 
CJount  Hoorne  amounted  to  about  8500  florins. 
"Count  Culemborg,  whose  hotel  was  the  place 
of  rendezvous  for  the  Gueux,  had  a  yearly 


income  exceeding  31,000  florins.  William's 
revenues,  fur  greater  than  either,  rose  above 
152.0u0.  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II., tom. 
ii.  p.  116. 

'•  Supplement  k  Strada,  tom.  i.  pp.  252- 
357. 

"  In  a  letter  dated  January  6th,  1568,  Alva 
tells  the  king  that  Viglius,  after  examining 
into  the  affair,  finds  the  evid<^nce  so  clear  on 
the  point  that  nothing  more  could  be  desired. 
Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  tom.  li.  p.  4. 


I 


350  TRIALS  OF  EOMONT  AND  HOORNE. 

could  te  lend  himse^  and  in  -cha^-.e  to  become  £,  t^o^'^  of^^^^ 

in  this  matter,  there  can  t«  "°  f  "y,' *l^J*^f  J  ™  existence 

or  were  not  guilty  of  the  crime  imputed  ^*^,^*^«'"'-^^"^ '^jT  tu '"!'    est  charL^e 

':^T^nZ7S'lXl  at  gieat  length,  and  with  a  punty  of  style  that 


\ 


THE  COUNTS  REMOVED  TO  BRUSSELS. 


351 


^1 


=»•  For  the  facts  connected  with  the  consti- 
tution of  ihe  Tbison  d'  Or,  I  am  indebted  to  a 
Dutch  work  now  in  course  of  publication  in 
Amsterdam  (Algemeene  Geschiedenisdes  Va- 
derlands,  van  de  vroegste  tijilen  tot  op  heden, 
door  Dr.  J.  P.  Arend).    This  work,  wh.ch  is 
designed  to  cover  the  whole  history  of  the 
Netherlands,  may   claim   ^he    merits   of  a 
thoroughness  rare  in  this  age  ot  rapid  book- 
making,  and  of  a  candour  rare  in  any  age.   Jn 
Sy  own  ignorance  of  the    Dutch    I   must 
acknowledge  my  obligations  to  a  friend  for 
enabling  me  to  read  it.    I  must  further  add 
that  for  the  loan  of  the  work  I  am  indebted  to 
the  courtesy  of  B.  Homer  Dixon,  1*^.,  Consul 
for  the  Netherlands  in  Boston. 

»-  M  de  I'xivay  has  devoted  seventy  pag^a 
or  more  of  his  publication  to  affidavits  of  wit- 
nesses in  behalf  of  the  prosecution.  (Proces 
du  Comte  d'Egmont.  pp.  267-322.)  But  the.r 
testimony  bears  almost  exclusively  on  the 
subject  of  Egtnonfs  dealings  ^iit^/tese^t*- 
Ties  —scarcely  warranting  the  Flemish  editor  8 
a-sertion  in  his  preface,  that  he  has  been  able 
to  furnish  -  all  the  elements  of  the  conviction 
of  the  accused  by  the  duke  of  Alva.  — M.  de 


Bava^'s  work  is  one  of  the  good  fruits  of  that 
patriotic    zeal   which   animates  the    H*'lpiHn 
8cli..l.>rs  of  our  time  for  the  illustration  of  their 
national  history.     It  was  given  to  the  public 
only  the  last  year.  aft.  r  the  present  chapter 
had  been  written.     In  addition  to  what  is  con- 
taineti  in  former  publications,  it  furnishes  us 
with  complete  copies  of  the  defence  of  Egmont, 
as  prepared  both  by  himself  and  his  counsel, 
and  with  the  affidavits  above  noticed  of  w-it- 
nessen  on  the  part  of  the  govemment     It  has 
supplied  me.  therefore,  with  valuable  mate- 
rials whether  for  the  correction  or  the  corrobo- 
ration t.f  my  previous  conclusions. 

"  Tiie  resistance  to  which  those  who  signed 
the  Comi  ron.ise  were  pledged  was  to  the 
Inquisition,  in  case  of  its  attempt  to  arrest 
any  member  of  their  body.    Ante,  p.  236. 

"  Bv  the  famous  statute,  in  particular,  of 
Edward  the  Third,  the  basis  of  all  subsequent 
legislation  on  the  subject.  Some  reflections, 
tKah  on  this  law  and  the  laws  which  sub- 
sequently  modified  it,  made  with  the  Uftual 
acuteness  of  their  author,  may  be  found  In  the 
fifteenth  chapter  of  Hallam'8  Constlfatlonal 
History  of  England. 


I 


msmmmm 

might  have  been  shown  *<>  "jf » J^^^.^^eil  L^^^^^^^  «^ 

former  friends  and  displayed  the  utmost  zeal  in  ^r^^^^  ^^^ 

the  trovernment ;  a  zeal  in  the  case  of  Jigmont,  at  *®^^^^  VTV",  "  ^  u_p„  p^n. 

TJo^i^t  sort  whicfi  is  mnre  sensible  f";'"^"^*  may  ^  to  have  been  a 

Under  the  c  rcumstances  attendnig  this  trial,  it  may je?™  t^Jl  the  cause. 

wa^te  of  time  to  inquire  into  the  legality  of  *«  <=o"rt  whu^htn^  tte  cause^ 

cabinet  of  Madrid  1" 


CHAPTER  V. 

EXECUTION  OP  EGMONT  AND  HOORNE. 

,      T  f  «v.«/i  nf  thP  Rentenc*— Procession  to  the  Scaffold— The 
The  Counts  removed  to  Brussels-Informed  of  *^«.  .^J-^^^  Js^iment  of  the  People. 
Executiou— Character  of  Lgmont— t  ate  ot  his  *  amuy— ^ 

1568. 

On  the  second  of  June,  156^  rf^  body  0^1^,^^;"^^  ^No'rSn!^ 
Ghent  to  escort  the  Counts  Egmont  and  Ho^me  to  B^  ^     ^^^^^^.^^^ 

:rgn«a^S!Jtf^^  ^^wl^lt^boded  th?  fate  of  their 

^^Thf  iSes,  each  accompanied  by  two  officers,  were  put  into  separate 


»»  The  original  document  Is  t^  be  found  in 
the  archives  of  Brussels,  or  was  in  ihe  time  of 
Vandervynckt.  who  having  ex«niined  it  care- 
fully, gives  a  brief  notice  of  it.  (Troubles 
des  Pays-Bas,  tom.  ii.  pp.  25b,. 25'-)  .h! 
name  of  its  author  should  be  cherished  by  the 

historian,  as  that  of  a  °^«^B'«^'-*^%  ^Id  t^e 
the  face  of  a  tyrannical  government  had  the 
courage  to  enter  his  protest  against  the  judicial 
murders  perpetrated  under  its  sanation. 

-  Among  other  passages  "^VxVroh^rd 
of  Margaret  to  the  king,  dated  March  23rd. 
1567  •  "  Ceulx  de  son  conseil  icy.  qui  s  em- 
i^oyentl^St  fidelement  et  dilgemment  ^n 
Jon  service,  et  entre  aultres  le  comte  dfcgmont 
dont  je  ne  puis  avoir  synon  bon  con^nj^^^^' 
Correspondance  de  Marguerite  d  Autnche,  p. 


^'  M  de  Gerlache.  In  a  long  note  to  the 
second  edition  of  his  history,  enters  into  a 
^tiny  of  Egmont's  conduct  as  ^verea^ 
that  by  the  attorney-general  himself.-and 
with  much  .he  same  result.  (»»f  • '\".?^"y: 
aume  des  Pays-Bas.  tom.  i.  PP-9f;J01.)  Can 
any  one  l.elieve,"  he  asks,  "that  if. '"^tead  ^f 
hivine  the  'Demon  of  the  South  for  his 
maste?.  it  had  been  Charles  the  Fifth  or  Nap^ 
leon.  Egmont  would  have  been  allowed  to 
play  the  part  he  did  with  i°iP«";^yf>i;°8 •.. 
Vhis  kind  of  Socratic  argument,  as  far  as  it 
g^!;.s,  proves  only  that  Philip  did  no  worse  than 
Charles  or  N  ap  -l^on  would  have  done.  It  by 
So  means  proves  Egmont  to  have  deserved  his 
sentence. 


352 


EXECUTION  OF  EQMONT  AND  HOORNE. 


chanots.  They  were  guarded  by  twenty  companies  of  pikemen  and  araue- 
busiers  ;  and  a  detachment  of  lancers,  among  whom  was  a  body  of  the  duke's 
own  horse,  rode  in  the  van,  while  another  of  etiual  strength  protected  the  rear. 
Under  this  strong  escort  they  moved  slowly  towards  Brussels.  One  night 
they  halted  at  Dendermonde,  and  towards  evening,  on  the  fourth  of  the 
month,  entered  the  capital.*  As  the  martial  array  defiled  through  its  streets, 
there  was  no  one,  however  stout-hearted  he  might  be,  says  an  eye-witness, 
who  could  l^ehold  the  funeral  pomp  of  the  procession,  and  listen  to  the 
strains  of  melancholy  music,  without  a  feeling  of  sickness  at  his  heart.* 

The  prisoners  were  at  once  conducted  to  the  Brodkuys,  or  "  Bread-house," 
usually  known  as  the  Maison  du  i?oi,— that  venerable  pile  in  the  market- 
place of  Brussels,  still  visited  by  every  traveller  for  its  curious  architecture, 
and  yet  more  as  the  last  resting-place  of  the  Flemish  lords.  Here  tliey  were 
lodged  in  separate  rooms,  small,  dark,  and  uncomfortable,  and  scantilv  pro- 
vided with  furniture.  Nearly  the  whole  of  the  force  which  had  escorted  them 
to  Brussels  was  established  in  the  great  square,  to  defeat  any  attempt  at  a 
rescue.  But  none  was  made  ;  and  the  night  passed  away  without  disturbance, 
except  what  was  occasioned  by  the  sound  of  busy  workmen  employed  in  con- 
structing a  scaffold  for  the  scene  of  execution  on  the  following  clay.» 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  fourth,  the  duke  of  Alva  had  sent  for  Martin 
Rithovius,  bishop  of  Ypres ;  and,  communicating  to  him  the  sentence  of  the 
nobles,  he  requested  the  prelate  to  visit  the  prisoners,  acmiaint  them  with 
their  fate,  and  prepare  them  for  their  execution  on  the  following  day.  The 
bishop,  an  excellent  man,  and  the  personal  friend  of  Egmont,  was  astounded 
by  the  tidings.  He  threw  himself  at  Alva's  feet,  imploring  mercy  for  the 
prisoners,  and,  if  he  could  not  spare  their  lives,  beseeching  nim  at  least  to 
grant  them  more  time  for  preparation.  But  Alva  sternly  rebuked  the  pre- 
late, saying  that  he  had  been  sunmioned,  not  to  thwart  the  execution  of  the 
law,  but  to  console  the  prisoners  and  enable  them  to  die  like  Christians.*  The 
bishop,  finding  his  entreaties  useless,  rose  and  addressed  himself  to  his  me'an- 
choly  mission. 

It  was  near  midnight  when  he  entered  Egmont's  apartment,  where  he 
found  the  poor  nobleman,  whose  strength  had  been  already  reduced  by  con- 
finement, and  who  was  wearied  by  the  fattgue  of  the  journey,  buried  in 
slumber.  It  is  said  that  the  two  lords,  when  summoned  to  Brussels,  had 
indulged  the  vain  hope  that  it  was  to  inform  them  of  the  conclusion  of  their 
trial  and  their  acquittal !  *  However  this  may  be,  Egmont  seems  to  have 
been  but  ill  prepared  for  the  dreadful  tidings  he  received.  He  turned  deadly 
pale  as  he  listened  to  the  bishop,  and  exclaimed,  with  deep  emotion,  "  It  is  a 
terrible  sentence.  Little  did  I  imagine  that  any  offence  I  had  committed 
against  God  or  the  king  could  merit  such  a  punishment.  It  is  not  death  that 
I  fear.  Death  is  the  common  lot  of  all.  But  I  shrink  from  dishonour.  Yet 
I  may  hope  that  my  sufferings  will  so  far  expiate  my  oflfences  that  my  inno- 


»  Relacion  de  la  Justicla  que  se  hlzo  de  los 
Contes  Agamont  y  Orne,  MS. 

»  ••Marcharent  dans  la  ville  en  bataillp,  et 
Avecques  une  batterie  de  tambouring  et  de 
phiffres  si  pitieuse  qu'il  n'y  avoit  spectateur 
de  8i  bon  coeur  qui  ne  pallst  et  ne  pleurast 
d'une  si  triste  porape  funebre."  Mondouci-t, 
ap.  Brantome,  (Euvres,  torn.  i.  p.  363. 

»  De  Thou,  Histoire  universelle,  torn.  v.  p. 

450.-Guerre8civile8  du  Pays-Bas,  p.  172.— 

'  Meteren.  HiPt.  des  Pavs-Bas,  fol.  57.— Relacion 

de  la  Justicia  que  so  bizo  de  lus  Contes  Aga- 


mont y  Ome,  MS. 

*  "Sur  quoy  le  Due  lui  repondit  fort  vive- 
ment  et  avec  une  eapece  de  colere,  qu'il  no 
I'avoit  pas  fait  venir  a  Brusst-Ue  pour  raetJie 
quf'lque  empechement  a  I'execution  de  leur 
sentence,  mais  bien  pour  les  consoler  et  Ics 
assister  a  mourir  chretiennement.*'  Supple- 
ment 4  Strada,  tom.  i.  p.  259. 

*  "  Venian  en  alguna  manera  contentos  de 
pensar  que  sus  caunas  andal>an  al  cabo.  y  que 
navian  de  salir  presto  y  bien  despai  hadoa  este 
dia."    Keiacion  de  la  Josticia*  MS. 


INFORMED  OF  THE  SENTENCE. 


353 


cent  tamily  will  not  be  involved  in  my  ruin  by  the  confiscation  of  my  property. 
Thus  much,  at  least,  I  think  I  may  claim  in  consideration  of  my  past  ser- 
vices." Then,  after  a  pause,  he  added,  "  Since  my  death  is  the  will  of  God 
and  his  majesty,  I  will  try  to  meet  it  with  patience."'  He  asked  the  bishop 
if  there  were  no  hope.  On  being  answered,  "  None  whatever,"  he  resolved  to 
devote  himself  at  once  to  preparing  for  the  solemn  change. 

He  rose  from  his  couch,  and  hastily  dressed  himself.  He  then  made  his 
confession  to  the  prelate,  and  desired  that  mass  might  be  said,  and  the  sacra- 
ment aduiinistered  to  him.  This  was  done  with  great  solemnity,  and  Egmont 
received  the  communion  in  the  most  devout  manner,  manifesting  the  greatest 
contrition  for  his  sins.  He  next  inquired  of  the  bishop  to  what  prayer  he 
could  best  have  recourse  to  sustain  him  in  this  trying  hour.  The  prelate 
recommended  to  him  that  prayer  which  our  Saviour  had  commended  to  his 
disciples.  The  advice  pleased  the  count,  who  earnestly  engaged  in  his  devo- 
tions. But  a  host  of  tender  recollections  crowded  on  his  mind,  and  the  images 
of  his  wife  and  children  drew  his  thoughts  in  another  direction,  till  the  kind 
expostulations  of  the  i»relate  again  restored  him  to  himself. 

Egmont  asked  whether  it  would  be  well  to  say  anything  on  the  scaffold  for 
the  edification  of  the  people.  But  the  bishop  discouraged  him,  saying  that 
he  would  be  imperfectly  heard,  and  that  the  people,  in  their  present  excite- 
ment, would  be  apt  to  misinterpret  what  he  said  to  their  own  prejudice. 

Having  attended  to  his  spiritual  concerns,  E2:mont  called  for  writing  mate- 
rials, and  wrote  a  letter  to  his  wife,  whom  he  had  not  seen  during  his  long 
confinement ;  and  to  her  he  now  bade  a  tender  farewell.  He  then  addressed 
another  letter,  written  in  French,  in  a  few  brief  and  touching  sentences,  to 
the  king,— which  fortunately  has  been  preserved  to  us.  "  This  morning,"  he 
says,  "  1  have  been  made  acquainted  with  the  sentence  which  it  has  pleased 
your  majesty  to  pa^s  upon  me.  And  although  it  has  never  been  my  intent  to 
*do  aught  against  the  person  or  the  service  of  your  majesty,  or  against  our 
true,  ancient,  and  Catholic  faith,  yet  I  receive  in  patience  what  it  has  pleased 
God  to  send  me.^  If  during  these  troubles  I  have  counselled  or  permitted 
aught  which  minht  seem  otherwise,  I  have  done  so  from  a  sincere  regard  for 
the  service  of  God  and  your  majesty,  and  from  what  I  believed  the  necessity 
of  the  times.  Wherefore  I  pray  your  majesty  to  pardon  it,  and  for  the  sake 
of  my  past  services  to  take  pity  on  my  poor  wife,  my  children,  and  my  ser- 
vants. In  this  trust,  I  commend  myself  to  the  mercy  of  God."  The  letter  is 
dated  Brussels,  "  on  the  point  of  death,"  June  5th,  ISeS.** 

Having  time  still  left,  the  count  made  a  fair  copy  of  the  two  letters,  and 
gave  them  to  the  bishop,  entreating  him  to  deliver  them  according  to  their 
destination.    He  accompanied  that  to  Philip  with  a  ring,  to  be  given  at  the 

•  "  Voicv  une  Sentence  bien  rlgoureuBe,  je 
ne  peiise  pa8  d'avoir  tant  oflF<'nce  Sa  Majeste, 
pour  meriter  un  tel  ttaittement ;  neannioins 
je  Ip  prens  en  patience  et  prie  le  Seigneur,  que 
ma  niort  soit  une  expiation  de  mes  peches,  et 
(jue  par  \k,  ma  chere  Femme  et  mes  Enfans 
n'encourent  aucun  blame,  ny  confiscation. 
Car  mes  services  passez  meritent  bien  qu'on 
me  fasse  cett*'  grate.  Puis  qu'il  phiit  a  Dieu 
et  au  Roy,  j'accepte  la  mort  avec.  patience." 
Supplement  a  Strada,  tom.  i.  p.  259.— These 
remarks  of  Egmont  are  also  given,  with  very 
little  discrepancy,  by  Meteren.  Hist,  des  Pays- 
Bas.  fol.  56 ;  in  the  Relacion  de  la  Justicia  que 
se  hizo  de  los  Contes  Agamont  y  Orne,  MS. ; 
and  in  the  relation  of  Mondoucet,  ap.  Bran- 


tome,  CEuvres,  tom.  i.  p.  364. 

'  "  Et  combien  que  jamais  men  intention 
n'ait  este  de  riens  traicter,  ni  faire  contre  la 
Personne,  ni  le  service  de  Vostre  Majerte,  ne 
contre  nostre  vraye,  ancienne,  et  catholicque 
Religion,  si  est-ce  que  je  prens  en  patience,  co 
qn'il  plaist  a  mon  bon  Dieu  de  m'envoyer." 
Supplement  a  Strada,  tom.  1.  p.  261. 

•  *•  Parquoy,  je  prie  a  Vostre  Majeste  me  le 
pardonner,  et  avoir  pitie  de  ma  pauvre  femme, 
enfans  et  serviteurs,  vous  souvenant  de  mes 
services  passez.  Et  sur  cest  espoir  m'en  vols 
me  recommander  a  la  mlsericorde  de  Dieu.  De 
Bruxelles  prest  a  mourir,  ce  5  de  Juing  1568." 
Supplement  a  Strada,  ubi  supra. 

2  ▲ 


354 


EXECUTION  OF  EGMONT  AND  IIOORNE. 


same  time  to  the  monarch.'  It  was  of  great  vahie,  and,  as  it  had  been  the 
gift  of  Pliilip  himself  during  the  count's  late  visit  to  Madrid,  it  might  soften 
the  heart  of  the  king  by  reminding  him  of  happier  days,  when  he  had  looked 
with  an  eye  of  favour  on  his  unhappy  vassal. 

Having  completed  all  his  arrangements,  Egmont  became  impatient  for  the 
hour  of  his  departure ;  and  he  expressed  the  hope  that  there  would  be  no 
unnecessary  delay."*  At  ten  in  the  morning  the  soldiers  appeared  who  were 
to  conduct  him  to  the  scaffold.  They  brought  with  them  cords,  as  usual,  to 
bind  the  prisonei-'s  hands.  But  Egmont  remonstrated,  and  showed  that  he 
had,  himself,  cut  off  the  collar  of  his  doublet  and  shirt,  in  order  to  facilitate 
the  stroke  of  the  executioner.  This  he  did  to  convince  them  that  he  medi- 
tated no  resistance  ;  and  on  his  promising  that  he  would  attempt  none,  they 
consented  to  his  remaining  with  his  hanrls  unbound. 

Egmont  was  dressed  in  a  crimson  damask  robe,  over  which  was  a  Spanish 
mantle  fringeti  with  gold.  His  breeches  were  of  black  silk,  and  his  hat,  of 
the  same  material,  was  garnished  with  white  and  sable  plumes."  In  his 
hand,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  remained  free,  he  held  a  white  handkerchief. 
On  his  way  to  the  place  of  execution  he  was  accompanied  by  Julian  de  Romero, 
in  litre  de  campy  by  the  captain,  Salinas,  who  had  charge  of  the  fortress  of 
Ghent,  and  by  the  bishop  of  Ypres.  As  the  procession  moved  slowly  forward, 
the  coiuit  repeated  some  portion  of  the  fifty-first  Psalm,—"  Have  mercy  on 
me,  0  God  !  — in  which  the  good  prelate  joined  with  him.  In  the  centre  of 
the  square,  on  the  spot  where  so  much  of  the  best  blood  of  the  Netherlands 
has  been  shecl,  stood  the  scaffold,  covered  with  black  cloth.  On  it  were  two 
velvet  cushions  with  a  small  table,  shrouded  likewise  in  black,  and  supporting 
a  silver  crucifix.  At  the  corners  of  the  platform  were  two  poles,  pointed  at 
the  end  Avith  steel,  intimating  the  pui-pose  for  which  they  were  intended." 

In  front  of  the  scaffold  was  the  provost  of  the  court,  mounted  on  horseback, 
and  b«iring  the  red  wand  of  office  in  his  hand."  The  executioner  remained, 
as  usual,  below  the  platform,  screened  from  view,  that  he  mi^ht  not,  by  his 
presence  before  it  was  necessary,  outrage  the  feelings  of  the  pnsoners.'*    The 


•  "  Et  luy  donna  une  Ixipue  fort  richp  que 
le  roy  d'E^paigne  luy  avoitdonne  lors  qu'il  fut 
en  E^paigne,  en  signe  d'amitie,  pour  la  luy 
envoyer  et  faire  tenir."  BrantOme,  (Euvres, 
torn.  I.  p.  361. 

'°  "En  apres,  le  comte  d'Aipuemont  com- 
menga  a  soliciter  fort  I'advanceinent  de  sa 
mort,  disant  que  puis  qu'il  devoit  mourir  qu'on 
ne  le  devoit  tenir  si  longuement  en  ce  travail." 
IVIondoucet,  Ibid.,  p.  366. 

"  "  II  estoit  vestu  d'une  juppe*  de  damas 
cramoisy,  et  d'un  niantf-au  noir  avec  du  pas- 
senient  d'or,  les  cbausses  de  taffetas  noir  et  le 
ba8  de  cbamois  bronze,  son  cbapeau  de  tafTt'tas 
noir  couvert  de  force  plumes  blanches  et 
noires."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

■"  OsRorio,  Albaj  Vita.  p.  287.  —  Guorres 
civiles  du  Pays-Bas,  p.  177,— Relacion  de  la 
Justicia,  MS. 

'■•  This  personage,  whose  name  was  Spcl, 
met  with  no  better  fate  than  that  of  the  vic- 
tims whose  execution  he  now  superintended. 


Not  long  aftor  this  he  was  sentenced  to  the 
gallows  by  the  duke,  to  the  great  satisfaction 
of  the  people,  as  Strada  tells  us,  for  the  mani- 
fold crimes  he  had  cunimitted.  De  Bello 
Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  387. 

'*  The  executioner  was  t^aid  to  have  been 
formerly  one  of  Egmnnt's  servants  :  "  El  ver- 
dugo,  que  hasta  aquel  tiempo  no  se  havia 
dejado  ver,  por  que  en  la  forma  d  •  morir  se  le 
tuvo  este  respeto,hizo  su  oflcio  con  gran  pres- 
teza,  al  qual  Imvia  hecho  dar  aquel  maldito 
oficio  el  dicho  Conde,  y  dicen  aver  sido  lacayo 
suyo."  Relacion  de  la  Justicia,  MS.— Thii* 
rtiacirm  forms  part  of  a  curious  compilation 
in  MS.,  entitled  "Cartas  y  Papeles  varios,"  in 
the  British  Museum.  The  compiler  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  Petiro  de  Gante,  secretary 
of  the  duke  of  Najera,  who  amused  himself 
with  transcribing  various  cuiious  ♦n  lations" 
of  the  time  of  Charles  the  Fifth  and  Philip  the 
Second. 


*  [Tlie  "juppe"  (jitpon, giuhbone,  doublet) 
w:tsa  (igbt-fltting  garment,  suiubly  covered 
with  a  mantle  or  other  outer  garment  when 
the  wearer  went  abroad.      A  trlmFon  robe 


W.1S.  however,  the  coptumeof  the  Tohnn  d"  Or, 
which,  «ith  tlie  collar,  Egmont  is  stated  by 
some  writers  to  have  worn  on  the  scaffold, 
removing  them  before  his  decapitation. — Ed.] 


PROCESSION  TO  THE  SCAFFOLD. 


355 


troops,  who  had  been  under  arms  all  night,  were  drawn  up  around  in  order  of 
battle ;  and  strong  bodies  of  arquebusiers  were  posted  in  the  great  avenues 
which  led  to  the  square.  The  space  left  open  by  the  soldiery  was  speedily 
occuiied  by  a  crowd  of  eager  spectators.  Others  thronged  the  roofs  and 
windows  of  the  buildings  that  surrounded  the  market-place,  some  of  which, 
still  standing  at  the  present  day,  show,  by  their  quaint  and  venerable  archi- 
tecture, that  they  must  have  looked  down  on  the  tragic  scene  we  are  now 
depicting. 

It  was  indeed  a  gloomy  day  for  Brussels,— so  long  the  residence  of  the  two 
nobles,  where  their  forms  were  as  familiar  and  where  they  were  held  in  as 
much  love  and  honour  as  in  any  of  their  own  provinces.  All  business  was 
suspended.  The  shops  were  closed.  The  bells  tolled  in  all  the  churches.  An 
air  of  gloom,  as  of  some  impending  calamity,  settled  on  the  city.  '*  It  seemed," 
says  one  residing  there  at  the  time,  "as  if  the  day  of  judgment  were  at 
hand  ! "  » 

As  the  procession  slowly  passed  through  the  ranks  of  the  soldiers.  Egmont 
saluted  the  officers — some  of  them  his  ancient  companions— witn  such  a 
sweet  and  dignified  composure  in  his  manner  as  was  long  remembered  by 
those  who  saw  it.  And  few  even  of  the  Spaniards  could  refrain  from  tears  as 
they  took  their  last  look  at  the  gallant  noble  who  was  to  perish  by  so  miserable 
an  end.'" 

With  a  steady  step  he  mounted  the  scaffold,  and,  as  he  crossed  it.,  gave 
utterance  to  the  vain  wish  that,  instead  of  meeting  such  a  fate,  he  had  been 
allowed  to  die  in  the  service  of  his  king  and  country.'^  He  quickly,  however, 
turned  to  other  thoughts,  and,  kneeling  on  one  of  the  cushions,  with  the  bishop 
beside  him  on  the  other,  he  was  soon  engaged  earnestly  in  prayer.  With  his 
eyes  raised  towards  heaven  with  a  look  of  unutterable  sadness,"'  he  prayed  so 
fervently  and  loud  as  to  be  distinctly  heard  by  the  spectators.  The  prelate, 
much  affected,  put  into  his  hands  the  silver  crucifix,  which  Egniont  repeatedly 
kissed  ;  after  which,  having  received  absolution  for  the  last  time,  he  rose  and 
made  a  sign  to  the  bish.op  to  retire.  He  then  stripped  off  his  mantle  and 
robe  ;  and,  again  kneeling,  he  drew  a  silk  cap,  which  lie  had  brought  for  the 
purpose,  over  his  eyes,  and,  repeating  the  words,  "  Into  thy  hands,  0  Lord,  I 
commend  my  spirit,"  he  calmly  awaited  the  stroke  of  the  executioner. 

The  low  sounds  of  lamentation  which  from  time  to  time  had  been  heard 
among  the  populace  were  now  hushed  into  silence,*"  as  the. minister  of  justice, 
appearing  on  the  platform,  approached  his  victim  and  with  a  single  blow  of 
the  sword  severed  the  head  from  the  body,  A  cry  of  horror  rose  from  the 
multitude,  and  some,  frantic  with  grief,  broke  through  the  ranks  of  the 
soldiers  and  wildly  dipped  their  handkerchiefs  in  the  blood  that  streamed  from 
the  scaffold,  treasuring  them  up,  says  the  chronicler,  as  precious  memorials  of 
love  and  incitements  to  vengeance.'"    The  head  was  then  set  on  one  of  the 


'*  "  Todas  las  boticas  se  cerraron,  y  dobla- 
ron  por  ellos  todo  el  dia  las  campanas  de  las 
Yglesias,  quo  no  parecia  otra  cosa  si  no  dia  de 
jiiicio."     Relacion  de  la  Justicia,  MS. 

'*  "Lesquelz  pleuroient  et  regrettoient  de 
voir  un  si  grand  capitaine  muurir  ainsi," 
Mondoucet,  ap.  BrantOme,  (Euvres,  torn.  i.  p. 
267. 

"  "II  Fe  pourmena  quelque  pen,  sonhay- 
tant  de  pouvoir  finir  sa  vie  au  service  de  son 
Prince  et  du  pais."  Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays- 
iJa.-,  fol.  58. 

»•  ••  Alz6  los  oJo9  al  cielo  por  un  poco  espa- 


cio  con  un  semblante  tan  doloroso,  como  se 

Euedc  pensar  le  tenia  en  aquel  transito  un 
ombre  tan  discrete."    Relacion  de  la  Justi- 
cia, MS. 

'"  "  En  gran  silencio,  con  notable  lastima, 
sin  que  por  un  buen  espacio  se  sintiese  rumor 
nin^jno."     Relacion  de  la  Justicia,  MS. 

"  "Fuere,  qui  linteola,  contempto  periculo, 
Egmontii  cruore  consperserint,  servaverint- 
que,  seu  monumentum  amoris,  sen  vindictas 
irritamentum."  Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico, 
torn.  i.  p.  394. 


3G6  EXECUTION  OF  EGMONT  AND  HOORNE. 

poles  at  the  end  of  the  platform,  while  a  mantle  thrown  over  the  mutilated 
trunk  hid  it  trom  the  public  gaze.''  ,     ,  ,     ,    , 

It  was  near  noon  wien  orders  were  sent  to  lead  forth  the  remmning  prisoner 
to  execution.  It  had  been  assigned  to  the  curate  9f  La  ,^^»ai'f  ^f  ^^^.^^JJ^'fJ!^* 
Count  Hoorne  with  his  fate.  That  nobleman  received  the  awful  tidings  >Mth 
less  patience  than  was  shown  by  his  friend.  He  gave  way  to  a  burst  of  indig- 
nation at  the  cruelty  and  injustice  of  the  sentence.  It  was  a  poor  reqmtal,  he 
said,  for  eight-and- twenty  years  of  faithful  service  to  his  sovereign  Yet  he 
addk  he  was  not  sorry  to  be  released  from  a  life  of  such  lnce^sant  fatigue. 
For  some  time  he  refused  to  confess,  saying  he  had  done  enough  m  the  way 
of  confession."  When  urged  not  to  throw  away  the  few  precious  moments 
that  were  left  to  him,  he  at  length  consented. 

The  count  was  dressed  in  a  plain  suit  of  black,  and  wore  a  Milanese  cap 
upon  his  head.  He  was,  at  this  time,  about  fifty  yeiirs  of  age.  He  was  tall, 
vnth  handsome  features,  and  altogether  of  a  commanding  presence.  His 
form  was  erect,  and  as  he  passed  with  a  steady  step  through  the  tiles  of 
soldiers,  on  his  way  to  the  place  of  execution,  he  frankly  -^ahited  tliONC  of  Jus 
acquaintance  whom  he  saw  among  the  spectators,  liis  look  had  m  it  less  oi 
sorrow  than  of  indignation,  like  that  of  one  conscious  of  enduring  wrong.  He 
was  spared  one  pang,  in  his  last  hour,  which  had  filled  Egmont  s  cup  with 
bitterness  :  though,  like  him,  he  had  a  wife,  he  was  to  leave  no  orphan  famiiy 

to  mourn  him.  ,  ,     ,  j  ^    u  ^™«^  f« 

As  he  trod  the  scaffold,  the  apparatus  of  death  seemed  to  have  no  power  to 
move  him.  He  still  repeated  the  declaration  that,  "  often  as  he  had  otteiulecl 
his  iMaker,  he  had  never,  to  his  knowledge,  committed  anv  oftence  against  tlie 
king  "  When  his  eyes  fell  on  the  bloody  shroud  that  enveloped  the  remains  ot 
Egmont,  he  inquired  if  it  were  the  body  of  his  friend.  Being  answered  m  the 
attirmative,  he  made  some  remark  in  Castilian,  not  understood  He  then 
prayed  for  a  few  moments,  but  in  so  low  a  tone  that  the  words  were  not 
caught  by  the  bystanders,  and,  rising,  he  asked  pardon  of  those  around  if  he 
had  ever  offended  any  of  them,  and  earnestly  besought  their  prayere.  Ihen, 
without  further  delay,  he  knelt  down,  and,  repeating  the  words,  Jn  manus 
tuas,  Domine;'  he  submitted  himself  to  his  fate."    ,  , .    ^  „  _  „ 

His  bloodv  head  was  set  up  opposite  to  that  of  his  fellow-sufferer,  .bor 
three  hours  these  ghastly  trophies  remained  exposed  to  the  gaze  of  the  multi- 
tude They  were  then  taken  down,  and,  with  the  bodies,  placed  m  leaden 
coffins,  which  were  straightway  removed,— that  containing  the  remains  of 


•'  Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays-Bas.  fol.  58.— 
Guerres  civiles  du  Pays-Bas,  p.  177.— Uela- 
cion  de  la  Justicia,  MS.— M.  de  Bavay  has 
published  a  letter  from  one  of  the  bishop  of 
S'pre-'s  household,  giving  an  account  of  the 
last  hours  of  Egmont,  and  written  immediately 
after  his  death.  (Proces  dn  Comte  d'Egmont, 
pp.  232-234.)  The  statements  in  the  letter 
entirely  corroborate  those  made  in  the  text. 
Indeed,  they  are  so  nearly  identical  with  those 
given  by  Foppens  in  the  Supplement  a  Strada, 
that  we  can  hardly  doubt  that  the  writer  of 
the  one  narrative  had  access  to  the  other. 

='  •♦  Que  avia  servldo  &  su  magestad  veinte 
y  ocho  alios  y  no  pensaba  tener  merecido  tal 
payo,  pero  que  se  consolaba  que  con  dar  eu 
cuerpo  li  la  tlerra,  saldria  de  los  continuos 
trauajos  en  que  havia  vivido."  Kelacion  de  la 
Justicia,  MS. 

M  "  Se  despita,  niangreant  et  regrettant  fort 


sa  mort,  et  se  trouva  quelque  peu  opiniaptre 
en  la  confession,  la  regrettant  fort,  disant  qu'il 
estoit  assez  confesse."  Mondoucet,  ap.  Bran- 
tume,  torn.  i.  p.  365. 

'*  "II  etoit  age  environ  cinquante  ans,  et 
etoit  d'une  grande  et  hello  taille.et  d'une  phi- 
sionomie  reveiiante."  Supplement  a  Strada, 
torn.  i.  p.  264. 

"  •♦  The  death  of  this  man,"  says  Strada, 
"would  have  been  immoderately  mourned, 
had  not  all  tears  been  exhausted  by  sorrow 
for  Egmont."  De  Belle  Belgico,  tom.  i.  p. 
396._For  the  account  of  Hoome's  last  mo- 
ments, see  Relacion  de  la  Ju.sticia,  MS. ; 
Meteren,  Hist,  des  Pays  Bus,  fol.  58;  Sup- 
plement a  Strada,  tom.  i.  pp.  265,  266;  Mon- 
doucet, ap.  Brantome,  Qiuvres,  tom.  i.  p.  367  ; 
De  Ttiou,  Hist,  universelle,  tom.  i.  p.  451; 
Ossorio,  Albe  Vita,  p.  287. 


CHARACTER  OF  EGMONT. 


357 


Egmont  to  the  convent  of  Santa  Clara,  and  that  of  H^"^;^  *?  *^^/"fi^^* 
oln.roh  of  8te.  Gudule.  To  these  places,  especially  to  Santa  Clafa,  the  people 
now  riocked,  as  to  the  shriue  of  a  martyr.  They  threw  them^^^ves  on  the 
o)  Tin,  kissing  it  and  bedewing  it  with  their  tears,  as  if  it  had  co»^i"ed  the 
relics  of  sonie  murdered  saint  ;^«  while  many  of  them,  taking  little  heed  of 
the  presence  of  informers,  breathed  vows  of  vengeance,  sonie  even  swearing 
not  to  trim  either  hair  or  beard  till  these  vows  were  executed.^^  The  govern- 
ment seems  to  have  thought  it  prudent  to  take  no  notice  of  this  burst  of 
popular  feeling.  But  a  funeral  hatchment,  blazoned  with  the  arms  of  Egmont, 
which,  as  usull  after  the  master's  death,  had  been  fixed  by  his  domestics  on 
the  gates  of  his  mansion,  was  ordered  to  be  instantly  !:en\oved,-no  doubt,  as 
tending  to  keep  alive  the  popular  excitement.'^'  The  bodies  were  not  allowed 
to  remain  long  in  their  temporary  places  of  deposit,  but  were  transported  to 
the  family  residences  of  the  two  lords  in  the  country,  and  laid  m  the  vaults  of 

tlipir  ancestors  e  i. 

Thus  by  the  hand  of  the  common  executioner  perished  these  two  unfortunate 
noblemen,  who,  by  their  rank,  possessions,  and  personal  .characters,  were  the 
most  illustrious  victims  that  could  have  been  selected  m  the  Netherlands 
Both  had  eariy  enjoyed  the  favour  of  Charies  the  Fifth  and  both  had  been 
hitnisted  by  Philip  'with  some  of  the  highest  offices  in  the  state.  .Pl"liP  de 
Montmorency,  Count  Hoorne,  the  elder  of  the  two,  came  of  the  ana^nt  house 
of  Montmorency  in  France.  Besides  filling  the  high  post  of  Admiral  of  the 
Low  Countries,  he  was  made  governor  of  the  provinces  of  Gueldres  and  Zut- 
Dhen  was  a  councillor  of  state,  and  was  created  by  the  emperor  a  kiught  of 
the  Golden  Fleece.  His  fortune  was  greatly  inferior  to  that  of  ^o""^  E^^ont ; 
yet  its  confiscation  ailorded  a  supply  by  no  means  unwelcome  to  the  €ieedy 

'^tZlri^X'^:^  they  might  be  in  many  respects,  Hoorne  w^ 

altogether  eclipsed  by  his  friend  in  military  renown.  Lamoral,  Count  Egmont, 
inherited  through  his  mother,  the  most  beautiful  woman  of  her  time,"  the 
1 1  ^of  pri  ce  of  Gavre,-a  place  on  the  Scheldt,  not  far  from  Ghent.  He 
preferred  however,  the  niore  modest  title  of  Count  of  Egmont,  >vhich  came  to 
E  by  the  father'^  side,  from  ancestors  w;ho  had  reigned  over  the  d"chy  of 
Gueldres.  The  uncommon  promise  which  he  eariy  gave  served,  with  his  high 
position,  to  recommend  him  to  the  notice  of  the  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth, 
Tho  in  1544,  honoured  by  his  presence  Egmont's  nuptials  with  Sabina, 
count^^s-Sine  of  Bavaria.  In  1546,  when  scarcely  twenty-four  years  of 
ag^he  was  adinitted  to  the  order  of  the  Golden  Fleece  -and,  by  a  singular 
S^dence,  on  the  same  day  on  which  that  dignitv  was  bestowed  o^^^^^^^^ 
destined  to  become  his  mortal  foe,  the  duke  of  Alva."    Philip,  on  his  acces- 


-•  "PlusieuTB  allarent  a  I'eplise  Saincte 
Claire  ou  gisoit  son  corp,  baisant  le  cercueil 
avec  grande  efTuBion  de  larmes,  com  me  si  ce 
fust  este  les  sa  nct.«»  ossemens  et  reliques  de 
quelque  sainct."  Mondoucet,  ap.  Brantume. 
(Euvres,  tom.  i.  p.  367.  ,  .  .     ,      j„„ 

^■'  Arend,  Alpeniefue  Ge«chiedenls  des 
Vaderlands.  D.  ii.  St.  v.  bl.  66.-  Strada,  De 
Bello  Belg  CO.  tom.  i.  p.  395. 

"  ♦•  Les  gens  du  comte  d'Aiguomont  plan- 
terent  ses  armes  et  enselgnffi  de  deuil  a  sa 
porte  du  palais ;  mais  le  due  d'An)een  estaiit 
adverty,  les  en  fit  bien  oster  bientost  et  em- 
porter  dehors."  Mondoucet,  ap.  Brantume, 
Giuvres,  tom.  i.  p.  367. 


"  Mondoucet,  the  French  amba.ssador  at 
the  court  of  Brussels,  was  among  the  spec- 
tators who  witnessed  the  execution  of  the 
two  nobles.  He  sent  home  to  his  master  a 
full  account  of  the  tragic  scene,  the  most 
minute,  and  perhaps  the  mo«t  trustworthy, 
that  we  have  of  it.  It  luckily  fell  into  Bran- 
tome'^  hands,  who  has  incorporated  it  into 
bis  notice  of  Kgmont. 

^"  »•  La  comtesae  d'.\iguemont,  qui  em- 
portA  en  cette  assemblee  le  bruit  d'etre  la 
plus  belle  de  to-ites  les  Flamande-."  Corre- 
spondance  de  Marguerite  d'Autriche,  p.  364. 

^'  Geilache,  Hist,  du  Uoyaume  des  Pays- 
Bas.  tom.  i.  p.  96. 


N 


358  EXECUTION  OF  EGMONT  AND  HOORNE. 

sion,  raised  him  to  the  dignity  of  a  councillor  of  state,  and  made  him  governor 
of  the  important  provinces  of  Artois  and  Flanders.  ,    .     , ,        ^u 

But  ev^  other  title  to  distinction  faded  away  before  that  denved  from  tho^e 
two  victories  which  left  the  deepest  stain  on  the  h  rench  arms  that  thoy  had 
received  since  the  defeat  of  Pavia.  *'  I  have  seen,"  said  the  French  ambas- 
sador, who  witnessed  the  execution  of  Egmont,  "  1  have  seen  the  head  of  that 
man  fall  who  twice  caused  France  to  tremble."  «  ^^^^^ 

Yet  the  fame  won  by  his  success  was  probably  unfortunate  tor  Egmont. 
For  this,  the  fruit  of  im[)etuous  valour  and  of  a  brilliant  coup-de-main,  was 
very  different  from  the  success  of  a  long  campaign,  implying  geiuus  and  great 
military  science  in  the  commander.  Yet  the  eclat  it  gave  was  enough  to  turn 
the  head  of  a  man  less  presumptuous  than  Egmont.  It  placed  him  at  once  on 
the  most  conspicuous  eminence  in  the  country,  compelling  him,  in  some  sort, 
to  take  a  position  above  his  capacity  to  maintain.  W  hen  the  troubles  broke 
out,  Egmont  was  found  side  by  side  with  Orange,  in  the  van  of  the  malecon- 
tents.  He  was  urged  to  this  rather  by  generous  sensibility  to  the  wrouLrs  of 
his  countrymen  than  hy  any  settled  principle  of  action.  Thus  acting  from 
impulse,  he  did  not,  like  William,  calculate  the  consequences  of  his  conduct. 
When  those  consemiences  came,  he  was  not  prepared  to  meet  them  ;  he  was 
like  some  unskilful  necromancer,  who  has  neither  the  wit  to  lav  the  storm 
which  he  has  raised,  nor  the  hardihood  to  brave  it.  He  was  acted  on  by  con- 
trary influences.  In  opposition  to  the  popular  niovement  came  h's  stroiig 
feelinf^  of  lovalty,  and  his  stronger  devotion  to  the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  liis 
personal  vanity  co-operated  with  these  ;  for  Egmont  was  too  much  of  a  courtier 
willinirly  to  dispense  with  the  smiles  of  royalty.  Thus  the  opposite  forces  by 
which^he  was  impelled  served  to  neutralize  each  other.  Instead  of  moving  on 
a  decided  line  of  conduct,  like  his  friend,  WMlliam  of  Orange,  he  appeared  weak 
and  vacillating.  He  hesitated  where  he  should  have  acted  And  as  the 
storm  thickened,  he  even  retraced  his  steps,  and  threw  hunself  on  the  mercy 
of  the  monarch  whom  he  had  offended.  William  better  understood  the 
character  of  his  master,— and  that  of  the  minister  who  was  to  execute  his 

decrees 

Still  "with  all  his  deficiencies,  there  was  much  both  in  the  personal  qualities 
of  Eirmont  and  in  his  exploits  to  challenge  admiration.  "  I  knew  him,  says 
Brantome,  "both  in  France  and  in  Spain,  and  never  did  I  meet  with  a  noble- 
man of  higher  breeding,  or  more  gracious  in  his  manners.  With  an  address 
so  winning,  a  heart  so  generous,  and  with  so  brilliant  a  reputation,  it  is  not 

"  "Qu*n  avoUvu  tomber  la  t?te  de  celui        et  U  e«5t  force  quMlzfacent  "f^  «a"\*"     ^r- 
qni  avoit  fait  trembler  deux  fois  la  France." 
Supplement  a  Strada,  torn.  i.  p.  266. 

■^  Morillon,  in  a  letter  toGranvel'.e,  daUd 
August  3rd,  1567,  a  few  weeks  only  before 
Egmont'8  arrest,  gives  a  graphic  sketch  of 
that  nobleman,  which,  although  by  no 
friendly  hand,  seems  to  be  not  wholly  with- 
out truth :  "  Ce  seigneur,  y  est-il  dit,  est  haut 
et  presumant  de  soy,  jusques  a  vouloir  em- 
brasser  le  falct  de  la  republiqne  et  le  re- 
dressement  d'icelle  et  de  la  religion,  que  ne 
sont  pan  de  son  gibier,  et  ert  plus  propre 
pour  conduire  une  chasse  ou  volerie,  et,  pour 
dire  tout,  une  baUille,  s'il  fut  este  si  bien 
advise  que  de  se  copnolstre  et  se  mesurer  de 
Bon  pied  ;  ma  is  It-s  flatttrl'S  perdent  ces  gens, 
et  on  leur  fait  accroire  qu'ilz  sont  plus  saiges 
qu'ilz  ne  sont,  et  ilz  le  croient  et  se  bouttent 
By  avaut,  que  aprez  ilz  ne  se  peuvent  ravolr. 


chives  de  la  Maison  d'Orangc-Nassau,  torn.  i. 
p.  Ixix. 

"  "  Je  diray  de  lui  que  c'estoit  le  seigneur 
de  la  plus  belle  fa^on  et  de  k  meilleure  grace 
que  j'aye  veu  jamais,  fust  ce  parmy  les 
grandz,  parmy  ses  pairs,  |>army  les  gens  de 
guerre,  et  parmy  les  dames,  I'ayant  veu  en 
France  et  en  Espagne,  et  parle  a  luy."  Bran- 
tome,  (Euvres,  torn.  i.  p.  369.— An  old  lady 
of  the  French  court,  who  in  her  early  days 
bad  visited  Flanders,  assured  Brantome  that 
she  had  often  seen  Egmont,  then  a  mere 
youth,  and  that  at  that  time  he  was  exces- 
sively shy  and  awkward,  so  much  so,  indK'd, 
that  it  w  as  a  common  jest  with  both  the  men 
and  women  of  the  court.  Such  was  the  rude 
stock  from  which  at  a  later  day  was  to  spring 
the  flower  of  chivalry ! 


CONDUCT  OF  ALVA. 


359 


wonderful  that  Egmont  should  have  been  the  pride  of  his  co"rt  and  the  idol 
of  hU  countrvmen     In  their  idolatry  they  could  not  comprehend  that  Alvas 
pe^^Sn  shS  not  have  been  prompted  by  a  keener  feeling   han  a  sense 
Sf  p^l  c  dtity  or  obedience  to  his  sovereign.    They  industriously  sought  in 
the  earlier  history  of  the  rival  chiefs  the  motives  for  personal  Piq^e.    On 
AwJs  f^r!t  visit  to  the  Netherlands,  Egmont,  then  a  youn^  man,  wa.s  said  t« 
have  won  of  him  a  considerable  sum  at  play.    The  ill  wdl  thus  raised  in  Alva  s 
mind  was  heH?t^n^^^^  by  Egmont^s  superiority  over  him  at  a  shooting- match, 
which  the  i^p^^  regar'dini  as  a  soifof  national  trim^^^^^^^^ 
exultation  that  greatly  increased  the  mortification  of  the  duke.       liut  what 
filleHp  he  unsure  of  his  jealousy  was  his  rival's  imhtary  renown  ;  for  the 
K^pohcy  which  directed  Alva's  campaigns,  however  it  established  his 
clSto^he  reputation  of  a  great  commander,  was  by  no  m^^ 
those  brilliant  feats  of  arms  which  have  ^uc^  attraction  for  the  nuilUti^^^^ 
So  intense,  indeed,  was  the  feeling,  of  hatred  ^^^^^s  said  in  Alvas  ^^^ 
that  on  the  dav  of  his  rival's  execution  he  posted  himself  behind  a  lattice  ot 
thf  very  building  in  which  Egmont  h.xd  l)een  confined,  that  he  might  feast  his 
pvps  with  the  siiiht  of  his  mortal  agony .^^  ^  ,  .  ,     ^      .         ,.  _ 

^T^lirfrien  Is  of  Alva  give  a  very  difterent  view  of  his  conduct.  According 
to  them  a  illness  under  which  he'laboured  at  the  close  of  Egmont's  trial  was 
occSerby  his  distress  of  mind  at  the  task  imposed  on  him  by  the  king. 
nXTwritli  more  than  once  to  the  court  of  Castde  to  request  some  im  i^ 
eatioii  of  Ei'mont's  sentence,  but  was  answered  that  this  ^o\^^^,"f^e  oeen 
Ssv^  grant  if  the  ofleiice  had  been  against  the  king  ;  but  agam^  the  a  th 
U  4s  impossible."-  It  was  even  said  that  the  duke  ^^^.f'^'^^^^^ 
that  he  wis  seen  to  shed  tears  as  big  as  peas  on  the  day  of  f^e  exec iitioiu 

I  must  confess,  I  have  never  seen  any  account  that  ^^^^^^^^^Ff  "^  a  1^1  ef 
in  the  report  that  Alva  witnessed  in  person  the  execution  of  his  pri^one  . 
Nor  on  tFie  other  hand,  have  I  met  vvith  any  letter  of  his  deprecating  the 
severity  of  their  sentence  or  advising  a  mitigat^ipn  of  their  punishment 
ThiTindeed  would  be  directly  opposed  to  his  policy  openly  avowed.  The 
r^ler  mariWSs  recall  the  homely  simile  by  wliich  he  recommended  to  the 
(m^n  ZtL^  X  to  strike  at  the  great  nobles  in  preference  to  the 

queen  mot,ner,aLj>Aju,^^  ,  ^     ^       thousand  frogs." »» 

ZrXr-EgnSnVstS'son.e  olli.e  b.' ghors  of  Brussels  ,™tol  on  him 
ta^sk  X  it  had  been  made.  The  dulce  bh.ntly  told  them, '\\ hen  he  lad 
?ot  together  hi  toOT^ie  would  let  them  know.""  Everytlune  shows  that 
^?l,k  method  of  OTOceedin.'  in  recard  to  the  two  lords  he  had  acted  on  a 
prelSn.J^rtS'plat  FXa"Sngen>e?.t  of  which  he  had  taken  his  full  part   In  a 

la  mitigation,  mais  que  I'on  avoit  repondu 
que.  si  il  n'y  eut  este  auRre  offence  que  celle 
qui  touchoit  S.  M.,  le  pardon  fut  este  faci lie, 
mais  qu'elle  ne  ro"voit  remectre  1  offense 
faicte  si  grande  a  Dieu."  Archives  de  la 
Maison  d'Orange- Nassau.  Supplement   p.  81. 

■*  "J'entenil/.  d'aucuns  que   son   Exc.  at 
Jecte  des  larmes  aussi  grosses  que  I'oix  au 
temps  que   Ton  estoit   eur  ces  executions. 
Ibid.,  ubi  supra. -They  must  have  been  as 
big  as  crocodiles'  tears. 

=•"  Ante,  p.  239. 

*"  "Jp  suis  occupe  k  reunir  mes  troupes 
Espagnoles,  Italiennes,  et  Allemandes; 
quand  je  serai  pret,  vous  recevrez  ma  re- 
ponse."  Arcliives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange- 
kassau,  torn.  iii.  p.  xx. 


3S     it 


Postea  in  publica  liptitia  dum  uterque 
explodendo  ad  signum  eclopo  ex  provocatione 
contenderent,  superatus  esset  A'.banus.  in- 
Benti  Belgarum  plausu  ad  nationis  siia-  decus 
referontium  victoriara  ex  Duce  Hispano. 
Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico.  tom.  i.  p.  391. 

•"  Schiller,  in  his  account  of  the  execution 
of  the  two  nobjes,  tells  us  that  it  was  from  a 
window  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  the  fine  old 
building  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  market- 
place, that  Alva  watched  the  last  struggles 
of  his  victims.  The  cicerone,  on  the  other 
hand  who  shows  the  credulous  traveller  the 
memorabilia  of  the  city,  points  out  tlie  very 
chaml)er  in  the  Maison  du  Roi  in  which  the 
duke  secreted  himself.—  \aleal  quantum. 

"-•  "Qu'il  avoit  proiure  de  tout  son  povoir 


360 


EXECUTION  OF  EGMONT  AND  IIOORNE. 


^:^i:;^th:  s..;^^n  -  l^^^^^fe^e^er  will  be  the  ^efit  to  be  derived 
from  it."  "    There  is  little  in  all  this  of  compunction  for  the  act,  or  of  coni- 

Dassion  for  its  victims.  .  .       . 

^  The  truth  seems  to  be  that  Alva  was  a  man  of  an  arrogant  nature,  an 
intiexible  will,  and  of  the  most  narrow  and  imited  views  His  doctrine  of 
implicit  obedience  went  as  far  as  that  of  Philip  hini^elf.  In  enforcing  t,  he 
disdained  the  milder  methods  of  argument  or  conciliation.  It  was  on  force, 
brute  force  alone,  that  he  relied.  He  was  bret  a  soldier,  eariy  accustomed  to 
the  stern  discipline  of  the  camp.  The  only  law  he  recognized  was  martial 
law ;  his  only  argument,  the  sword.  No  a^ent  could  Imve  been  fitter  to 
execute  the  designs  of  a  despotic  prince.  His  Tiard,  impassible  nature  was  not 
to  be  influenced  by  those  affections  which  sometimes  turn  the  niost  obdurate 
from  their  pui-pose.  As  little  did  he  know  of  fear  ;  nor  cou  d  danger  deter 
him  from  carrying  out  his  work.  The  hatred  he  exciteil  m  the  ^ether]ands 
was  such  that,  as  he  was  warned,  it  was  not  safe  for  him  to  go  out  after  darL 
Placards  were  posted  up  in  Bnissels  menacing  his  life  if  he  ier«f  ^d  n  the 
prosecution  of  fegmont."  He  held  such  menaces  as  light  as  he  did  the  en- 
treaties of  the  countess  or  the  arguments  of  her  counsel.  Far  from  being 
moved  by  personal  considerations,  no  power  could  turn  him  from  that  narrow 
path  which  he  professed  to  regard  as  the  path  of  duty.  He  ^^ent  surely 
though  it  might  be  slowly,  towards  the  mark,  crushing  by  his  iron  will  eveiy 
obstacle  thatlay  in  his  track.  We  shudder  at  the  conteu.plation  of  such  a 
character,  relieved  by  scarcely  a  single  touch  of  humanity,  ^f  J^ej"";^ 
admit  there  is  something  which  challenges  our  admiration  ^^nth^/^ern,  un- 
compromising manner,  without  fear  or  favour,  with  which  a  man  of  this 
indomitable  temper  carries  his  plans  into  execution. 

It  would  not  be  fair  to  omit,  in  this  connection,  some  passages  from  Ah  as 
correspondence,  which  suggest  the  idea  that  he  was  not  wholly  "^^ens^ib  e  to 
feelings  of  compassion, -when  they  did  not  interfere  with  the  P«»-formanc-e  of 
his  tesk.  In  a^  letter  to  the  king,  dated  the  nin  h  of  J""Mo"^J,^>^,^^^^^^^^ 
after  the  death  of  the  two  nobles,  the  duke  savs,  "  Your  "'^jesty  will  under^ 
stand  the  regret  I  feel  at  seeing  these  poor  lords  brought  to  such  an  end,  and 
myself  obliged  to  bring  them  to  it."  But  I  have  not  shrunk  from  doing  what 
is  for  your  majesty's  service.  Indeed,  they  and  their  accomplices  have  been 
the  cause  of  very  great  present  evil,  and  one  which  will  endanger  the  souls  of 
many  for  years  to  come  The  Countess  Egmont's  condition  his  "'e  with  the 
greatest  pity,  burdened  as  she  is  with  a  family  of  e  even  children  none  old 
Inough  to  take  care  of  themselves;  and  she  too  a  lady  of  so  distinguished 
rank,  sister  of  the  count-palatine,  and  of  so  virtuous,  truly  Catholic,  and 
exemplary  life."    There  is  no  man  in  the  country  who  does  not  grieve  for  her  ! 


*'  "II  lui  rend  compte  de  ce  qu'il  a  fait 
pnur  I'execution  des  ordres  que  le  Roi  lui 
donna  a  son  depart,  et  qui  c«jnRi<taient  a 
arreter  et  a  chatier  exemplairement  ics  prin- 
cipauxdu  pays  qui  s'etaient  rendus  coupables 
durant  les  troubles."  Correspondance  de 
Philippe  II.,  torn.  ii.  p.  29. 

*-  ♦•<P'aete  une  cliose  df  prand  effet  en  ce 
pays,  que  I'execution  d'Kgmont;  et  plus 
grand  a  ete  I'efFet,  plus  I'exemple  qu'on  a 
voulu  faire  sera  fructueixx."    Ibid.,  p.  28. 


*'  Ossorio,  Albae  Vita,  p.  278. 

*♦  "  V.  M.  peult  considerer  le  regret  que  qn 
m'a  pste  de  voir  ces  pauvrt-s  seigneur>«  venus 
a  tels  termps,  et  qu'il  ayt  fallut  que  raoy  ou 
fusse  I'executeur."  Corresi^ndance  de  iMar- 
guerite  d'Autriche.  p.  252.  _ 

"  "  Madame  d'Egmont  mefalct  grand  pitie 
et  compassion,  p*)ur  la  voir  chiirgee  de  unze 
onfans  et  nuls  iiddressez,  et  elle.  dame  py 
principal*,  comme  elle  est,  fa-ur  du  comte 
palatin,  et  desi  bonne,  vertueusc,  catbolicque 


FATE  OF  EGMONT'S  FAMILY. 


361 


I  cannot  but  commend  her,"  he  concludes,  "  as  I  do  now,  very  humbly,  to  the 
good  graces  of  your  majesty,  beseeching  you  to  call  to  mind  that  if  the  count, 
her  husband,  came  to  trouble  at  the  close  of  his  days,  he  formerly  rendered 
gi-eat  service  to  the  state.""    The  rejection,  it  must  be  owned,  came  some- 

^  In  another  letter  to  Philip,  though  of  the  same  date,  Alva  recommends  the 
king  to  summon  the  countess  and  her  children  to  Spain,  where  her  daughters 
miglit  take  the  veil  and  her  sons  be  pro[^riy  educated.  "  I  do  not  believe, 
he  adds,  "that  there  is  so  unfortunate  a  family  in  the  whole  world.  1  am 
not  sure  that  the  countess  has  the  means  of  procuring  a  supper  this  very 
pvenin^  ■ 

Philfp,  in  answer  to  these  letters,  showed  that  he  was  not  disposed  to  shrink 
from  his  own  share  of  responsibility  for  the  proceedings  of  his  P:eneral.  Ihe 
duke,  he  said,  had  only  done  what  justice  and  his  duty  demanded."  He  could 
have  wished  that  the  state  of  things  had  warranted  a  diterent  result ;  nor 
could  he  help  feeling  deeply  that  measures  like  those  to  which  he  had  been 
forced  should  have  been  necessary  in  his  reign.  ''But,  continued  the  king, 
"  no  man  has  a  right  to  shrink  from  his  duty."  I  am  well  pleased,  he  con- 
cludes, "  to  learn  Uiat  the  two  lords  made  so  good  and  Catholic  an  end.  As 
to  what  you  recommend  in  regard  to  the  countess  of  Egmont  and  her  eleven 
children,  I  shall  give  all  proper  heed  to  it." "  j  .,    ,      i    i.  u    -*  ♦^ 

The  condition  of  the  countess  might  well  have  moved  the  hardest  heart  to 
Dity  Denied  all  acce>s  to  her  husband,  she  had  been  unable  to  atiord  him  that 
consolation  which  he  so  much  needed  during  his  long  and  dreary  conhnement. 
Yet  she  had  not  been  idle  ;  and,  as  we  have  seen,  she  was  unwearied  m  her 
ertorts  to  excite  a  sympathy  in  his  behalf.  Neither  did  she  rely  only  on  the 
aid  which  this  worid  can  give  ;  and  few  nights  passed  during>her  lords  im- 
prisonment in  which  she  and  her  dauL^hters  might  not  be  seen  making  their 
pious  pilgriinages,  barefooted,  to  the  ditierent  churches  of  Brussels,  to  invoke 
the  blessing  of  Heaven  on  their  labours.  8he  had  been  supported  through 
this  tryino'  time  by  a  reliance  on  the  success  of  her  endeavours,  m  which  she 
was  confirmed  by  the  encouragement  she  received  from  the  highest  cpiarters^ 
It  is  not  necessary  to  give  credit  to  the  report  of  a  brutal  jest  attributed  to 
the  duke  of  Alva,  who,  on  the  day  preceding  the  execution,  was  said  to  have 
told  the  countess  "  to  be  of  good  cheer ;  for  her  hu^J?and  would  leave  the 
prison  on  the  morrow  ! "  "  There  is  more  reason  to  believe  that  the  Emperor 
Maximilian,  shortly  before  the  close  of  the  trial,  sent  a  gentlenian  with 
a  kind  letter  to  the  countess,  testifying  the  interest  he  took  in  her  attairs 
and  assuring  her  she  had  nothing  to  fear  on  account  of  her  husband.  Un 
the  very  morning  of  Egmont's  execution,  she  was  herself,  we  are  told,  paying 
a  visit  of  condolence  to  the  countess  of  Aremberg,  whose  husband  had  lately 


et  exemplaire  vie,  qu'il  n'y  a  homme  qui  ne 
la  reiiiette."  Correspondance  de  Marguerite 
d'Autriche,  ubi  supra. 

•"'  The  duke  wrote  no  less  than  three  letters 
to  the  Iting,  of  this  same  date.  June  9th. 
The  prrcis  of  two  is  given  by  Gachard,  and 
the  third  is  published  entire  by  Reiffenb;?rg. 
Tli«  countess  and  her  misfortunes  form  tlie 
burden  of  two  of  them.  . 

*''  "  11  ne  croit  pas  qu'il  y  ait  aujourd  hui 
8ur  la  terre  une  niais.»n  auasi  malheureusc; 
11  ne  Bait  meme  si  la  comtesse  aura  de  quol 
souper  ce  soir."  Correspondance  de  Philippe 
II..  torn.  ii.  p.  28. 

••  »«Je  treuve  ce  debvoir  de  Justice  estre 


laict  corame  il  convient  et  vostre  considera- 
tion tre8.»)onne."  Correspondance  de  Mar- 
guerite d'Autriche,  p.  255. 

■"»  "  Mais  personne  ne  peult  delaisser  de  se 
acquitter  en  ce  en  quoy  il  est  oblige."  Ibid., 
ubi  supra. 

*»  "Quant  &  la  dame  d'Egmont  et  ses  unze 
enfans  et  ce  que  me  y  repiesentez,  en  m**  les 
recommandant,  je  y  auray  tout  bon  n  gard." 
Ibid. ,  ubi  supra. 

»'  Arend  (Algemeene  Geschiedenis  des 
Vaderlaiids,  D.  ii.  St.  v.  bl.  66),  who  gets  ihe 
story,  to  which  he  attaches  no  credit  himself, 
from  a  contemporary,  Hooft. 

*"  Supplement  a  btroda,  torn.  I.  p.  252. 


832  EXECUTION  OF  EGMONT  AND  HOORNE. 

fallen  in  the  battle  of  Hevligerlee ;  and  at  her  friend's  house  the  poor  lady  is 
said  to  have  received  the  first  tidin^^s  of  the  fate  of  her  lord." 

The  blow  fell  the  heavier,  that  she  was  so  ill  prepared  for  it.  On  the  ?an)e 
day  she  found  herself  not  only  a  widow,  but  a  bejicjar,— with  a  family  of 
orphan  children  in  vain  looking  up  to  her  for  the  common  necessaries  of  life. 
In  her  extremity,  she  resolved  to  apply  to  the  king  himself.  She  found  an 
apolo'^y  for  it  in" the  necessity  of  transmittin<i  to  Philip  her  husbands  letter  to 
him,  which,  it  seems,  had  been  intrusted  to  her  care."  She  apolomze^s  for  not 
sooner  sending  this  last  and  most  humble  petition  of  her  deceased  lord,  by  the 
extreiue  wretchedness  of  her  situation,  abandoned  as  she  is  by  all,  far  from 
kindred  and  country."  She  trusts  in  his  majesty's  benignity  and  compassion  * 
to  aid  her  sons  by  receiving  them  into  his  service  when  they  shall  be  of 
surhcient  a<^e.  This  will  oblige  her,  during  the  remainder  of  her  sad  day.s,  and 
her  children  after  her,  to  pray  God  for  the  long  and  happy  life  of  his  majes^." 
It  must  have  given  another  pans:  to  the  heart  of  the  widowed  countess  to 
have  been  thus  forced  to  solicit  aid  from  the  very  hand  that  had  smitten  her. 
But  it  was  the  mother  pleading  for  her  children. 

Yet  Philip,  notwithstanding  his  assurances  to  the  duke  of  Alva,  showed  no 
alacrity  in  relieving  the  wants  of  the  countess.  On  the  first  of  September  the 
duke  again  wrote  to  urge  the  necessity  of  her  case,  declaring  that,  if  it  had 
not  been  for  a  "  small  sum  that  he  had  himself  sent,  she  and  the  children 
would  have  perished  of  hunger ! " "  ,  ,      ^ , 

Tae  misfortunes  of  this  noble  lady  excited  commiseration  not  only  at  home, 
but  in  other  countries  of  Europe,  and  especially  in  Germany,  the  land  of  her 
birth "  Her  brother,  the  elector  of  Bavaria,  wrote  to  Philip  to  urge  the 
restitution  of  her  husband's  estates  to  his  family.  Other  German  pnnces 
preferred  the  same  request,  which  was  moreover  formally  made  by  the  emperor, 
through  his  ambassador  at  Madrid.  Philip  coolly  replied  that  '♦  the  time  for 
this  had  not  yet  come."  "  A  moderate  pension,  meanwhile,  was  annually  paid 
by  Alva  to  the  countess  of  Egmont,  who  survived  her  husband  ten  years,— not 
long  enough  to  see  her  children  established  in  possession  of  their  patrimony." 


"•^  "Laquelle,  ainsi  qu'elle  estolt  en  sa 
chambre  et  sur  ces  propos,  on  luy  vlnt  an- 
noiicer  qu'on  alloit  trancher  la  teste  a  son 
mary."  Brantome,  (Euvr.-s.  torn.  i.  p.  36S.— 
Under  all  the  clrcum-itances,  one  cannot 
in-^ist  strongly  on  the  probability  of  the  anec- 
dote. 

"  One  of  her  daughter:*,  fn  a  fit  of  derange- 
ment brought  on  by  excessive  grief  for  her 
father's  fate,  attemptetl  to  make  away  with 
herslf  by  throwing  herself  from  a  window. 
Kelacion  de  la  Justicia,  MS. 

"  Tills  was  the  duplicate,  no  doubt,  of  the 
l'»tter  given  to  the  bishop  of  Ypres,  to  whom 
E,'inont  may  have  intrusted  a  copy,  with  tiie 
idea  that  it  would  be  more  certain  to  reach 
the  hands  of  the  king  than  the  one  sent  to 
his  wife. 

**  ••  La  misere  oA  elle  se  trouve,  ^tant  de- 
venue  veuve  avec  onze  enfans,  abandonee  de 
tout,  hors  de  son  pays  et  loin  de^  ses  parents, 
I'a  empechee  d'envoyer  plus  tot  au  Roi  la 
derniere  et  tres-humble  requPte  de  ^on  de- 
funt  mari."  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II., 
torn.  il.  p.  31.  ^     .. 

*'  "  I  )e  la  benignlte  et  pitie  du  Roi." 
Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


*•  *'Ce  que  m'obligerat,  le  reste  de  mes 
tristes  jours,  et  toute  ma  posterity*,  a  prier 
Dieu  pour  la  longue  et  heureuse  vie  de  V. 
M."     Ibid  ,  ubi  supra. 

*»  "S'il  ne  leur  avait  pas  donne  quelque 
argent,   tls  mourraient  de  faim."    Ibid.,  p. 

3t<. 

"»  It  seems  strange  that  Goethe,  In  his  tra- 
gedy of  "  Egmont,"  should  liave  endeavoured 
to  excite  w  hat  may  be  truly  called  a  mere- 
tiicioua  interest  in  the  breasts  uf  his  audi- 
ence, by  bringing  an  imaginary  mistress, 
nam'  d  Clara,  on  the  stage,  instead  of  the 
noble-hearted  wife,  so  much  better  qualified 
to  share  the  fortunes  of  her  husbatid  and  give 
dignity  to  his  sufft-rings.  Independently  of 
other  considerations,  this  departure  from  his- 
toric  truth  cannot  be  defended  on  any  true 
principle  of  dramatic  effect. 

•'  liaumer.  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  i.  p.  l-'S. 

"  After  an  annual  grant,  which  rose  from 
eight  to  twelve  thousand  livres,  the  duke 
settled  on  her  a  pension  of  two  thous.-ind 
gulden,  which  continued  to  the  time  of  htT 
death,  in  1578.  (Arend,  Algemeene  Geschie- 
denis  des  Vaderlauds.  D.  ii.  St.  v.  bl.  66.) 


SENTIMENT  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 


363 


Shortly  before  her  death,  her  eldest  son,  then  grown  to  mans  estate,  chafing 
uX  the  sense  of  injus  ice  to  himself  and  his  fa.nily,  took  part  m  the  war 
a  ahtst  the  Spaniards  Philip,  who  may  perhaps  have  felt  some  compunction 
^r  e  ungSus^^^^^^  He  had  mide  for  the  father's  services  not  only 
for-av^  this  act  of  disloyalty  in  the  son,  but  three  years  later  al  owed  the 
vom^^  nmn  trLume  his^Uegiance  and  placed  him  in  full  possession  of  the 

^"i:j;;%Tte"hre%tn;  inTst^^^^  to  Philip,  had  dwelt  on  the  important 
elects  of  Egmont's  execution.  He  did  not  exaggerate  these  etiects.  But  he 
sc^rely  in\st(Sk  the  natui-e  of  them.  Abroad,  the  elector  of  J^avana  at  oce 
threw  his  whole  weight  into  the  scale  of  Orange  and  the  party  of  retorm. 
OthTrs  of  the  Gerinan  princes  followed  his  example;  and  Maximilians 
ambaLdo^^^^^  PhiHp  that  the  execution  of  the  two  nobles^ 

by  thetuhgnation  it  had  ciused  throughout  Germany,  had  wonderfully  served 

'''')^^^^^  Thede^thofthesetwoillustrious 

nien  following  so  close  upon  the  preceding  execution.s  spread  a  deep  gloom 
over'  the  counuT.  Men  hecame  possessed  with  the  idea  that  the  reign  of 
b ood  wa'  to  blperpetual.-  Alf confidence  was  ^^f  ^;«|f ;  \^^^^^ 
fidence  which  naturally  exists  between  parent  and  child,  between  bt other 
and  brothel  "  The  foreign  merchant  caught  somewhat  of  this  general  dis- 
gust, iXef  used  to  send  itis  commodities  to  a  country  where  they  were  exposed 
to  confiscation  •»  Yet  among  the  inhabitants  indignation  was  greater  than 
^4  fe^for  sorrow  ;"  and  &  Flemings  who  had  taken  part  in  the  proseai- 
tioT  of  E-mont  trembled  before  the  wrath  of  an  avenging  people.^'  Such 
were  the  etfecs^^^^^         by  the  execution  of  men  whom  the  nation  reverenced 


The  gulden,  or  guilder,  at  the  present  day,  is 
equivalent  t.  about  one  shilling  and  nme- 
pence  sterling,  or  thiity-nine  cents. 

"  Philip,  Count  Kgmont,  lived  to  enjoy  his 
ancestral  lionours  till  1590,  when  he  was 
slain  at  Ivry,  fighting  ogaiiist  Henry  the 
Fourth  and  the  piotestants  of  France.  He 
died  without  issue,  and  was  succeeded  by  ins 
brother  Lamoral,  a  cureless  prodigal,  who 
with  the  name  seems  to  have  inherited  few  of 
the  virtues  of  his  illustrious  father.  Arend, 
Algemeene  Geschiedenis  des  Vadorlands,  U. 

li.  St.  V.  bl.  66.  .       T^        n 

"  Vandervynckt,  Troubles  des  Pays-Bas, 

torn.  ii.  p.  'i.-ia. 

•^'  "  La  mort  des  comtes  d'Egmont  et  de 
Homes,  et  ce  qui  s'est  pasHe  avec  I'electeur 
de  Treves,  servent  merveilleusement  ses  des- 
8.  ins  "   Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn. 

'  "  ••  Les  executions  faites  o»it  imprime  daris 
les  esprits  une  terreur  si  grande,  qu'on  croit 
qu'll  s'agit  de  gouverner  par  le  sang  a  perpe- 
tuite."    ibid.,  p.  29.  .    r  ^  «  .., 

•'  "  II  n'y  a  plus  de  confiance  du  frere  au 
frere,  et  du  pere  au  fils."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

"  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

•»  "Funestum  Egmontil  finem  ooiuere 
Belg*  odlo  majore,  quam  luctu."  Strada,  De 
Belio  Belgico.  torn.  i.  p.  394. 

'"  The  Flemish  councillor,  Hessels,  who.  it 
may  be  rememl^red,  had  particular  charge 
of  the  provincial  prosecutions  incurred  still 


greater  odium  by  the  report  of  his  l)emg  em- 
ployed to  draft  the  sentences  of  the  two  lords. 
He  subsequently  withdrew  from  the  blo-Kiy 
tribiniai,  and  returned  to  his  native  province, 
where  he  became  vice-presidentof  the  council 
of  Flanders.    This  new  accession  of  diunity 
only  made  him  a  more  conspicuous  mark  for 
the  public  hatred.    In  1577,  in  a  popular  in- 
surrection which  oveituriipdthe  government 
of  Ghent,  Hessels  was  dragged  from  his  house 
and  thrown  into  prison.    After  lying  there  a 
year,  a  party  of  ruffians  broke  into  the  place, 
forced  him  into  a  carriage,  and,  taking  him  a 
short  distance  from  town,  executed  the  sum- 
mary justice  of  Lynch,  law  on  their  victim  by 
hanging  him  to  a  tree.    Some  of  tlie  party, 
after  the  murder,  were  audacious  enough  to 
return  to  Ghent  with  locks  of  the  gray  hair 
of  the  wretchel  man  displayed  in  triumph  on 
their  bonnets.    Some  years  later,  when  the 
former  authorities  were  re-established,  the 
bones  of  Hessels  were  removed  fnmi  their 
unhallowed  burial-place  and  laid  with  great 
solemnity  and  funeral  pomp  in  the  church  of 
St.  Michael.   Prose  and  verse  were  exhausted 
in  his  praise.     His  memory  was  revered  a-s 
that  of  a  martyr.     Miracles  were  performed 
at  his  tomb  ;  and  the  p<.pular  credulity  went 
so  far  that  it  was  currently  reported  in  i.hent 
that  Philip  had  solicited  the  pope  for  his 
canonization  !     See  the  curious  particulars  in 
Vandervvnckt,  Troubles  des  Paya-Bas,  torn. 
Ii.  pp.  451-456. 


364  SECRET  EXECUTION  OF  MONTIGNY. 

as  martyrs  in  the  cause  of  freedom.  Alva  notices  these  consequences  in  his 
letters  to  the  king.  But,  though  he  could  discern  the  signs  of  the  tmies,  he 
Httle  dreamed  of  the  extent  of  the  troubles  they  portended  The  people  of 
this  cnmtry,"  he  writes,  "  are  of  so  easy  a  temper  that,  when  your  majesty 
shall  think  fit  to  fcrant  them  a  general  pardon,  your  clemency,  I  trust,  will 
make  them  as  prompt  to  render  you  their  obedience  as  they  are  now  reluctant 
to  do  it " ''  The  haughty  soldier,  in  his  contempt  for  the  peaceful  habits  ot 
a  burgher  population,  comprehended  as  little  as  his  master  the  true  character 
of  the  men  of  the  Netherlands. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

SECRET  EXECUTION  OF   MONTIGNY. 

Bereen  and  Montigny-Their  Situation  in  Spain— Death  of  Bergen-Arre^  of  Monti gny —Plot 
for  his  Escape  — His  Process  —  Removal  to  Si mancas  — Closer  Confinement  — Midnight 
Execution. 

1567-1570. 

Before  bidding  a  long  adieu  to  the  Netherlands,  it  will  be  well  to  lay  before 
the  reader  an  account  of  a  transaction  which  has  proved  a  fruitful  theme  of 
speculation  to  the  historian,  but  which  until  the  present  time  has  been 
shrouded  in  impenetrable  mystery.  , ,    ,^,     •         ^u 

It  may  be  remembered  that  in  the  year  1566  two  noble  Flemings,  the 
marquis  of  Bergen  and  the  baron  of  Montigny,  were  sent  on  a  mission  to  the 
court  of  Madrid,  to  lay  before  the  king  the  critical  stato  of  affairs,  impera- 
tively demanding  some  change  in  the  policy  of  the  government.  The  two 
lords  went  on  the  mission  ;  but  they  never  returned.  Many  conjectures  were 
made  respecting  their  fate  ;  and  historians  have  concluded  that  Bergen  pos- 
sibly,' and  certainly  Montigny,  came  to  their  end  by  violence^  But  m  the 
want  of  evidence  it  was  only  conjecture ;  while  the  greatest  discrepancy  has 
prevailed  in  regard  to  details.  It  is  not  till  very  recently  that  the  veil  has 
been  withdrawn  through  the  access  that  has  been  given  to  the  Archives  of 
Simancas,  that  dread  repository  in  wliich  the  secrets  of  the  Castihan  kings 
have  been  buried  for  ages.  Independently  of  the  interest  attaching  to  the 
circumstances  of  the  present  narrative,  it  is  of  great  inijortance  for  the  light 
it  throws  on  the  dark  unscrupulous  policy  of  Philip  the  Second.  It  has, 
moreover,  the  merit  of  resting  on  the  most  authentic  grounds,  the  correspond- 
ence of  the  king  and  his  ministers.  . ,       .         mu  •      r 

Both  envoys  were  men  of  the  highest  consideration.  The  marmiis  of 
Bergen,  by  his  rank  and  fortune,  was  in  the  first  class  of  the  Flemish  ans- 
tocracy.»    Montigny  was  of  the  ancient  house  of  th^  Montmorencys,  being  a 

'  Meteren  tells  us  that  Montigny  was  killed 
by  jK)i8«»n  which  his  page,  who  afterwiirds 
confessed  the  crime,  put  in  his  i)roth.  (Hist, 
des  P»iyK-Bit8,  fol.  60.)  Vanderv.vnckt,  afier 
noticing  various  rumours,  dismi-ses  them 
with  the  remark,  "On  n'a  pu  savoir  au  juste 
ce  qu'il  etait  devenu."  Troubles  des  Pays- 
Bas,  torn.  ii.  p.  237. 

^  His  revenues  seem  to  have  been  larger 
than  those  of  any  other  Flemish  lord,  except 
Egmont  and  Orange, — amounting  to  some- 


"  " Este  es  un  putblo  tan  facil,  que  espero 
que  con  ver  la  clemencia  de  V.  M.,  haci^n- 
dose  el  pardon  general,  se  ganaran  los  animos 
»  que  de  buena  gana  lleven  la  ob  diencia  que 
digo,  que  ahora  eufren  de  male."  Corre- 
s{)ondance  de  Philippe  II.,  lora.  ii.  p.  29. 

'  "  I^e  bruit  public  qui  sulisiste  encore,  di- 
vulgue  qu'il  est  mort  erap -itionne."  Vander- 
vynckt,  Tronbl  s  des  Pays-lias.  torn.  ii.  p. 
23S. — Tlie  author  himself  does  not  endorse  the 
vulgar  rumour. 


BERGEN  AND  MONTIGNY. 


365 


younger  brother  of  the  unfortunate  Count  Hoorne.  He  occupied  several 
important  posts,— among  others,  that  of  governor  of  Tournay,— and,  like 
Bergen,  was  a  knight  of  the  Golden  Fleece.  In  the  political  disturbances  of 
the  time,  although  not  placed  in  the  front  of  disaffection,  the  two  lords  had 
taken  part  with  the  discontented  faction,  had  joined  in  the  war  upon  Gran- 
velle,  and  had  very  generally  disapproved  of  the  policy  of  the  crown.  Ihey 
had,  especially,  raised  their  voices  against  the  system  of  religious  persecution, 
with  a  manly  independence  which  had  secured  for  them— it  seems  unde- 
servedly—the reputation  of  being  the  advocates  of  religious  reform.  This 
was  particularly  the  case  with  Bergen,  who,  to  one  that  asked  how  heretics 
should  be  dealt  with,  replied,  "  If  they  were  willing  to  be  converted,  1  would 
not  trouble  them.  If  they  refused,  stdl  1  would  not  take  their  lives,  as  they 
might  hereafter  be  converted."  This  saying,  duly  reported  to  the  ears  of 
Philip,  was  doubtless  treasured  up  against  the  man  who  had  the  courage  to 

utter  it.*  ,     , .      XI  -i.     t  ^ 

The  purpose  of  their  embassy  was  to  urge  on  the  king  the  necessity  ot  a 
more  lil>eral  and  lenient  policy,  to  which  Margaret,  who  had  not  yet  broken 
with  the  nobles,  was  herself  inclined.  It  was  not  strange  that  the  two  lords 
should  have  felt  the  utmost  reluctance  to  undertake  a  mission  which  was  to 
bring  them  so  directly  within  the  power  of  the  monarch  whom  they  knew 
they  had  otfended,  aiid  who,  as  they  also  knew,  was  not  apt  to  forgive  an 
offence.  True,  Egmont  had  gone  on  a  similar  mission  to  Madnd  and  returned 
uninjured  to  Brussels.  But  it  was  at  an  earlier  period,  when  the  aspect  oi 
things  was  uot  so  daniierous.    His  timchad  not  yet  come. 

It  was  not  till  after^much  delay  that  the  other  nobles,  with  the  regent,  pre- 
vailed on  Bergen  and  Montigny  to  accept  the  trust,  by  urging  on  theni  its 
absolute  importance  for  assuring  the  tranquillity  of  the  country.  Even  then, 
an  injury  which  confineil  the  marquis  some  weeks  to  his  house  furnished  him 
with  a  plausible  excuse  for  not  performing  his  engagement,  of  which  he  would 
gladly  have  availed  himself.  But  his  scruples  again  vanished  before  the 
arguments  and  entreaties  of  his  friends ;  and  he  consented  to  follow,  as  he 
could  not  acconifiauy,  Montigny.  . 

The  latter  reached  Madrid  towards  the  middle  of  June,  1566,  was  graciously 
received  by  the  king,  and  was  admitted  to  repeated  audiences,  at  which  lie 
did  not  fail  to  urge  the  remedial  measures  countenanced  by  Margaret.  Philip 
appeared  to  listen  with  complacency,  but  declined  giving  an  answer  till  the 
arrival  of  the  other  ambassador,  who,  having  already  set  out  on  his  journey, 
wa>  attacked,  on  his  way  through  France,  by  a  fever.  There  Bergen  halted, 
and  aijain  thought  of  abandoning  the  expedition.  His  good  genius  seemed 
ever  willing  to  interpose  to  save  him.  But  his  evil  genius,  m  the  shape  of 
Philip,  who  wrote  to  him  in  the  most  condescending  terms,  to  hasten  his 
journev,  beckoned  him  to  Madrid.* 

Besides  the  two  envoys  there  was  another  person  of  consequence  from  the 
Low  Countries  at  that -time  in  the  capital,— Simon  Renard,  once  Charles  s 
minister  at  the  English  court,  the  inexorable  foe  of  Granvelle.  He  had  been 
persuaded  by  Philip  to  come  to  Spain,  although  to  do  so,  he  knew,  was  to  put 
himself  on  trial  for  his  manifold  oliences  against  the  government.    He  was 


thing  mi. re  than  fifty  thousand  florins 
annually.  Corres  ondance  de  Philippe  U., 
tom.  ii.  p.  115. 

*  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  Rapport, 
p.  xxxvii— It  was  reporied  to  Philip's  sec- 
retary.  Era.«so,  by  that  mischievous   bigot. 


Fray  Lorenzo  Villavicencio,  not,  as  may  be 
supposed,  to  do  honour  to  the  author  of  it, 
but  to  ruin  him. 

*  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  tom.  i.  p. 
439. 


3G6  SECRET  EXECUTION  OF  MONTIGNY 

arrested,  proceedings  were  commenced  ajrainst  him,  and  he  was  relea  e^d  only 
by  an  ilhiess  which  terminated  in  his  death.  There  seems  to  liave  been  a 
mysterious  fascination  possessed  by  Philip,  that  he  could  thus  draw  withm 
his  reach  the  very  men  whom  every  motive  of  self-preservation  should  have 
kept  at  an  immeasurable  distance.  ,     ,     .  ,  ^. 

The  arrival  of  the  maniuis  did  not  expedite  the  business  of  the  mission 
Unfortunately,  about  that  period  news  came  to  Madrid  of  the  outbreak  of 
the  iconoclasts,  exciting  not  merely  in  Spain,  but  throughout  Christendom, 
feelin^^s  of  horror  and  indiixnation.  There  was  no  longer  a  question  as  to  a 
more  temperate  nolicv.  The  only  thought  now  was  of  vengeance.  It  was  in 
vain  that  the  Flemish  envoys  interposed  to  mitigate  the  kings  anger  and 
turn  him  from  those  violent  measures  which  must  bring  rum  on  the  country. 
Their  remonstrances  were  unheeded.  They  found  access  to  his  person  by  no 
means  so  easy  a  thing  as  before.  They  felt  that  somewhat  of  the  odium  of 
the  late  transactions  attached  to  them.  Even  the  courtiers,  with  the  ready 
instinct  that  detects  a  sovereign's  frown,  grew  cold  in  their  deportment.  The 
situation  of  the  envoys  became  everv  day  more  uncomfortable.  Their  mission 
was  obviously  at  an  end,  and  all  tliey  now  asked  was  leave  to  return  to  the 
Netherlands 

But  the  king  had  no  mind  to  grant  it.  He  had  been  long  since  advised  by 
Granvelle,  and  others  in  whom  he  tnisted,  that  both  the  nobles  had  taken 
a  decided  part  in  fostering  the  troubles  of  the  country.*  To  that  country 
they  were  never  to  return.  Philip  told  them  he  had  need  of  their  presence 
for  some  time  longer,  to  advise  with  him  on  the  critical  state  of  affairs  in 
Flanders.  80  thin  a  veil  could  not  impose  on  them ;  and  they  were  hlled 
with  the  most  serious  aoprehensions.  They  wrote  to  Margaret,  begging  her 
to  renuest  the  king  to  dismiss  them  ;  otlierwise  they  should  have  good  cause 
to  complain  both  of  her  and  of  the  nobles,  who  had  sent  them  on  a  mission  . 
from  which  they  would  gladly  have  been  excused.'  But  Margaret  had  already 
written  to  her  brother  to  keep  them  in  Spain  until  the  troubles  in  Flanders 
should  be  ended.'  On  the  reception  of  the  letter  of  her  envoys,  however,  she 
replied  that  she  had  already  written  to  the  king  to  request  leave  for  them  to 
return."    1  have  found  no  record  of  such  a  letter. 

In  the  spring  of  1567,  the  duke  of  Alva  was  sent  to  take  command  m  the 
Netherlands.  Such  an  appointment,  at  such  a  crisis,  plainly  intmiated  the 
course  to  be  pursued,  and  the  host  of  evils  it  would  soon  bring  on  the  devoted 
countiy.  The  conviction  of  this  was  too  much  for  Bergen,  heightened  as  his  , 
distress  was  by  his  separation,  at  such  a  moment,  from  all  that  was  most  dear 
to  him  on  earth.  He  fell  ill  of  a  fever,  and  grew  rapidly  worse,  till  at  length 
it  was  reported  to  Philip  that  there  was  no  chance  for  his  recovery  unless  he 
were  allowed  to  return  to  his  native  land.'" 


DEATH  OF  BERGEN— ARREST  OF  MONTIGNY. 


367 


•  See  the  letters  of  the  royal  contadar, 
Alonzo  del  Canto,  from  Brusstls.  (Corre- 
ppondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  i.  pp.  411, 
425.)  (iranvelle.  in  a  leter  from  Romo, 
chimes  in  with  the  !*ame  tune,— though,  as 
ii8ual  with  the  prelate,  in  a  more  covert 
manner :  '*  Le  choix  de  Berghes  et  Montigny 
n'est  pas  mauvai-*,  si  le  but  d«*  leur  mission 
est  d'inforroer  le  Iloi  de  I'etat  dfs  choses  :  car 
ils  sont  ceux  qui  en  ont  le  mieux  connalssance. 
et  qui  peut-Ptre  y  ont  pris  le  plus  de  part." 
Ihid,  p.  417. 

'  ••  Autrement,    certes,  Madame,    aurlons 
juste  occasion  de  nous  dololr  et  de  V.  A.  et 


des  seifrneurs  de  par  deli,  ponr  nous  avclr 
commande  de  venir  ici,  pour  recevoir  honte 
et  depplaipir,  estantz  forces  journellement  de 
veoir  et  oyrrhosesqui  nos  desplaisent  jusquf^s 
a  i'ame,  et  de  veoir  aussy  le  pen  que  S.  M.  se 
sert  de  nous."  Corre.-pondancc  de  Philippe 
II.,  tom.  i.  p.  49«. 

"  This  letter  is  dated  November  18th,  156«. 
[Tbi'l.,  p.  486.)  The  letter  of  the  two  lords 
was  written  on  the  last  day  of  the  December 
following. 

•  Her  letter  is  dated  March  5th,  1567.  Ibid., 
p.  516. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  535. 


This  placed  the  king  in  a  perplexing  dilemma.  He  was  not  disposed  to  let 
the  marquis  escape  from  his  nands  even  by  the  way  of  a  natural  death.  He 
was  still  less  inclined  to  assent  to  his  return  to  Flanders.  In  this  emergency 
he  directed  Ruy  Gomez,  the  prince  of  Eboli,  to  visit  the  sick  nobleman,  who 
was  his  personal  friend.  In  case  Gomez  found  the  marquis  so  ill  that  his 
recovery  was  next  to  impossible,  he  was  to  give  him  the  king's  permission  to 
return  home.  If,  however,  there  seemed  a  prospect  of  his  recovery,  he  was 
only  to  hold  out  the  hope  of  such  a  permission."  In  case  of  the  sick  man's 
death,  Gomez  was  to  take  care  to  have  his  obsec[uies  performed  in  such  a  way 
as  to  show  the  sorrow  of  the  king  and  his  ministers  at  his  loss,  and  their 
respect  for  the  lords  of  the  Low  Countries !  '*  He  was  moreover,  in  that 
event,  to  take  means  to  have  the  marquis's  property  in  the  Netherlands 
sequestrated,  as,  should  rebellion  be  proved  against  him,  it  would  be  forieited 
to  tlie  crown.  This  curious  and,  as  it  must  be  allowed,  highly  confidential 
epistle  was  written  with  the  king's  own  hand.  The  address  ran,  "  Ruy  Gomez 
— to  his  hands.    Not  to  be  opened  nor  read  in  the  presence  of  the  bearer." 

Which  part  of  the  royal  instruction  the  minister  thought  best  to  follow  for 
the  cure  of  the  patient — whether  he  gave  him  an  unconditional  permi.^sion  to 
return,  or  only  held  out  the  hope  that  he  would  do  so — we  are  not  informed. 
It  matters  little,  however.  The  marquis,  it  is  probable,  had  alrea^ly  learned 
not  to  put  his  trust  in  princes.  At  all  events,  the  promises  of  the  king  did  as 
little  for  the  patient  as  the  prescriptions  of  the  doctor.  On  the  twenty-first  of 
May  he  died,— justifying  the  melancholy  presentiment  with  which  he  had 
entered  on  his  mission. 

Montigny  was  the  only  victim  that  now  remained  to  Philip ;  and  he  caused 
him  to  be  guarded  with  redoubled  vigilance.  He  directed  Ruy  Gomez  to  keep 
an  eye  on  all  his  movements,  and  to  write  to  the  governors  of  NavaiTe,  Cata- 
lonia, and  other  frontier  places,  to  take  precautions  to  intercept  the  Flemish 
lord  in  case  of  his  attempting  to  fly  the  country."  Montigny  was  in  fact  a 
prisoner,  with  Madrid  for  the  limits  of  his  prison.  Yet,  after  this,  the  regent 
could  write  to  him  from  Bi  u.ssels  that  she  was  pleased  to  learn  from  her  brother 
that  he  was  soon  to  give  him  his  cowje?*  If  the  king  said  this,  he  had  a 
bitter  meaning  in  his  words,  l^yond  what  the  duchess  apprehended. 

It  was  not  long,  however,  that  Montigny  was  allowed  to  retain  even  this 
degree  of  liberty.  In  September,  1567,  arrived  the  tidings  of  the  arrest  of  the 
Counts  Egmont  and  Hoorne.  Orders  were  instantly  issued  for  the  arrest  of 
Montigny.  He  was  seized  by  a  detachment  of  the  royal  guard  and  borne  off 
to  the  alcazar  of  Segovia.'*  He  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  leave  the  fortress 
day  or  night ;  but  as  much  indulgence  was  shown  to  him  as  wa.s  compatible 
with  this  strict  confinement ;  and  he  was  permitted  to  take  with  him  the 
various  retainers  who  composed  his  household,  and  to  maintain  his  establii^h- 
nient  in  prison.  But  what  indulgence  could  soften  the  bitterness  of  a  captivity 
far  from  Kindred  and  country,  with  the  consciousness,  moreover,  that  the  only 
avenue  from  his  prison  conducted  to  the  scaffold  I 


"  "De  lui  dire  (mais  seulement  apres  qu'll 
se  sera  assure  qu'une  guerison  est  a  peu  pres 
impossible)  que  le  Roi  lui  permet  de  retourner 
aux  Payz-Bas :  si,  au  contraire,  il  lui  paraip- 
8  lit  quL'  le  niarquis  piit  se  r^tablir,  il  se  con- 
t«-nteraitde  lui  faire  ♦••sperer  cette  permission." 
Correspondaiice  de  Philippe  II.,  tom.  i.  p. 
635. 

'■'  *•  II  sera  bien,  en  cette  occasion,  de  mon- 
trer  le  regret  que  le  Roi  et  ses  m  nistres  ont 
de  sa  mon,  et  le  cus  qu'ils  font  des  seigneurs 


des  Pays-Bas  !  "    Ibid.,  p.  536. 

"  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

'*  "  Elle  espere  le  voir  sous  pen,  puisque  le 
Roi  lui  a  fait  dire  que  son  intention  etait  de 
lui  donner  bientoi  son  conge,"  Ibid.,  p.  558. 
—The  letter  is  dated  July  13th. 

'*  The  order  for  the  arrest,  addressed  to  the 
conde  de  Cbincbon,  alcayde  of  tlje  castle  of 
Segovia,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Documentos 
ineditos,  tom.  iv.  p.  526. 


W 


368 


SECRET  EXECUTION  OF  MONTIGNY. 


In  his  extremity,  Montigiiy  looked  around  for  the  "^^"'^, ,«/ ^^^.^^^rfs  on 
own  escape  ;  and  he  nearly  succeeded.  One,  if  not  more,  of  the  {Spaniards  on 
m  ard  S^  with  his  own  servants,  were  in  the  p  ot.  It  was  arranged  that 
fhe  priS  should  file  through  the  bars  of  a  window  "^^^js  ^^P^^^^^^^ 
lower  himself  to  the  ground  by  means  of  a  rope  ladder.  Re  ays  o*  l^o^^e.  ^^  e  e 
provided  to  take  him  rapidly  on  to  the  sea-port  of  ^a»tander  in  the  north 
whence  he  was  to  be  transported  in  a  shallop  to  St.  Jean  de  Luz.  1  lie 
matPdals  for  executing  his  part  of  the  work  were  conveyed  to  Montigny  in  the 
kSfes  of  brld  S^^^^^^^  to\im  by  his  baker.  Everything  seemed  to  promise 
sTcc^ss  The  bars  of  the  window  were  removed.'*  They  waited  onfy  for  a 
^y^vhen  the  alcayde  of  the  castle  would  not  be  likely  to  visi  it  At  this 
juncture  the  plot  was  discovered  through  the  carelessness  of  the  maure- 

'^' This' person  neglected  to  send  one  of  the  loaves  to  his  master  which  con- 
tained rpai>er  giving  sundiT  directions  respecting  the  mode  of  escape  and 
"oning  he  nin  ef  of  several  of  the  parties.  The  loaf  fell  into  the  hands 
S  a  soldief  >'  On  breaking  it,  the  paper  was  discovered,  and  taken  by  him  to 
?he^ptain  of  the  guard.  The  plot  was  laid  open  ;  the  parties  were  arrested, 
and?entenced  to  dLth  or  the  gJtUeys.  The  king  allowecf  the  sentence  to  take 
eSeci  n  re^rd  to  the  Spaniards.  He  granted  a  reprieve  to  the  Henungs 
Svingthat  what  they  had  done  was  in  some  sort  excusable  as  being  for  the 
S?Wce  of  their  master.  Besides,  they  might  be  of  use  hereafter,  in  furnishmg 
Siony  in  the  prosecution  of  Montigny.-  On  this  con>POu.|d  prmci^^^^ 
Uves  were  sparecf  After  languishmg  some  time  m  prison,  they  were  allo^^e(l 
to  return  t^r  Low  Countries,  bearhig  with  them  letters  rom  Montigny, 
reouesti  g  his  friends  to  provide  for  them  in  consideration  of  their  saciihces 
fo?hh  Bit  they  were  provided  for  in  a  much  more  summary  manner  by 
Alva  who  on  their  landing,  caused  them  to  be  immediatelv  arrested,  and 
banisW  ^^^        all  from  the"  countiy,  under  pain  of  death  1/  they  returned 

^"^  The 'greatest  sympathy  was  felt  for  Montigny  in  the  Netherlands,  where  the 
nobles  fe?e  fiile/ wfth  in^dignation  at  the  unworthy  treatment  tlienj  envoy  had 
received  from  Philip.  His  stepmother,  the  dowager-countess  ot  ^oor"^' ^^s 
Is  untwiff  "i  her  efforts  for  him  as  she  had  been  for  his  unfortunate  brother. 
These  were  warSr  by  his  wife,  a  daughter  of  the  prince  of  Epinoy, 

{o  X^MontiSiy  had  been  married  but  a  short  time  before  his  mission  0 
8min  Thi^  X^^^  a  letter  in  the  most  humble  tone  0  supplication  to 
tep.  She  touched  on  the  blight  brought  on ^^^orn^'^^^^^ 
with  a  stronc  conviction  of  the  innocence  of  Montigny,  and  with  teaisana 
lamentatSmpLed  the  king,  by  the  consideration  of  his  past  services,  by 
the  passion  of  the  blessed  Saviour,  to  show  mercy  to  her  husband 

Several  mr-nths  elapsed,  after  the  execution  of  the  Counts  Egmont  and 


'•  This  fact  is  mentioned  in  a  letter  of  the 
altaydp  of  the  fortr.sp,  giving  an  account  of 
the  affair  to  the  king.  Correspondance  de 
Philippe  II..  torn.  ii.  p.  33. 

'"  The  contents  of  the  paper  secreted  in  tne 
loaf  ave  given  in  the  Documeutos  inedltos, 
torn.  iv.  pp.  527-r.33.-The  latter  p«.rtion  of 
the  fourth  volume  of  this  valuable  collection 
is  occupied  with  Documents  relating  to  the 
imprisonment  and  death  of  Montigny,  drawn 
from  the  Archives  of  Simancas,  and  never 
before  communicated  to  the  public. 

'•  '•  11  n  •  lea  fera  point  execut  r.mais  U  les 


retiendra  en  prison,  car  ils  peuvent  seryir  4 
la  verification  de  quelque  point  du  proces  de 
Montigny  lui-meme."  Corr.  spoudance  de 
Philippe  II.,  toni.  ii.  p.  37. 

"  Metercn,  Hist,  des  Pays-Has,  fol.  60. 

~  ''Et  cfmsrmmet  en  larmes  ft  pUurs  afin 
que,  en  consideration  des  servic  s  parses 
de  sondit  raari,  de  sou  jeune  age  a  elle,  qui  n  a 
ete  en  la  compagnie  de  Fon  mari  qu  environ 
quatre  mt«s,  et  de  la  passion  de  Jesus-ChriRt. 
S  M  veuille  lui  pardonner  les  f  tutes  qu  il 
pi)urrait  avoir  comniises."  Correspondauce 
de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  ii.  p.  94. 


HIS  PROCESS. 


369 


Hoome,  before  the  duke  commenced  proceedings  against  Montigny ;  and  it 
was  not  tiil  February,  1569,  that  the  licentiate  Salazar,  one  of  the  royal 
council,  was  sent  to  Segovia  in  order  to  interrogate  the  prisoner.  The  charges 
were  of  the  same  nature  with  those  brought  against  Egmont  and  Hoorne. 
IMontigny  at  first,  like  them,  refused  to  make  any  reply,— standing  on  his 
rights  as  a  member  of  the  Golden  Fleece.  He  was,  however,  after  a  formal 
protest,  prevailed  on  to  waive  this  privilege.  The  examination  continued 
several  days.  The  various  documents  connected  with  it  are  still  preserved  in 
the  Archives  of  Simancas.  M.  Gachard  has  given  no  abstract  of  their  con- 
tents. But  that  sagacious  inquirer,  after  a  careful  perusal  of  the  pai)ers, 
pronounces  Montigny's  answers  to  be  "  a  victorious  refutation  of  the  charges 
of  the  attorney-general."*' 

It  was  not  a  refutation  that  Philip  or  his  viceroy  wanted.  Montigny  was 
instantly  required  to  appoint  some  one  to  act  as  counsel  in  his  behalf.  But  no 
one  was  willing  to  undertake  the  business,  till  a  person  of  little  note  at  length 
consented,  or  was  rather  compelled  to  undertake  it  by  the  menaces  of  Alva." 
Any  man  might  well  have  felt  a  disinclination  for  an  office  which  must 
expose  him  to  the  ill  will  of  the  government,  with  little  chance  of  benefit  to 
his  client. 

Even  after  this,  Montigny  was  allowed  to  languish  another  year  m  pnson 
before  sentence  was  passed  on  him  by  his  judges.  The  proceedings  of  the 
Council  of  Blood  on  this  occasion  were  marked  by  a  more  flagitious  contempt 
of  justice,  if  possible,  than  its  proceedings  usually  were.  The  duke,  m  a  letter 
of  the  eighteenth  of  March,  1570,  informed  the  king  of  the  particulars  of  the 
trial.  He  had  submitted  the  case,  not  to  the  whole  court,  but  to  a  certain 
number  of  the  councillors,  selected  by  him  for  the  purpose.^^  He  does  not 
tell  on  what  principle  the  selection  was  made.  Philip  could  readily  divine  it. 
In  the  judgment  of  the  majority,  Montigny  was  found  guilty  of  high  treason. 
The  duke  accordingly  passed  sentence  of  death  on  him.  The  sentence  was 
dated  March  4th,  1570.  It  was  precisely  of  the  same  import  with  the 
sentences  of  Egmont  and  Hoorne.  It  commanded  that  Montigny  be  taken 
from  prison  and  publicly  beheaded  with  a  sword.  His  head  was  to  be  stuck 
on  a  pole,  there  to  remain  during  the  pleasure  of  his  majesty.  His  goods  and 
estates  were  to  be  confiscated  to  the  crown.^*  -o     j     rm. 

The  sentence  was  not  communicated  even  to  the  Council  of  Blood.  The 
only  persons  aware  of  its  existence  were  the  duke's  secretary  and  his  two 
trusty  councillors,  Vargas  and  Del  Rio.  Alva  had  kept  it  thus  secret  until 
he  should  learn  the  will  of  his  master."  At  the  same  time  he  intimated  to 
Philip  that  he  might  think  it  better  to  have  the  execution  take  place  in  Cas- 
tile, as  under  existing  circumstances  more  eligible  than  the  Netheriands. 

Philip  was  in  Andalusia,  making  a  tour  in  the  southern  provinces,  when 
the  despatches  of  his  viceroy  reached  him.  He  was  not  altogether  pleased 
with  their  tenor.  Not  that  he  had  any  misgivings  in  regard  to  the  sentence  ; 
for  he  was  entirely  satisfied,  as  he  wrote  to  Alva,  of  Montigny's  gudt.  •  But 
he  did  not  approve  of  a  public  execution.  Enough  blood,  it  might  be  thought 
in  the  Netherlands,  had  been  already  spilt ;  and  men  there  might  complain 


"  Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  11. 
p.  123.  nole. 

"  Ibid  ,  p.  90. 

"  "  Visto  el  proceeo  por  algunos  del  Con- 
sejo  de  S.  M.  destos  sus  Estados  p«>r  val  nom- 
lirad(»8  para  el  di(ho  efecto."  Documeutos 
Ineditos,  torn,  iv  p.  535. 

"*  The  sentence  may  be  found.  Ibid.,  pp. 


535-537. 

ai  4i  porque  no  vinlose  il  noticia  de  ninguno 
de  los  otros  hasta  saber  la  voluntad  de  V.  M." 
Ibid.,  p.  5i3. 

^*  "  As{  que  constando  tan  claro  de  sus  cul- 
pas  y  delictos.  en  cuanto  al  he«"ho  de  la  jus- 
ticia  no  hab'a  que  parar  mas  de  mandaria 
rjecutar."    ibid  ,  p.  539. 

2    B 


370 


SECRET  EXECUTION  OF  MONTIGNY. 


that,  shut  up  in  a  foreign  prison  during  his  trial,  Montigny  had  not  met  with 
justice."    There  were  certainly  some  grounds  for  such  a  complamt. 

Philip  resolved  to  d^fer  taking  any  decisive  step  ni  the  matter  till  his  return 
to  the  north.  Meanwhile,  he  commended  Alva^s  discretion  m  keeping  the 
sentence  secret,  and  cliarged  him  on  no  account  to  divulge  it,  even  to  members 

of  the  council.  ,  ,,,.,,,      i  ^ 

Some  months  elapsed  after  the  king's  retuni  to  Madnd  before  he  pme  to  a 
decision,— exhibiting  the  procrastination  so  conspicuous  a  trait  m  him,  even 
among  a  people  with  whom  procrastination  was  no  mu-acle.  It  may  have 
been  that  he  was  too  much  occupied  with  an  interesting  affair  which  pressed 
on  him  at  that  moment.  About  two  years  before,  Philip  had  had  the  mis- 
fortune  to  lose  his  young  and  beautiful  queen,  Isabella  of  the  Peace.  Her 
place  was  now  to  be  supplied  by  a  German  nrincess,  Anne  of  Austria,  his 
fourth  wife,  still  younger  than  the  one  he  had  lost.  She  was  already  on  her 
way  to  Castile  ;  and  the  king  may  have  been  too  much  engrossed  by  his  pre- 
parations for  the  nuptial  festivities  to  liave  much  thought  to  bestow  on  the 
concerns  of  his  wretched  prisoner.  ,         a-   i.      j     *. 

The  problem  to  be  solved  was  how  to  carry  the  sentence  into  ettect  and  yet 
leave  the  impression  on  the  public  that  Montigny  had  died  a  natural  death. 
iMost  of  the  few  ministers  whom  the  king  took  into  his  confidence  on  the 
occasion  were  of  opinion  that  it  would  be  best  to  bring  the  prisoner's  death 
about  by  means  of  a  slow  poison  administered  in  his  drink  or  some  article  of 
his  daily  food.  This  would  i,nve  him  time,  moreover,  to  provide  for  the  con- 
cerns of  his  soul.2»  But  Philip  objected  to  this,  as  not  fulfilling  what  he  was 
pleased  to  call  the  ends  of  justice."  He  at  last  decided  on  the  (/arrote,— the 
form  of  execution  used  for 'the  meaner  sort  of  criminals  in  Spain,  but  which, 
producing  death  by  suffocation,  would  be  less  likely  to  leave  its  traces  on 

the  body.'® 

To  accomplish  this,  it  would  be  necessary  to  remove  Montigny  from  the 
town  of  Segovia,  the  gay  residence  of  the  court,  and  soon  to  be  the  scene  of 
the  wedding  ceremonies,  to  some  more  remote  and  less  frequented  spot. 
Simancas  was  accordingly  selected,  whose  stern,  secluded  fortress  seemed  to 
be  a  fitting  place  for  the  perpetration  of  such  a  deed.  The  fortress  was  of 
great  strength,  and  was  encompassed  by  massive  walls,  and  a  wide  moat, 
across  which  two  bridges  gave  access  to  the  interior.  It  was  anciently  used 
as  a  prison  for  state  criminals.  Cardinal  Ximenes  first  conceived  the  idea  of 
turning  it  to  the  nobler  purpose  of  preserving  the  public  archives.*'  Charles 
tJie  Fifth  carried  this  enlightened  project  into  execution  ;  but  it  was  not  fully 


"  "  Por  estar  aca  el  d'lincm^nto  que  dijeran 
que  se  habia  liecho  entre  compailres.  y  como 
opreso,  sm  se  poder  defender  juridicamenie." 
Documentos  ineditos,  torn.  iv.  p.  561. 

■•'■  "  Parescia  d  los  mas  que  era  blen  darle 
un  lxK!ado  6  echar  algun  genero  de  veneno  en 
la  c  mida  6  bebida  con  que  se  fuese  muriendo 
poco  a  poco,  y  pudlese  componer  las  cosas  de 
BU  ilniua  como  enfermo."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

-»  "  Mas  a  S.  M.  parescio  que  desta  manera 
no  86  cumplia  con  U  justicia."  Ibid.,  ubi 
Bupra. —  Vhvse  particulars  are  gathered  trom 
a  full  report  of  the  pr«)ce<'ding»,  sent,  by 
Philip's  orders,  to  the  duke  of  Alva,  Novem- 
ber ind,  1570. 

^"  The  garrote  is  still  rsed  in  capital 
punishments  in  Spain.  It  may  l)e  well  to 
mention,  for  the  information  of  some  of 
my  readers,  that  it  is  performed  by  drawing  & 


rope  tight  round  the  neck  of  the  criminal,  so 
as  to  prt>duce  suffocation.  This  is  done  by 
tiirnini?  a  stick  to  which  the  rope  is  attached 
behind  his  head.  Instead  of  this  apparatus, 
an  iron  collar  is  more  frequently  employed 
in  mo<lern  executions. 

"  This  is  established  by  a  letter  of  the 
cardinal  himself,  in  wliicli  he  requests  the 
king  to  command  all  officials  to  deliver  into 
his  hands  their  registers,  instruments,  and 
public  documents  of  every  de>cription, — to 
be  placed  in  these  archives,  that  they  may 
hereafter  be  preserved  from  injury.  His 
biographer  adds  that  few  of  these  documents 
—such  only  as  could  be  gleaned  by  the 
cardinal's  industry— reach  as  far  bick  as  the 
reign  of  Ferdinand  and  IsabeUa.  (^uiutlnilla, 
Vida  de  Ximenes,  p.  264. 


REMOVAL  TO  SIMANCAS. 


371 


consummated  till  the  time  of  Philip,  who  prescribed  the  regulations,  and  made 
all  the  necessary  arrangements  for  placing  the  institution  on  a  permanent 
basis,— thus  securing  to  future  historians  the  best  means  for  guiding  then- 
steps  through  the  dark  and  tortuous  passages  of  his  reign.  But  even  after 
this  change  in  its  destination  the  fortre.^s  of  Simancas  continued  to  be  iii:ed 
occasionally  as  a  place  of  confinement  for  prisoners  of  state.  Ihe  famous 
bishop  of  Zamora,  who  took  so  active  a  part  in  the  war  of  the  comumdades, 
was  there  strangled  by  command  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  The  quarter  of  the 
building  in  which  he  sufiered  is  still  known  by  the  name  of' el  cubo  del 
o6wpo,"-*' The  Bishop's  Tower.'-"  .         xu      •    .      *u 

To  this  strong  place  Montigny  was  removed  from  Segovia,  on  the  nmeteentn 
of  Au<nist,  1570,  under  a  numerous  guard  of  alguaziis  and  arquebusiers.  lor 
ffreate°r  security  he  was  put  in  irons,  a  superfluous  piece  of  cruelty,  from  which 
Philip,  in  a  letter  to  Alva,  thought  it  necessary  to  vindicate  himself,  as  having 
been  done  without  his  orders."  We  might  well  imagine  that  the  last  ray  ot 
hope  must  have  faded  away  in  Montigny's  bosom  as  he  entered  the  gloomy 
portals  of  his  new  abode.  Yet  hope,  as  we  are  assured,  did  not  altogether 
desert  him  He  had  learned  that  Anne  of  Austria  had  expressed  much  sym- 
pathy  for  his  sufierings.  It  was  but  natural  that  the  daughter  of  the  hm\  eior 
Maximilian  should  take  an  interest  in  the  persecuted  people  of  the  Nether- 
lands It  was  even  said  that  she  promised  the  wife  and  stepmother  ot  Mon- 
tigny to  make  his  liberation  the  first  boon  she  would  ask  of  her  husband  on 
cominff  to  Castile."  And  Montigny  cherished  the  fond  hope  that  the  mfiuence 
of  the  young  bride  would  turn  the  king  from  his  purpose,  and  that  her  coming 
to  Castile  would  be  the  signal  for  his  liberation.  That  Anne  shomd  have 
yielded  to  such  an  illusion  is  not  so  strange,  for  she  had  never  seen  Philip  ; 
but  that  Montigny  should  have  been  beguiled  by  it  is  more  difficult  to  under- 

^  ^In  'his  new  quarters  he  was  treated  with  a  show  of  respect,  if  not  indul- 
cence  He  was  even  allowed  some  privileges.  Though  the  guards  were 
doubled  over  him,  he  was  permitted  to  have  his  own  servants,  and,  when  it 
suited  him,  to  take  the  fresli  air  and  sunshine  in  the  corridor. 

Eariy  in  October  the  young  Austrian  princess  landed  on  the  northern  shores 
of  the  kingdom,  at  Santander.  The  tidings  of  this  may  have  induced  the 
king  to  quicken  his  movements  in  regard  to  his  prisoner,  willing  perhaps  to 
relieve  himself  of  all  chance  of  importunity  from  his  bride,  as  well  as  from  the 
awkwardness  of  refusing  the  first  favour  she  should  request  As  a  preliminary 
step,  it  would  be  necessary  to  abridge  the  liberty  which  Montigny  at  present 
enjoyed,  to  confine  him  to  his  apartment  and,  cutting  oft  his  conmuuucatioiis 
even  with  those  in  the  ca.stle,  to  spread  the  rumour  of  his  illness,  which  should 
prepare  the  minds  of  the  public  for  a  fatal  issue. 

To  furnish  an  apology  for  his  close  confinement,  a  story  was  got  up  of  an 
attempt  to  escape,  similar  to  what  had  actually  occurred  at  Segovia.  ^^era=ta, 
alcavde  of  the  fortress,  a  trustworthy  vassal,  to  whom  was  comnntted  tlie 
direction  of  the  aftair,  addressed  a  letter  to  the  king,  enclosing  a  note  m 
Latin,  which  he  pretended  had  been  found  under  Montigny's  window,  con- 
tdnhig  sundry  directions  for  his  flight.    The  fact  of  such  a  design,  the  writer 


»»  M.  Gachard,  who  gives  us  some  interest- 
ing particulars  of  the  ancient  fortress  of 
Simancas,  informs  us  that  this  tower  was  the 
scene  of  some  of  his  own  labours  there.  It 
was  an  interesting  circums;ance,  that  he  was 
thus  exploring  the  records  of  Montigny  s 
BufTerings  in  the  very  spot  which  wime.-sed 


them.  ,    .  , 

^^  "  Asf  lo  cnmpli6  poni^ndole  gnllos  para 
mayor  soguridad,  aunque  e.-to  fue  sin  6rden, 
porque  ni  esto  era  monester  ni  quisit  ra  S.  M. 
que  se  hubiera  hecho."  D»-cumenlo8  ineditos, 
torn.  iv.  p.  561.  „      ,  ,  ,« 

'*  Metereu,  Hi»t.  des  Pays-Bas,  fol.  60. 


372  SECRET  EXECUTION  OF  MONTIGNY. 

said,  was  corroborated  by  tbe  appearai.ce  of  certain  persons  in  the  disguise  of 
friars  about  the  castle.  The  governor,  in  consequence,  had  been  obliged  to 
remove  his  prisoner  to  other  quarters,  of  greater  security.  He  was  accord- 
ingly Iwlged  in  tlie  Bishop's  Tower,-oniiiious  quarters  !— where  he  was  no 
longer  allowed  the  attendance  of  his  own  domestics,  but  placed  in  strict  con- 
finement. Montigny  had  taken  this  proceeding  so  ill,  and  with  such  vehe- 
ment complaints  of  its  injustice,  that  it  had  brought  on  a  fever,  under  which 
he  was  now  labouring.  Peralta  concluded  by  expressing  his  regret  at  being 
forced  by  Montigny's  conduct  into  a  course  so  painful  to  himself,  as  he  would 
gladly  have  allowed  him  all  tbe  indulgence  compatible  with  his  own  honour. 
This  letter,  which  had  all  been  concocted  in  the  cabinet  at  .Madrid,  was  shown 
openly  at  court.  It  gained  easier  credit  from  the  fact  of  iMontigny's  fornier 
attempt  to  escape ;  and  the  rumour  went  abroad  that  he  was  now  lying 

dangerously  ill.  ,     .     „        ,    ,  ,^  j 

ESrly  in  October,  the  licentiate  Alonzo  de  Arellano  had  been  summoned 
from  Seville  and  installed  in  the  othce  of  alcalde  of  the  chancery  of  \  alla- 
dolid,  distant  only  two  leagues  from  Simancas.  Arellano  was  a  person  in 
whose  discretion  and  devotion  to  himself  Philip  knew  he  could  confide  ;  and 
to  him  he  now  intrusted  the  execution  of  Montigny.  Directions  for  the  course 
he  was  to  take,  as  well  as  the  precautions  he  was  to  use  to  prevent  suspicion, 
were  set  down  in  the  royal  instructions  with  great  minuteness.  They  must 
be  allowed  to  form  a  remarkable  document,  such  as  has  rarely  proceeded  from 
a  royal  pen  The  alcalde  was  to  pass  to  Simancas,  and  take  with  him  a  notary, 
an  e*xecutioner,  and  a  priest.  The  last  should  be  a  man  of  undoubted  piety 
and  learning,  capable  of  dispelling  any  doubts  or  errors  that  might  unhappily 
have  arisen  in  Alontigny's  mind  in  respect  to  the  faith.  Such  a  man  aupeared 
to  l>e  Fray  Hernando  del  Castillo,  of  the  order  of  St.  Dominic,  m  Valladolid  ; 
and  no  better  person  could  have  l)een  chosen,  nor  one  more  open  to  those 
feelings  of  humanitv  which  are  not  always  found  under  the  robe  of  the  friar." 
Attended  by  these  three  persons,  the  alcalde  left  Valladolid  soon  after 
nightfall  on  the  evening  of  the  fourteenth  of  October.  Peralta  had  been 
advised  of  his  coming  ;  and  the  little  company  were  admitted  into  the  castle 
so  cautiously  as  to  attract  no  observation.  The  governor  and  the  judge  at 
once  proceedfed  to  Montigny's  apartment,  where  they  found  the  unhappy  man 
lying  on  his  pallet,  ill  not  so  much  of  the  fever  that  was  talked  of,  as  of  that 
sickness  of  the  hetirt  which  springs  from  hope  deferred.  When  informed  of 
his  sentence  by  AreHano,  in  words  as  kind  as  so  cruel  a  communication  would 
permit,  he  was  wholly  overcome  by  it,  and  for  some  time  continued  in  a  state 
of  pitiable  agitation.  Yet  one  might  have  thought  that  the  warnings  he  had 
already  received  were  such  as  might  have  prepared  his  mind  in  some  degiee 
for  the  blow.  For  he  seems  to  have  lieen  in  the  condition  of  the  tenant  of 
one  of  those  inquisitorial  cells  in  Venice,  the  walls  of  which,  we  are  told,  were 
so  constructed  as  to  approach  each  other  gradually  every  day,  until  the 
wretched  inmate  was  crushed  between  them.  After  Montigny  had  sutticiently 
recovered  from  his  agitation  to  give  beed  to  it,  the  sentence  was  read  to  him 
by  the  notary.  He  was  still  to  be  allowed  a  day  before  the  execution,  in  order 
to  gain  time,  as  Philip  had  said,  to  settle  his  affairs  with  heaven.  And 
although,  as  the  alcalde  added,  the  sentence  passed  on  him  was  held  by  the 
king  as  a  just  sentence,  yet,  in  consideration  of  his  quality,  his  majesty,  purely 


*»  This  lying  letter,  dated  at  Simancafl, 
October  lOtb,  with  the  scrap  of  nionprel  Latin 
which  it  enclosed,  may  be  found  in  the  Docu* 
mentos  ineditos,  torn.  iv.  pp.  550-552. 


»•  Tbe  Instnictions  delivered  to  the  licen- 
tiate r>on  Alonzo  de  Arellano  are  given  in 
full,  Documentos  iueditos,  torn.  iv.  pp.  6A2- 
549. 


HIS  LAST  MOMENTS. 


373 


out  of  his  benignity  and  clemency,  was  willing  so  far  to  mitigate  it,  in  regard 
to  the  form,  as  to  allow  him  to  be  executed,  not  in  public,  but  in  secret,  thus 
saving  his  honour,  and  suggesting  the  idea  of  his  having  come  to  his  end  by  a 
natural  death.''  For  this  act  of  grace  Montigny  seems  to  have  been  duly 
grateful.    How  tnie  were  the  motives  assigned  for  It,  the  reader  can  determine. 

Having  thus  discharged  their  painful  oftice,  Arellano  and  the  governor  with- 
drew, and,  summonino:  the  friar,  left  the  prisoner  to  the  spiritual  consolations 
lie  so  much  needed.  What  followed,  we  have  from  Castillo  himself.  As  Mon- 
tigny's agitation  subsided,  he  listened  patiently  to  the  exhortations  of  the 
good  father ;  and  when  at  length  restored  to  something  like  his  natural  com- 
posure, he  joined  with  him  earnestly  in  prayer.  He  then  confessed  and 
received  the  sacrament,  seeming  desirous  of  employing  the  brief  space  that  yet 
remained  to  him  in  preparation  for  the  solemn  change.  At  intervals,  when 
not  actually  occupied  with  his  devotions,  he  read  the  compositions  of  Father 
Luis  de  Granada,  whose  spirituahzed  conceptions  had  often  solaced  the  hours 
of  his  captivity. 

Montigny  was  greatly  disturbed  by  the  rumour  of  his  having  been  shaken 
in  his  religious  principles  and  having  embraced  the  errors  of  the  Reformers. 
To  correct  this  impression,  he  briefly  drew  up,  with  his  own  hand,  a  confession 
of  faith,  in  which  he  avows  as  implicit  a  belief  in  all  the  articles  sanctioned  by 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  its  head,  the  Vicar  of  Christ,  as  Pius  the 
Fifth  himself  could  have  desired.'*  Having  thus  relieved  his  mind,  Montigny 
turned  to  some  temporal  aft'airs  which  he  was  desirous  to  settle.  They  did 
not  occupy  much  time.  For,  as  Philip  had  truly  remarked,  there  was  no 
occasion  for  him  to  make  a  will,  since  he  had  nothing  to  bequeath,— all  his 
property  having  been  confiscated  to  the  crown.'*  If,  however,  any  debt 
pressed  heavily  on  his  conscience,  he  was  to  be  allowed  to  indicate  it,  as  well 
as  any  provision  which  he  particularly  desired  to  make  for  a  special  purpose. 
This  was  on  the  condition,  nowever,  that  he  should  allude  to  himself  as  about 
to  die  a  natural  death." 

Montigny  profited  by  this  to  express  the  wish  that  ma?:ses,  to  the  number  of 
seven  hundred,  might  be  said  for  his  soul,  that  sundry  sums  might  be  appro- 
priated to  private  uses,  and  that  some  gratuities  might  be  given  to  certain  of 
nis  faithful  followers.  It  may  interest  the  reader  to  know  that  the  masses 
were  punctually  performed.  In  regard  to  the  pious  legacies,  the  king  wrote  to 
Alva,  he  must  'first  see  if  Montigny's  estate  would  justify  the  appropriation  ; 
as  for  the  gratuities  to  servants,  they  were  wholly  out  of  the  question.*' 

One  token  of  remembrance,  which  he  placed  in  the  hands  of  Castillo,  doubt- 
less reached  its  destination.  This  was  a  gold  chain  of  delicate  workmanship, 
with  a  seal  or  signet  ring  attached  to  it,  oearing  his  arms.  This  little  token 
he  requested  might  be  given  to  his  wife.  It  had  been  his  constant  companion 
ever  since  they  were  married  ;  and  he  wished  her  to  wear  it  in  memory  of  him, 


"  "  Aunqup  S.  M.  tenia  por  cierto  que  era 
tnuy  juridica,  habida  considcracion  i  la  calidad 
de  su  persona  y  usando  con  el  de  su  Real  cle- 
mencia  y  benignidad  habia  tenido  por  bien  de 
moderarla  en  cuanto  A  la  forma  mandando  que 
no  se  ejecutase  en  publico,  sino  «ll(  en  secrt'to 
por  pu  honor,  y  que  se  daria  li  entender  haber 
inuerto  de  aquella  enfermedad."  Documen- 
tos ineditos,  torn.  iv.  p.  563. 

^"  The  confes-sion  of  faith  may  be  found  in 
the  Documentos  Ineditos,  torn.  iv.  p.  5.53. 

*"  "Si  el  dicho  Flores  de  Memorancf  qui- 
siese  ordenar  testamento  no  babra  para  que 


darse  &  esto  lugar,  pues  siendo  confiscidos 
todoH  8U8  bienes  y  por  tales  crimines,  ni  puede 
testur  ni  tiene  de  que."     Ibid.,  p.  548. 

*"  "  Empero  si  todavfa  quisiere  hacer  alguna 
mem<Tia  de  deudas  6  descargos  se  le  podr^ 
permitir  como  en  esto  no  se  baga  mencion 
alguna  de  la  justicia  y  ejecucion  que  se  hace, 
bino  que  sea  liecho  como  memorial  de  hombre 
enfermo  y  que  se  temia  morir."  Ibid.,  ubi 
supra. 

""  ••Quant  aux  mercedes  qu'il  a  accorde*^, 
II  n'y  a  pas  lieu  d'y  dinner  su  te."  Corre- 
Bpondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  II.  p.  169. 


374  SECRET  EXECUTION  OF  MONTIGNY. 

PXDressinff  at  the  same  time  his  regret  that  a  longer  life  had  not  been 
CTaSJdh  uf,  to  serve  and  honour  her.  As  a  dying  injunction,  he  besough 
Kot  to  be  entanded  by  the  new  doctrines  or  to  swerve  from  thejaith  of 
he  ancestors.  If  ever  Montigny  had  a  leaning  to. the  doctrines  of  the  Refor- 
Sn  it  could  hardly  have  d^pened  into  conviction ;  for  early  habit  and 
^wSVnn  reasserteii  their  power  so  entirely  at  this  solemn  moment  that  the 
SSnTSs^^^^^^^  that  heg(ve  -idence  o^,^^ 

Tathoiic  a  Christian  as  he  could  wish  to  be  himself."  ihe  tew  hours  in  wnicn 
Mo  tiSiv  haftCs  t^^^^^  of  the  bitterness  of  death  seemed  to  have  done 
iTe  to  wean  him  from  the  vanities  of  life  than  the  whole  years  of  dreary 
iWisonnfent  he  had  passed  within  the  walls  of  Segovia  and  gimancas.  Yet 
wS  lai^^^^  friar's  assertion  that  he  oarrieci  his  resignation  so  far 

till  ?hoS^^  on  his  own  innocence,  he  admitted  the  sentence  of  his 

^"feut'tt'VcLk  on  the  morning  of  the  sixteenth  of  October  w^^^^^^ 
interval  allowed  for  this  solemn  preparation  had  expired.  Father  Castillo 
wu't^  on  tl^I  governor  and  the  atcal^ie,  to  inform  them  that  the  hour  had 
CO  me  and  tlmt  their  prisoner  was  ready  to  receive  them.  They  went,  without 
f.Ti"herdela^  to^^^^^  of  death,  attended  by  the  notary  and    he 

e- ecution^^^^^^  their  presence,  while  the  notary  made  a  record  of  the 

proc^^^^^^     the  grim  minister  of  the  law  did  his  work  on  his  unresistmg 

""' NoVwner  was  the  breath  out  of  the  body  of  Montignv  than  the  alcalde,  the 
priesVr/thrr  two  companions  were  on  tbeir  ^^.^^^.^^^^^^^^^^^ 
in^  it  before  dawn,  so  as  to  escape  the  notice  of  the  inhabitants.  All  were 
sofeLly  bound  to  secrecy  in  regard  to  the  dark  act  in  which  they  had  been 
enffv'ed  The  notary  aiid  the  hangman  were  still  further  secured  by  the 
Sace  of  d^th  in^se  they  betrayed  any  knowledge  of  the  matter  ;  and  they 
knelff ull  41  5^^^^^  Philip  was  not  a  man  to  shrink  from  the  execution  of  his 

"' Thfcorpse  was  arraved  in  a  Franciscan  habit,  which,  coming  up  to  the 
throat  left  the  face  only  exposed  to  observation.  It  was  thus  seen  oy 
IrtWy"  servants,  who  recognised  the  features  of  their  master,  hard  y  more 
dXrted  than  sometimes  happens  from  disease,  ^'hen  the  agonies  of  death 
have  left  their  traces.  The  story  went  abroad  that  their  lord  had  died  of  the 
fever  with  which  he  had  been  so  violently  attacked.  ,      ^  -i-u 

The  funeral  obsequies  were  performed,  according  to  the  royal  orders,  with 
all  due  solemnity.  The  vicar  and  beneficiaries  of  the  church  of  ^t.  feaviour 
officiated  on  the  occasion.  The  servants  of  the  deceased  were  clad  in  mourn- 
h^-a  token  of  respect  recommended  by  Philip,  who  remarked  the  servants 
were  so  few  that  mourning  might  as  well  be  given  to  them  ;"  and  he  was 
wiliincr  to  take  charge  of  this  and  the  other  expenses  of  the  funeral,  provided 


«»  "En  lo  uno  y  en  lo  otro  tuvo  las  domo- 
gtracioiies  de  catolico  y  buen  cristiano  que  yo 
deseo  para  ni(."  >ee  the  lett<  r  of  Fray  Her- 
nando del  Castillo,  Documentos  ineditos,  torn, 
iv.  pp.  554-559. 

*-.  ••  Kuele  creciendo  por  boras  el  desencafio 
de  la  vida,  la  pacieiicia,  el  sufrimiento,  y  la 
conformidad  con  la  voluntad  de  Dius  y  de  8U 
Rey,  cuya  sentencia  sienipre  alabo  por  justa, 
mas  siempre  protesUndo  de  8u  inocencia." 
lbi.1.,  Tip.  5.S4-559. 

'-  "Y  acabadasu  pUticaydeencomendarse 
4  Dios  todo  el  tiempo  que  quiso,  el  vcrdugo 


hlzo  pu  oficlo  d^ndole  parrote."  See  the 
account  of  Moiitiuny's  death  .Jpppatched  to  the 
duke  of  Alva.  It  was  written  in  cipher,  and 
dated  November  2nd.  1570.    Ibid.,  p.  660.  et 

,»  tipoi,{pndo  pena  de  muerte  d  Us  dichos 
eFcribano  v  verdugo  si  lo  descubriesen." 
Ibid.,  p.  564. 

"*  •'  Y  no  sent  inconvrniente  que  se  de  luto 
<  BUS  ciiados  pues  son  poc<.8."  La  6rden  que 
ba  de  tener  el  Licenciado  D.  Alonzo  de  Arel- 
lano, (bid.,  p.  642,  etseq. 


HIS  LAST  MOMENTS. 


375 


it 


I  f 


M 


Montigny  had  not  left  money  sufficient  for  the  purpose.  The  place  selected 
for  his  burial  was  a  vault  under  one  of  the  chapels  of  the  building ;  and  a 
decent  monument  indicated  the  spot  where  reposed  the  ashes  of  the  last  of 
the  envoys  who  came  from  Flanders  on  the  ill  starred  mission  to  Madnd.*^ 

Such  is  a  true  account  of  this  tragical  affair,  as  derived  from  the  king's  own 
letters  and  those  of  his  agents.  Far  different  was  the  story  put  in  circulation 
at  the  time.  On  the  seventeenth  of  October,  the  day  after  Montigny  s  death, 
despatches  were  received  at  court  from  Peralta,  the  alcayde  of  the  fortress. 
They  stated  that,  after  writing  his  former  letter,  his  prisoner's  fever  had  so 
much  increased  that  he  had  called  in  the  aid  of  a  physician ;  and,  as  the 
symptoms  became  more  alarming,  the  latter  had  entered  into  a  consultation 
with  the  medical  adviser  of  the  late  regent,  Joanna,  so  that  nothing  that 
human  skill  could  afford  should  be  wanting  to  the  patient.  He  grew  rapidly 
worse,  however,  and  as,  happily,  Father  Hernando  del  Castillo,  of  Valladolid, 
chanced  to  be  then  in  Simancas,  he  came  and  administered  the  last  consola- 
tions of  religion  to  the  dying  man.  Having  done  all  that  a  good  Christian  at 
such  a  time  should  do,  Montigny  expired  early  on  the  morning  of  the  sixteenth, 
manifesting  at  the  last  so  Catholic  a  spirit  that  good  hopes  might  be  enter- 
tained of  his  salvation.** 

This  hypocritical  epistle,  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  say,  like  the  one  that 
preceded  it,  had  been  manufactured  at  Madrid.  Nor  was  it  altogether  devoid 
of  truth.  The  physician  of  the  place,  named  Viana,  had  been  called  m  ;  and 
it  was  found  necessary  to  intrust  him  with  the  secret.  Every  day  he  paid  his 
visit  to  the  castle,  and.  every  day  returned  with  more  alarming  accounts  of  the 
condition  of  the  patient ;  and  thius  the  minds  of  the  community  were  prepared 
for  the  fatal  termination  of  his  disorder.  Not  that,  after  all,  this  was  un- 
attended with  suspicions  of  foul  play  in  the  matter,  as  people  reflected  how 
opportune  was  the  occurrence  of  such  an  event.  But  suspicions  were  not 
proof  The  secret  was  too  well  guarded  for  any  one  to  pnetrate  the  veil  of 
mystery ;  and  the  few  who  were  behind  that  veil  loved  their  lives  too  well  to 

Despatches  written  in  cipher,  and  containing  a  full  and  true  account  of  the 
affair,  were  sent  to  the  duke  of  Alva.  The  two  letters  of  Peralta,  which  indeed 
were  intended  for  the  meridian  of  Brussels  rather  than  of  Madrid,  were  for- 
warded with  them.  The  duke  was  told  to  show  them  incidentally,  as  it  were, 
without  obtruding  them  on  any  one's  notice,*'  that  Montigny  s  friends  in  the 
Netherlands  might  be  satisfied  of  their  truth.  ,  ^-    •      xu 

In  his  own  private  communication  to  Alva,  Philip,  m  mentioning  the 
orthodox  spirit  manifested  by  his  victim  in  his  last  moments,  shows  that  with 
the  satisfaction  which  he  usually  expressed  on  such  occasions  was  mingled 
some  degree  of  skepticism.  "  If  his  inner  man,"  he  writes  of  Montigny,  was 
penetrated  with  as  Christian  a  spirit  as  he  exhibited  in  the  outer,  and  as  the 
friar  who  confessed  him  has  reported,  God,  we  may  presume,  will  have  mergr 
on  his  soul  "  *"  In  the  original  draft  of  the  letter,  as  prepared  by  the  king's 
secretary,  it  is  further  added,  "  Yet,  after  all,  who  can  tell  but  this  was  a 
delusion  of  Satan,  who,  as  we  know,  never  deserts  the  heretic  m  his  dying 


«'  PocnmentoB,  Ineditos  torn.  iv.  p.  649. 
— Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.,  torn.  ii. 
p.  159.  „  „ 

*"  CartA  de  D.  Kugenio  de  Teralta  &  S.  M., 
Simancas.  17  de  Octubre,  1570,  Documentos 
ineditos,  torn.  iv.  p.  659. 

*•  "  No  las  moetrandode  prop68ito  sino  des- 
cnidadamente  &  las  penonas  que  parcsciera. 


para  que  por  ellas  se  divnlgue  haber  fallescido 
de  su  muerte  natural."    Ibid.,  p.  564. 

*°  "  El  cual  si  en  lo  interi  t  acab6  tan  cris- 
tianamente  como  lo  mo8tr6  en  lo  exterior  y  lo 
ha  referido  el  fralle  que  le  confeso,  es  de  creer 
que  se  habril  apiadado  Dios  de  su  £nima. ' 
Carta  de  S.  M.  al  Duque  de  Alba,  del  Escurlal, 
&  3  de  Kovlembre,  1670,  Ibid.,  p.  665, 


376  SECRET  EXECUTION  OF  MONTIGNY. 

hour?"  This  sentence-as  appears  from  the  mamiscript  still  F^^^je^  f" 
Simancas-M'as  strnck  out  by  Hiiip,  with  the  remark  m  his  own  hand,  Omit 
this,  as  we  should  think  no  evil  of  the  dead  ! 

Notwith.<tanding  this  magnanimous  sentiment,  Philip  lost  no  time  in 
pubS n^Montigny  to  the  vs^rld  as  a  traitor,  and  deman(fing  the  confiscation 
of  his  estates.  The  Council  of  Blood  learned  a  good  lesson  f/om  the  Holy 
fnciuisitioirwhich  took  care  that  even  Death  should  not  defraud  it  of  its 
is  Proceedings  were  instituted  against  the  memory  of  Montigny,  as 
had  be  ore  been  done  against  the  memory  of  the  marquis  of  Bergen."  On 
t  twenty-second  of  March,  1571,  the  {uke  of  Alva  Fono^cefsen^^^^^^^^^ 
condemning  the  memory  of  Florence  de  Montmorency,  lord  of  Montignv,  as 
guilty^  treason,  and  confiscating  his  ^oods  and  estates  to  the  use  o!  the 
crown  •  "  it  having  come  to  his  knowledge?  the  instrument  went  on  to  say, 
nhat  'the  said  Afontigny  had  deceased  by  natural  d^th  m  the  fortress  of 
Simancas,  where  he  had  of  late  been  held  a  prisoner  !  ,        .    •    ^ 

The  proceedings  of  the  Council  of  Blood  against  Montigny  were  characterized 
as  I  have  alread?  said,  by  greater  ertrontery  and  a  more  tiagiant  conte^npt  of 
the  common  forms  of  justice  than  were  usually  to  be  met  with  even  m  that 
i?U)unr  A  barrst'tement  of  the  facts  is  sutt.cient.  The  party  accused  was 
put  on  his  trial-if  trial  it  can  be  called-in  one  country,  while  he  ^as jjeld  in 
close  custody  in  another.  The  court  before  w  iich  he  was  tned-or  rather  the 
iurv,  for  the  council  seems  to  have  exercised  more  of  the  powers  of  a  jury 
than  of  a  judge-was  on  this  occasion  a  packed  body,  selected  to  suit  the 
purposes  of  the  prosecution.  Its  sentence,  instead  of  Jjfing  pubhcly  pro- 
nounced, was  confided  only  to  the  party  interested  to  obtain  it,— the  king. 
Even  the  sentence  itself  was  not  the  one  carried  into  efi^ect ;  but  another  was 
substituted  in  its  place,  and  a  public  execution  was  supplanted  by  a  midnight 
assassination.  It  would  be  an  abuse  of  language  to  dignify  such  a  proceeding 
with  the  title  of  a  judicial  murder.  ^«f^^,     u« 

Yet  Philip  showed  no  misgivings  as  to  his  own  course  m  the  matter     lie 
had  made  up  his  mind  as  to  the  guilt  of  Mpntigny     Ee  had  been  false  to  his 
king  and  false  to  his  religion,-ortences  which  death  only  could  expiate,    fetill 
we  find  Philip  resorting  to  a  secret  execution,  although  Alva,  as  we  have  seen, 
had  supposed  that  sentence  was  to  be  executed  on  Montigny  in  the  same  open 
manner  as  it  had  been  on  the  other  victims  of  the  bloody  tribunal.    But  the 
king  shrank  from  exposing  a  deed  to  the  public  eye  which,  independently  of 
its  atrocity  in  other  respects,  involved  so  flagrant  a  violation  of  good  faith 
towards  the  party  who  had  come,  at  his  sovereign's  own  desire,  on  a  public 
mission  to  Madrid.    With  this  regard  for  the  opinions  of  his  own  age,  it  may 
seem  strange  that  Philip  should  not  have  endeavoured  to  efiace  every  vestige 
of  his  connection  with  the  act,  by  destroying  the  records  w'hich  established  it. 
On  the  contrary,  he  not  only  took  care  that  such  records  should  be  made,  but 
caused  them,  and  all  other  evidence  of  the  affair,  to  be  permanently  preserved 
in  the  national  archives.    There  they  lay  for  the  inspection  of  posterity,  whicii 
>vas  one  day  to  sit  in  judgment  on  his  conduct. 


GACHARD  AND  GROEN. 


377 


»'  "  Ksto  mismo  borrad  de  la  cifra,  que  de 
los  mufrtos  no  hay  que  hacer  sino  buen  jui- 
cio."     Docunieutos  ineditos,  torn.  iv.  p.  525, 

"o'e.  .  ,  .     , 

*=«  The  confiscated  estates  of  the  marquis  of 
Bereen  were  restored  by  Pliillf*  to  that  noble- 
man's  heirs   in  1577.     See    Vandervynckt, 


Troubles  des  Pays-Bas,  torn.  li.  p.  235. 

'■''■'  "  Attendu  que  est  venu  a  sa  notice  que 
ledict  de  Montigny  seroJt  all^  de  vie  a  trespas, 
par  niort  naturelle,  en  la  forteresse  de  Sy- 
mancques.  o^  U  e^tolt  dernieremcnt  detenu 
prisonier."  Correspondance  de  I'hilippe  11 , 
torn.  ii.  p.  171. 


v>r 


i 


\K 


In  the  part  of  this  History  which  rplates  to 
the  Netherlands,  i  have  been  greatly  indebted 


to  two  eminent  scholars  of  that  country.  The 
first  oi  these,  M.  Oacliard,  who  hrsthe  care  of 


the  royal  archives  of  Belgium,  was  commis- 
sioned by  his  government,  in  1844,  to  visit  the 
peninsula  f-r  the  purpost-  of  collecting  mate- 
ri  lis  for  the  illustration  of  the  national  history. 
The  most  important  thtatre  of  his  labours  was 
Simancas,  which,  till  the  time  of  his  visit,  had 
been  carefully  closed  t*»  natives  as  well  as 
foreigners.     M.  Gachard  profited  by  the  more 
liberal    arrangements    which,   under  certain 
restrictions,  opened  its  historical  treasures  to 
tlie  student.    The  result  of  his  labours  he  is 
now  giving  to  the  world  by  the  publication  of 
his  "  Correspondance  de  Philippe    II., "  of 
which  two  volumes  have  already  been  printed. 
Trie  work  is  published  in  a  beautiful  form, 
worthy  of  the  auspices  under  which  it  has 
appeared.      It  consists  chiefly  of  the  corre- 
sjK>ndence  carried  on  by  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment and  the  authorities  of  the  Netherlands 
in  the  reign  of  Philip  the  Second,— the  revo- 
lutionary age,  and  of  course  the  most  eventful 
jteriod  of  their  history.  The  official  despatches, 
written  in  French,  are,  it  is  true,  no  longer  to 
be  found  in    Simancas,  whence  they    were 
removed  to  Brussels  on  the  accession  of  Alb  rt 
and  Isabella  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  Low 
Countries.    But  a  large  m.iss  ot  corr  spondeiice 
which  passed  between  the  court  of  Castile  and 
tile  Netherlands  is  still  preserved  in  the  Span- 
ish archives.    As  it  is,  tor  the  most  part,  of  a 
confidential  nature,  containing  strictures  on 
men  and  things  intended  only  for  the  eyes  of 
the  parties  to  it,  it  is  of  infinite  value  to  the 
historian.    Not  only  has  it  never  before  been 
published,  but,  w  ith  the  exception  of  a  portion 
w  Inch  p:issed  under  the  review  of  the  Italian 
Strada,   it  has  never  been  su'imitted  to  the 
inspection  of  the  scholar.     With  the  aid  of 
this  rich  collection,  the  historian  is  enabled  to 
enter  into  many  details,  hitherto  unknown,  of 
a  personal  nature,  relating  to  the  actors  in  the 
great  drama  of  tli-  revolution,  as  well  as  to 
disclose  some  of  the  secret  springs  of  their 
policy. 

M.  Gachard  has  performed  his  editorial 
duties  with  conscientiousness  and  ability.  In 
u  subsequent  volume  he  proposes  to  give  tlie 
entire  text  of  the  more  impo  tant  letters ;  but 
in  the  two  already  published  he  has  confined 
iii  iiself  to  an  analysis  of  their  contents,  m.re 
or  less  extended,  according  to  circumstances. 
He  has  added  explanatory  notes,  and  prefixed 
to  the  wiiole  acopiousdissertation,  presenting 
a  view  of  the  politics  of  the  Castiiian  court, 
and  of  the  characters  of  the  king  and  the  great 
officers  o  state.  As  the  writer's  information 
is  derived  from  sources  the  most  authentic  as 
well  as  the  least  accessible  to  scholars,  his 
preliminary  essay  deserves  to  l>e  carefully 
Ktiidied  by  the  historian  of  the  Netherlands. 

M.  Gachard  has  further  claims  to  the  gr  iti- 
tude  of  every  lover  of  letters  by  various  con- 
tributions in  other  forms  which  he  has  made 
to  the  illustration  of  the  national  history. 
Among  these  his  "Correspondance  de  Guil- 
laume  le  Taciturne,"  of  which  three  volumes 
in  octavo  have  air  ady  appeared,  has  been 
freely  used  by  me.    It  consists  of  a  collection 


of  William's  correspondence,  industriously 
gathered  from  various  quarters.  Tho  letters 
differ  from  one  another  as  widely  in  value  as 
might  naturally  be  expected  in  so  large  and 
miscellaneous  a  collection. 

The  other  scholar  by  whose  editorial  labours 
I  have  profite<l  in  this  part  of  my  work  is  M. 
Groen  van  Prinsterer.  His  voluminous  pub- 
lication, "  Archives  de  la  Maison  d'Orange- 
Nassau,"  the  first  series  of  which  embraces 
the  times  of  William  the  Silent,  is  derived 
from  tiie  private  collection  of  the  king  of 
Holland.  Thccontents  are  various  hut  con- 
sist cliiefly  of  letters  from  persons  who  took  a 
prominent  part  in  the  conduct  of  affairs. 
Their  correspondence  embraces  a  miscella- 
neous range  of  topics,  and  with  those  of  public 
interest  combines  others  strictly  personal  in 
their  details,  thus  bringing  into  strong  reUef 
the  characters  of  the  most  eminent  actors  on 
the  great  political  theatre.  A  living  interest 
attaches  to  this  correspondence,  w  hich  we  shall 
look  for  in  vain  in  the  colder  pages  of  the 
historian.  History  gives  us  the  acts,  but 
letters  like  these,  in  which  the  actors  speak 
for  themselves,  give  us  the  thoughts,  of  the 
individual. 

M.  Groen  has  done  his  part  of  the  work 
well,  adhering  to  the  origin.il  text  with  scru- 
pulous fidelity,  and  presenting  us  the  lettirs 
in  the  variotis  languages  in  which  they  were 
written.  The  interstices,  st)  to  speak,  between 
the  different  parts  of  the  correspondence,  are 
skilfully  filled  up  by  the  editor,  so  as  to  con- 
nect the  incongruous  mat-rials  into  a  well- 
compacted  fabric.  In  conducting  w  bat,  as  far 
as  he  is  concerned,  may  b  •  termed  tlie  original 
pait  of  his  work,  the  editor  has  shown  much 
discretion,  gathering  information  irom  colla- 
teral contemporary  sources;  and,  by  the  side- 
lights he  has  thu<  thrown  over  the  path,  he 
has  greatly  facilitated  the  progress  of  the 
student  and  enabled  him  to  Uke  a  survey  of 
the  whole  historical  ground.  The  editor  is  at 
no  pains  to  conceal  his  own  opinions  ;  and  we 
have  no  difficulty  in  determining  the  religious 
sect  to  which  he  belongs.  But  it  is  not  the 
less  true  that  he  is  ready  to  render  justice  to 
the  opinions  of  others,  and  that  he  is  entitle*! 
to  the  praise  of  having  executed  his  task  with 
impartiality. 

One  may  notice  a  peculiarity  in  the  criticisms 
of  both  Groen  and  Gachard,  the  more  remark- 
able considering  the  nations  to  which  they 
belong ;  that  is.  the  solicitude  they  manifest 
to  place  the  most  favourable  construction  on 
the  conduct  of  Philip,  and  to  vindicate  his 
memory  from  the  wholesale  charges  so  often 
brought  against  him,  of  a  systematic  attempt 
to  overturn  the  liberties  of  the  Netherlands. 
The  reader,  even  should  he  not  always  feel 
the  cogeticy  of  their  arguments,  will  not 
refuse  his  admiration  to  the  candour  of  the 
critics 

There  isa  third  publication,  recently  issued 
from  the  press  in  Brussels,  which  contains,  in 
the  compass  of  a  single  volume,  materials  of 
much  importance  f  t  the  history  of  the  Nether- 


378 


REIFFENBERG. 


lands.  ThU  is  the  "  Correspondance  de 
MarKUPrite  d'Autriche."  by  the  late  Baron 
I  eiffenberg.  It  is  a  part  of  the  Fronch  cor- 
respondence which,  as  1  have  mentioned  ahoye, 
was  transferred,  in  the  latter  part  of  I  liiHp 
the  Second's  reign,  from  Simancas  to  Brussels, 
but  which,  in-tead  of  remaining  there,  was 
removed,  alter  the  country  had  passed  under 
the  Austrian  sceptre,  to  the  imi>erial  library 
of  Vienna,  where  it  exists,  in  all  probability, 
at  the  present  day.  Some  fragments  of  this 
correspondence  escaped  the  fate  which  at- 
tended the  bulk  of  it;  and -it  is  gleanings 


from  these  which  ReiBfenberg  has  given  to  the 

world 

That  country  is  fortunate  which  can  com- 
mand the  services  of  such  men  as  these  forth^ 
illustration  of  its  national  annals.— men  wlio 
with  singular  enthusiasm  for  their  task  com- 
bine the  higher  qualifications  of  scholarship, 
and  a  talent  for  critical  analysis.  By  their 
persevering  labours  the  rich  ..re  has  been 
drawn  from  the  mines  where  it  had  lam  in 
darkness  for  ages.  It  now  waits  only  for  the 
hand  of  the  artist  to  convert  it  into  coin  and 
give  it  a  popular  currency. 


BOOK  IV. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  OTTOMAN  EMPIRE. 

Condition  of  Turkey-African  Corsairs-Expedition  against  Tripoli-War  on  the  Barbary 

Coast. 

1559-1563. 

There  are  two  methods  of  writing  history,-<)ne  by  following  dovni  the  stream 
of  time  and  exhibiting  events  in  their  chronological  order  the  other  by  dis- 
posinTof  these  event?  according  to  their  subjects.  The  former  is  the  most 
obvious  ;  and  where  the  action  is  simple  and  continuous,  as  in  b^o^aphy,  for 
the  most  part,  or  in  the  narrative  of  some  grand  historical  event,  which  con- 
centm?es  the  interest,  it  is  probably  the  best.  But  when  the  story  is  more 
comSted,  covering  i  wide  field  and  embracing  gr^t  variety  o  incident  the 
chronological  systein,  however  easy  .for  the  ^^^er,  beconies  tediou  and  un- 
profitahl?  t^  the  reader.  He  is  hurried  along  from  one  scene  to  another  ^ith- 
Sut  fully  apprehending  any  ;  and  as  the  thread  of  the  narrative  is  perpetually 
brokei/by  sudden  transition,  he  carries  off  only  such  ^^FfP^  J"  J^-^^^^^^^^^^^ 
it  U  hardly  possible  to  weave  into  a  connected  and  consistent  whole.  Yet  this 
me  hod  as  t^he  most  simple  and  natural,  is  the  one  ^'os^  ^^^f^^^^J  ^^'^.'^'ll 
writers,-by  the  old  cistilian  chronicles  more  particularly,  who  form  the 
principkl  authorities  in  the  present  work.  Their  wearisome  Pages,  mm^ul  of 
no  order  but  that  of  time,  are  spread  over  as  miscellaneous  a  range  of  mc^dents, 
and  havincr  as  little  relation  to  one  another,  as  the  columns  of  a  newspaper. 

To  avo  3  this  inconvenience,  historians  of  a  later  period  have  preferred  to 
conduct  their  story  on  more  philosophical  principles,  having  regard  rather  to 
the  nature  0  the  events  described  ttian  to  the  precise  time  of  their  occuTTenoe 
And  thus  the  reader,  possessed  of  one  action,  its  causes  and  its  consequences^ 
before  passing  on  to  another,  is  enabled  to  treasure  up  m  his  memory  distinct 

'T'clrrmityV^^^^  I  have  detained  the  reader  in  the  Netherlands 

untU  Te  had  seeVt^  close  ofMargaret's  administration  and  the]^^^^ 
marked  the  commencement  of  her  successor's.    During  this  penod,  bpam  was 
Tpeace  K^^  neighbours,  most  of  whom  were  too  much  occupied 

witli  their  domestic  dissensions  to  have  leisure  ^or  %reign  ^f  •  /jf "^'^  ,^ 
particular,  was  convulsed  by  religious  feuds,  "V^^^^^  P^JiP'  f  the  champion 
of  the  Faith,  took  not  only  the  deepest  interest,  but  an  active  part,     lo  this 

^  But  wfratTe^cl'with  her  Christian  brethren,  Spain  was  engaged  in  per- 
petoi  Suities^^th  the  Moslems,  both  of  Africa  and  Asia.,  The  relations  of 


380 


THE  OTTOMAN  EMPIRE. 


Europe  with  the  East  were  altogether  difTerent  in  the  sixteenth  century  from 
what  thev  are  in  our  day.  The  Turkish  power  lay  like  a  dark  cloud  on  the 
Eiistern  horizon,  to  which  every  eye  was  turned  with  apprehension  ;  and  the 
same  people  for  whose  protection  European  nations  are  now  wilhui;  to  make 
common  cause  were  viewed  by  them,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  in  the  light  of 

a  common  enemy.  ,     ,   ^  .i.    ti      v  4.         *„ii 

It  was  fortunate  for  Islamism  that,  as  the  standard  of  the  Prophet  was  tail- 
ing from  the  feeble  grasp  of  the  Arabs,  it  was  cau^'ht  up  by  a  nation  like  the 
Turks,  whose  tiery  zeal  urged  them  to  bear  it  still  onward  m  the  march  of 
victory  The  Turks  were  to  the  Arabs  what  the  Romans  were  to  the  Greeks. 
Bold,  warlike,  and  ambitious,  they  had  little  of  that  love  of  art  which  had  been 
the  dominant  passion  of  their  predecessors,  and  still  less  of  that  rehnement 
which,  with  the  Arabs,  had  degenerated  into  etieminacy  and  sloth.  Their  forin 
of  government  was  admirably  suited  to  their  character.  It  was  an  unmixed 
despotism.  The  sovereign,  if  not  precisely  invested  with  the  theocratic 
character  of  the  caliphs,  was  hedged  round  with  so  much  sanctity  that  resist- 
ance to  his  authority  was  an  otlence  against  religion  as  well  as  law.  He  was 
placed  at  an  immeasurable  distance  above  his  subjects.  No  hereditary  aris- 
tocracy was  allowed  to  soften  the  descent  and  interpose  a  protecting  barrier 
for  the  people.  All  power  was  derived  from  the  sovereign,  and,  on  the  death  of 
its  proprietor,  returned  to  hiiiu  In  the  eye  of  the  sultan,  his  vas£;als  were  all 
equal,  and  all  equally  his  slaves.  .  _x    ^.      •    ^u 

The  theory  of  an  absolute  government  would  seem  to  imply  perfection  in  the 
head  of  it.  But,  as  perfection  is  not  the  lot  of  humanity,  it  was  prudently 
provided  by  the  Turkish  constitution  that  the  sultan  should  have  the  benefit 
of  a  council  to  advise  him.  It  consisted  of  three  or  four  ^reat  otiicers, 
appointed  by  himself,  with  the  grand  vizier  at  their  head.  This  functionary 
was  possessed  of  an  authority  far  exceeding  that  of  the  prime  minister  of  anv 
European  prince.  All  the  business  of  state  may  be  said  to  have  passed  through 
his  hands.  The  persons  chosen  for  this  high  othce  were  usually  men  of 
capacity  and  experience ;  and  in  a  weak  reign  they  served  bv  their  large 
authority  to  screen  the  incapacity  of  the  sovereign  fiom  the  eyes  of  his  subjects, 
while  they  preserved  the  state  from  detriment.  It  might  be  thought  that 
powers  so  vast  as  those  bestowed  on  the  vizier  might  have  rendered  him  for- 
midable, if  not  dangerous,  to  his  master.  But  his  master  was  placed  as  far 
above  him  as  above  the  meanest  of  his  subjects.  He  had  unlimited  power  of 
life  and  death  ;  and  how  little  he  was  troubled  with  scruples  in  the  exercise  of 
this  power  is  abundantly  shown  in  history.  The  bow-string  was  too  often  the 
only  warrant  for  the  dejiosition  of  a  minister. 

But  the  most  remarkable  of  the  Turkish  institutions,  the  one  which  may  be 
said  to  have  formed  the  keystone  of  the  system,  was  that  relating  to  the  Chris- 
tian population  of  the  empire.  Once  in  five  years  a  general  conscription  was 
made,  by  means  of  which  all  the  children  of  Christian  parents  who  had  reached 
the  age  of  seven,  and  gave  promise  of  excellence  in  mind  or  body,  were  taken 
from  their  homes  and  brought  to  the  capital.  They  were  then  renioved  to 
ditterent  quarters,  and  placed  in  seminaries  where  they  might  receive  such 
instruction  as  would  fit  them  for  the  duties  of  life.  Those  giving  greatest 
promise  of  strength  and  endurance  were  sent  to  places  prepared  for  them  in 
A.sia  Minor.  Here  they  were  subjected  to  a  severe  training,  to  abstinence,  to 
privations  of  every  kind,  and  to  the  strict  discipline  which  should  fit  them  for 
the  profession  of  a  soldier.  From  this  body  was  formed  the  famous  corps  of 
the  janizaries.  ' 

Another  portion  were  placed  iu  schools  in  the  capital  or  the  neighlH)unng 


CONDITION  OF  TURKEY. 


381 


cities,  where,  under  the  eye  of  the  sultan,  as  it  were,  they  were  taught  various 
manly  accomplishments,  with  such  a  smatteiing  of  science  as  iurkish,  or 
rather  Arabian,  scholarship  could  supply.  When  their  education  was  hnished, 
some  went  into  the  sultanas  body-guard,  where  a  splendid  provision  was  made 
for  their  maintenance.  Others,  intended  for  civil  life,  entered  on  a  career 
which  might  lead  to  the  highest  ottices  in  the  state. 

As  all  these  classes  of  Christian  youths  were  taken  from  their  parents  at 
that  tender  age  when  the  doctrines  of  their  own  faith  could  hardly  have  t^ken 
root  in  their  minds,  they  were  without  ditiiculty  won  over  to  the  faith  of  the 
Koran  ;  which  was  further  commended  to  their  choice  as  the  religion  of  the 
state,  the  only  one  which  opened  to  them  the  path  of  preferment.  Thus  set 
apart  from  the  rest  of  the  community,  and  cherished  by  royal  favour,  the  new 
converts,  as  they  rallied  round  the  throne  of  their  sovereign,  became  more 
stanch  in  their  devotion  to  his  interests,  as  well  as  to  the  interests  of  the 
religion  they  had  adopted,  than  even  the  Turks  themselves.  ,         ., 

This  singular  institution  bore  hard  on  the  Christian  population,  who  paid 
this  heavy  tax  of  their  own  ottspring.  But  it  worked  well  for  the  monarchy, 
which,  acquiring  fresh  vigour  from  the  constant  infusion  of  new  blood  into  its 
veins,' was  slow  in  exhibiting  any  signs  of  decrepitude  or  decay. 

The  most  important  of  these  various  classes  was  that  of  the  janizanes,  whose 
discipline  was  far  from  terminating  with  the  school.  Indeed,  their  whole  life 
may  be  said  to  have  been  passed  in  war,  or  in  preparation  for  it.  Forbidden 
to  marry,  they  had  no  families  to  engage  their  afiections  which,  as  with  the 
monks  and  friars  in  Christian  countries,  were  concentrated  on  their  o\vii  order, 
whose  prosperity  was  inseparably  connected  with  that  of  the  state.  Proud  of 
the  privileges  which  distinguished  them  from  the  rest  of  the  army,  they  seemed 
desirous  to  prove  their  title  to  them  by  their  thorough  discipline  and  by  their 
promptness  to  execute  the  most  dangerous  and  difticult  services.  Their  post 
was  always  the  post  of  danger.  It  was  their  proud  vaunt  that  they  had  never 
fled  before  an  enemy.  Clad  in  their  flowing  robes,  so  little  suited  to  the  war- 
rior, armed  with  the  arquebuse  and  the  scimitar,— in  their  hands  more  than  a 
match  for  the  pike  or  sword  of  the  European,— with  the  heron's  plume  waving 
above  their  heads,  their  dense  array  might  ever  be  seen  beanng  down  m  the 
thickest  of  the  fight ;  and  more  than  once,  when  the  fate  of  the  empire 
trembled  in  the  balance,  it  was  this  invincible  corps  that  turned  the  scale  and 
by  their  intrepid  conduct  decided  the  fortune  of  the  day.  Gathering  fiedi 
reputation  with  age,  so  long  as  their  discipline  remained  unimpaired  they 
were  a  match  for  the  best  soldiers  of  Europe.  But  in  time  this  admirable 
organization  experienced  a  change.  One  sultan  allowed  them  to  marry  ; 
another,  to  bring  their  sons  into  the  corps  ;  a  third  opened  the  ranks  to  lurks 
as  well  as  Christians ;  until,  forfeiting  their  peculiar  character,  the  janizaries 
became  confounded  with  the  militia  of  the  enq.ire.  These  changes  occurred 
in  the  time  of  Philip  the  Second ;  but  their  consequences  were  not  fully 
unfolded  till  the  following  century.*  ..    .     .  ^a    a- 

It  was  fortunate  for  the  Turks,  considering  the  unlimited  power  lodged  in 
the  hands  of  their  rulers,  that  these  shouUl  have  so  often  been  possessed  of  the 
courage  and  capacity  for  using  it  for  the  advancement  of  the  nation,     h  rom 

■  For  tlie  rreceding  pages  I  have  b^en  in-  mainly  does  on  the  cot  temporary  reports  of 

dpbted,    among  other    sources,  to  Sagredo.  the  Venetian  ministers    is  of  the  n.ost  au- 

•'  Meraorias     historicas    de      los     Monaicas  thentic  character  ;  while  he  has  the  rare  talent 

Otiomanos"     (trad.     Cast..    Madrid,    16h4),  of  selecting  facts  *o  signiticatit  fur  historical 

and    to    Ranke,     "Ottoman    and   Spanish  I;lurtrationti  at  they  serve  the  double  purpose 

Empires;"  to  the  latter  in  particular.    The  of  both  facts  and  reflections, 
^ork  of  this  eminent  scholar,  resting  as  it 


382 


THE  OTTOMAN  EMPIRE. 


Othman  the  First,  the  founder  of  the  dynasty,  to  Solyman  the  Magnificent, 
the  contemporary  of  Philip,  the  Turkish  throne  was  filled  bv  a  succession  of 
able  princes,  who,  bred  to  war,  were  every  year  enlarging  the  boundaries  of 
the  empire  and  adding  to  its  resources.  JBy  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  besides  their  vast  possessions  in  Asia,  they  held  the  eastern  portions 
of  Africa.  In  Europe,  together  with  the  countries  at  this  day  acknowledging 
their  sceptre,  they  were  masters  of  Greece  ;  and  Solyman,  overrunning  Tran- 
sylvania and  Hungary,  had  twice  carried  his  victorious  banners  up  to  the  walls 
of  Vienna.  The  battle-ground  of  the  Cross  and  the  Crescent  was  transferred 
from  the  west  to  the  east  of  Europe  ;  and  Germany  in  the  sixteenth  century 
became  what  Spain  and  the  Pyrenees  had  been  in  the  eighth,  the  bulwark  of 
Christendom. 

Nor  was  the  power  of  Turkey  on  the  sea  less  formidable  than  on  the  land. 
Her  rieet  rode  undisputed  mistress  of  the  Levant ;  for  Venice,  warned  by  the 
memorable  defeat  at  Prevesa  in  1538,  and  by  the  loss  of  Cyprus  and  other 
territories,  hardly  ventured  to  renew  the  contest.  That  wily  republic  found 
that  it  was  safer  to  trust  to  diplomacy  than  to  arms,  in  her  dealings  with  the 
Ottomans. 

The  Turkish  navy,  sweeping  over  the  Mediterranean,  combined  with  the 
corsairs  of  the  Barbary  coast,— who,  to  some  extent,  owed  allegiance  to  the 
Porte,— and  made  frequent  descents  on  the  coasts  of  Italy  and  Spain,  com- 
mitting worse  ravages  than  those  of  the  hurricane.  From  these  ravages 
France  only  was  exempt ;  for  her  princes,  with  an  unscrupulous  policy  which 
caused  general  scandal  in  Christendom,  by  an  alliance  with  the  Turks,  pro- 
tected her  territories  somewhat  at  the  expense  of  her  honour. 

The  northern  coast  of  Africa,  at  this  tune,  was  occupied  by  various  races, 
who,  however  they  may  have  differed  in  other  respects,  all  united  in  obedience 
to  the  Koran.  Among  them  was  a  large  infusion  of  Moors  descended  from  the 
Arab  tribes  who  had  once  occupied  the  south  of  Spain,  and  who,  on  its  recon- 
quest  by  the  Christians,  had  tied  that  country  rather  than  renounce  the 
religion  of  their  fathers.  Many  even  of  the  Moors  then  living  were  among  the 
victims  of  this  religious  persecution  ;  and  they  looked  with  longing  eyes  on 
the  beautiful  land  of  their  inheritance,  and  with  feelings  of  unquenchable 
hatred  on  the  Spaniards  who  had  deprived  them  of  it. 

The  African  shore  was  studded  with  towns,— some  of  them,  like  Algiers, 
Tunis,  Tripoli,  having  a  large  extent  of  territory  adjacent,— which  owned  the 
sway  of  some  Moslem  chief,  who  ruled  them  in  sovereign  state,  or,  it  might  be, 
acknowledging,  for  the  sake  of  protection,  a  qualified  allegiance  to  the  Sultan. 
These  rude  chiefs,  profiting  by  their  maritime  position,  followed  the  dreadful 
trade  of  the  corsair.  Issuing  from  their  strongholds,  they  fell  on  the  unpro- 
tected merchantman,  or,  descending  on  the  opposite  coasts  of  Andalusia  and 
Valencia,  sacked  the  villages  and  swept  off"  the  wretched  inliabitants  into 
slavery. 

The  Castilian  government  did  what  it  could  for  the  protection  of  its  subjects. 
Fortified  posts  were  established  along  the  shores.  Watch-towers  were  raised 
on  the  heights,  to  give  notice  of  the  approach  of  an  enemy.  A  fleet  of  galleys, 
kept  constantly  on  duty,  rode  off  the  coasts  to  intercept  the  corsairs.  The  war 
was  occasionally  carried  into  the  enemy's  country.  Expeditions  were  fitted 
out  to  sweep  the  Barbary  shores  or  to  batter  down  the  strongholds  of  the 
pirates.  Other  states,  whose  territories  bordered  on  the  Mediterranean,  joined 
in  these  expeditions ;  among  them  Tuscany,  Rome,  Naples,  Sicily,— the  two 
last  the  dependencies  of  Spain,— and  above  all  Genoa,  whose  hardy  seamen 
did  good  service  in  these  maritime  wars.    To  these  should  be  added  the 


AFRICAN  CORSAIRS. 


383 


Kniehts  of  St.  John,  whose  little  island  of  Malta,  with  its  iron  defences,  boldly 
bidding  defiance  to  the  eneniy,  was  thrown  into  the  very  jaws  as  it  were  of 
the  African  coast.  Pledged  \>y  their  vows  to  peri>etiial  war  with  the-  mhdel, 
these  brave  knights,  thus  stationed  on  the  outposts  of  Christendom,  were  the 
first  to  sound  the  alarm  of  an  invasion,  as  they  were  foremost  to  repel  it. 
The  Mediterranean  in  that  day  presented  a  very  different  spectacle  from 
*  what  it^shows  at  present,-swarming,  as  it  does,  with  the  commerce  of  many 
a  distant  land,  and  its  shores  glittering  with  towns  and  villages  that  echo  to 
the  sounds  of  peaceful  and  protected  industry.  Long  tracts  of  deserted  terri- 
tory miffht  then  be  seen  on  its  borders,  with  the  blackened  rums  of  maiiy  a 
hamlet  proclaiming  too  plainly  the  recent  presence  of  the  corsair,  ihe 
condition  of  the  peasantry  of  tfie  south  of  Spain,  in  that  day,  was  not  unlike 
that  of  our  New  England  ancestors,  whose  rural  labours  might  at  any  time 
be  broken  by  the  war-whoop  of  the  savage,  as  he  burst  on  the  peaceful  settle- 
ment, sweeping  off  its  wretched  inmates-those  whom  he  did  not  massacre- 
to  captivity  in  the  wilderness.  The  trader,  instead  of  pushing  out  to  sea, 
crept  timidly  along  the  shore,  under  the  protecting  wmgs  of  its  fortresses, 
fearful  lest  the  fierce  enemy  might  dart  on  him  unawares  and  bear  him  oft  to 
the  dungeons  of  Africa.  Or,  if  he  ventured  out  into  the  open  deep,  it  was 
under  a  convoy  of  well-armed  galleys,  or,  armed  to  the  teeth  himself,  pre- 

^S^/cJly'^rday  passed  without  some  conflict  between  Christian  and  Moslem 
on  the  Mediterranean  waters.  Not  unfrequently,  instead  of  a  xMoor,  the 
command  was  intrusted  to  some  Christian  renegade,  who,  having  renounced 
his  country  and  his  religion  for  the  roving  life  of  a  coreair  felt,  like  most 
apostates,  a  keener  hatred  than  even  its  natural  enemies  for  the  land  he  had 
abjured*  In  these  encounters  there  were  often  displayed,  on  both  sides,  such 
deeds  of  heroism  as,  had  they  been  performed  on  a  wider  theatre  of  action, 
would  have  covered  the  actors  with  immortal  glory.  By  this  perpetual  war- 
fare a  race  of  hardy  and  experienced  seamen  was  formed  in  the  countnes 
bordering  on  the  Mediterranean  ;  and  more  than  one  name  rose  to  eminence 
for  nautical  science  ^s  well  as  valour,  with  which  it  would  not  be  easy  to  find 
a  parallel  in  other  quarters  of  Christendom.  Such  were  the  Donas  of  Genoa, 
-a  family  to  whom  the  ocean  seemed  their  native  element,  and  whose 
brilliant  achievements  on  its  waters,  through  successive  generations,  shed 
an  undying  lustre  on  the  arms  of  the  republic. 

The  corskir's  life  was  full  of  maritime  adventure.  Many  a  tale  of  tragic 
interest  was  told  of  his  exploits,  and  many  a  sad  recital  of  the  sufferings  ot 
the  Christian  captive,  tugging  at  the  oar  or  pining  m  the  dungeons  of  Tripoli 
and  Algiers.  Such  taleslormed  the  burden  of  the  popular  minstrelsy  of  the 
period,  as  well  as  of  more  elegant  literature,-the  drama,  and  romantic  fiction. 
6ut  fact  was  stranger  than  Iction.  It  would  have  been  difiicult  to  exaggerate 
the  number  of  the  Christian  captives,  or  the  amount  of  their  sufferings.  On 
the  conquest  of  Tunis  by  Charles  the  Fifth,  in  1535,  ten  thousand  of  these 
unhS^nersL,  as  we  are  assured,  walked  forth  from  its  dungeons  and 
knelt,  Witt  tears  of  gratitude  and  joy,  at  the  feet  of  their  liberator.  Chari- 
teble  associations  were  formed  in  Spain  for  the  sole  purpose  of  raising  funds 
to  ransom  the  Barbary  prisoners.    But  the  ransom  demanded  was  frequently 


•  Cervantes,  in  his  story  of  the  Captive  8 
adventures  in  Dun  Quixote,  tells  us  that  it 
was  common  with  a  renegado  to  obtain  a 
certificate  from  someof  tiie  Ciiristlan  captives 
of  hid  desire  to  return  to  Spain,  so  that,  if  he 


were  taken  in  arms  again>t  his  countrymen, 
his  conduct  would  be  set  down  to  compulsion, 
and  he  would  thus  escape  the  fauga  of  Uie 
Inqui&ition. 


384 


THE  OTO^OMAN  EMPIRE. 


exorbitant,  and  the  efforts  of  these  benevolent  fraternities  made  but  a  feeble 
impression  on  the  whole  number  of  captives. 

Thus  the  war  between  the  Cross  and  the  Crescent  was  still  carried  on  along 
the  shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  when  the  day  of  the  Crusades  was  past  in 
most  of  the  other  quarters  of  Christendom.  Th*e  existence  of  the  Spaniard— 
as  I  have  often  had  occasion  to  remark  —was  one  lon^  crusade  ;  and  in  the 
sixteenth  century  he  was  still  doing  battle  with  the  infidel  as  stoutly  as  in  • 
the  heroic  days  of  the  Cid.  The  furious  contests  with  the  petty  pirates  of 
Ikrbary  engendered  in  his  bosom  feelings  of  even  keener  hostility  than  that 
which  grew  up  in  his  contests  with  the  Arabs,  where  there  was  no  skulking, 
predatory  foe,  but  army  was  oi)enly  arraved  against  army  and  they  fought 
f^^  i,^^  sovereignty  of  the  Peninsula.  The  feeling  of  religious  hatred  re- 
kmdled  by  the  Moors  of  Africa  extended  in  some  degree  to  the  Morisco 
population,  who  still  occupied  those  territories  on  the  southern  borders  of  the 
monarchy  which  had  belonged  to  their  ancestors,  the  Spanish  Arabs.  This 
feeluig  was  mcreased  by  the  suspicion,  not  altogether  without  foundation,  of 
a  secret  correspondence  between  the  Moriscos  and  their  brethren  on  the 
Barbary  coast  These  mingled  sentiments  of  hatred  and  suspicion  sharpened 
the  sword  of  persecution,  and  led  to  most  disastrous  consequences,  which 
before  long  will  he  unfolded  to  the  reader. 

Among  the  African  corsairs  was  one  by  the  name  of  Dragut,  distinguished 
for  his  darmg  spirit  and  the  pestilent  activity  with  which  he  pursued  the 
commerce  of  the  Spaniards.  In  early  life  he  had  been  made  i  risoner  by 
Andrew  Doria  ;  and  the  four  years  during  which  he  was  chained  to  the  oar 
in  the  galleys  of  Genoa  did  not  serve  to  mitigate  the  feelings  of  hatred  which 
he  had  always  borne  to  the  Christians.  On  the  recovery  of  his  freedom  he 
resumed  his  desperate  trade  of  a  corsair  with  renewed  activity.  Having  made 
himself  master  of  Tripoli,  he  issued  out,  with  his  galleys,  from  that  strong- 
hold, fell  on  the  defenceless  merchantman,  ravaged  the  coasts,  engaged  boldly 
in  fight  with  the  Christian  squadrons,  and  made  his  name  as  terrible  through- 
out the  Mediterranean  as  that  of  Barbarossa  had  been  in  the  time  of  Charles 
the  Fifth. 

The  people  of  the  southern  provinces,  smarting  under  their  sufferings,  had 
more  than  once  besought  Philip  to  send  an  expedition  against  Tripoli,  and,  if 
possible,  break  up  this  den  of  thieves  and  rid  the  Mediterranean  of  the  for- 
midable corsair.  But  Phili|),  who  was  in  the  midst  of  his  victorious  campaigns 
against  the  French,  had  neither  the  leisure  nor  the  resources,  at  that  time, 
for  such  an  enterprise.  In  the  spring  of  1559,  however,  he  gave  orders  to  the 
duke  of  Medina  Celi,  viceroy  of  Sicily,  to  fit  out  an  armament  for  the  purpose, 
to  obtain  the  co-operation  of  the  Italian  states,  and  to  take  command  of  the 
expedition. 

A  worse  choice  for  the  command  could  not  have  been  made ;  and  this  not 
so  much  from  the  duke's  inexperience ;  for  an  apprenticeship  to  the  sea  was 
not  deemed  necessary  to  form  a  naval  commander,  in  an  age  when  men  passed 
indifferently  from  the  land-service  to  the  sea-service.  But,  with  the  exception 
of  personal  courage,  the  duke  of  Medina  Celi  seems  to  have  possessed  none  of 
the  qualities  requisite  in  a  commander,  whether  by  land  or  sea. 

The  different  Italian  powers— Tuscany,  Rome,  Naples,  Sicily,  Genoa— all 
furnished  their  respective  (piotas.  John  Andrew  Doria,  nephew  of  the  great 
Andrew,  and  worthy  of  the  name  he  bore,  had  command  of  the  galleys  of  the 
republic.  To  these  was  added  the  reinforcement  of  the  grand  master  of 
Malta.  The  whole  fleet  amounted  to  more  than  a  hundred  sail,  fifty-four 
of  which  were  galleys ;  by  much  the  larger  part  being  furnished  by  Spain  and 


EXPEDITION  AGAINST  TRIPOLI. 


385 


her  Italian  provinces.  Fourteen  thousand  troops  embarked  on  board  the 
squadron.  So  much  time  was  consumed  in  prep^aration  that  the  arniament 
was  not  got  ready  for  sea  till  late  in  October,  1559,— too  late  for  acting  with 
advantage  on  the  stormy  African  coast. 

This  did  not  deter  the  viceroy,  who,  at  the  head  of  the  combuied  fleet, 
sailed  out  of  the  port  of  Syracuse  in  November.  But  the  elements  conspired 
against  this  ill-starred  expedition.  Scarcely  had  the  squadron  left  the  port 
when  it  was  assailed  by  a  tempest,  which  scattered  the  vessels,  disabled  some, 
and  did  serious  damage  to  others.  To  add  to  the  calamity,  an  epidemic  broke 
out  among  the  men,  caused  by  the  bad  quality  of  the  provisions  furnished  by 
the  Genoese  contractors.  In  his  distress,  the  duke  of  Medina  Celi  nut  in  at 
the  island  of  Malta.  He  met  with  a  hospitable  reception  from  tne  grand 
master ;  for  hospitality  was  one  of  the  obligations  of  the  order.  Full  two 
months  elapsed  oefore  the  duke  was  in  a  condition  to  re-embark,  with  his 
force  reduced  nearly  one-third  by  disease  and  death. 

Meanwhile,  Dragut,  having  ascertained  the  object  of  the  expedition,  had 
made  every  effort  to  put  Tripoli  in  a  posture  of  defence.  At  tne  same  time 
he  sent  to  Constantinople,  to  soHcit  the  aid  of  Solyman.  The  Spanish 
admiral,  in  the  crippled  condition  of  his  armament,  determined  to  postpone 
the  attack  on  Tripoli  to  another  time,  and  to  direct  his  operations  for  the 
present  against  the  island  of  Jerbah,  or,  as  it  was  called  by  the  Spaniards, 
Gelves.  This  place,  situated  scarcely  a  league  from  the  African  shore,  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Tripoli,  had  long  been  known  as  a  nest  of  pirates  who  did 

§reat  mischief  in  the  Mediterranean.  It  was  a  place  of  ill  omen  to  the 
paniards,  whose  arms  had  met  there  with  a  memorable  reverse  in  the  reign 
of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic'  The  duke,  however,  landing  with  his  whole 
force,  experienced  little  resistance  from  the  Moors,  and  soon  made  himself 
master  of  the  place.  It  was  defended  by  a  fortress  fallen  much  out  of  repair ; 
and,  as  the  Spanish  commander  proposed  to  leave  a  garrison  there,  he  set 
about  restoring  the  fortifications,  or  rather  constructing  new  ones.  In  this 
work  the  whole  armv  actively  engaged;  but  nearly  two  months  were  con- 
sumed before  it  was  finished.  The  fortr&ss  was  then  mounted  with  artillery, 
and  provided  with  ammunition  and  whatever  was  necessary  for  its  defence. 
Finally,  a  garrison  was  introduced  into  it,  and  the  command  intrusted  to  a 
gallant  officer,  Don  Alvaro  de  Sande. 

Scarcely  had  these  arrangements  been  completed,  and  the  troops  prepared 
to  re-embark,  when  advices  reached  the  duke  that  a  large  Turkish  fleet  was 
on  its  way  from  Constantinople  to  the  assistance  of  Dragut.  The  Spanish 
admiral  called  a  council  of  war  on  board  of  his  ship.  Opinions  were  divided. 
Some,  among  whom  was  Doria,  considering  the  crippled  condition  of  their 
squadron,  were  for  making  the  best  of  their  way  oack  to  Sicily.  Others, 
regarding  this  as  a  course  unworthy  of  Spaniards,  were  for  standing  out  to 
sea  and  giving  battle  to  the  enemy.  The  duke,  perplexed  by  the  opposite 
opinions,  did  not  come  to  a  decision.  He  was  soon  spared  the  necessity  of  it 
by  the  sight  of  the  Ottoman  fleet,  under  full  sail,  bearing  rapidly  down  on 
him.  It  consisted  of  eighty-six  galleys,  each  carrying  a  hundred  janizaries ; 
and  it  was  commanded  by  the  Turkish  admiral  Piali,  a  name  long  dreaded  in 
the  Mediterranean. 

At  the  sight  of  this  formidable  armament  the  Christians  were  seized  with  a 

panic.    They  scarcely  offered  any  resistance  to  the  enemy,  who,  dashing  into 

the  midst  of  them,  sent  his  broadsides  to  the  right  and  left,  sinking  some  of 

the  ships,  disabling  others,  while  those  out  of  reach  of  his  guns  snamefully 

'  Ste  the  History  of  the  Reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  part  ii.  chap.  21. 

2  c 


386  THE  OTTOMAN  EMPIRE. 

soir^ht  safety  in  flight.  Seventeen  of  the  combined  S(iuadron  were  sunk ;  four- 
anf  twenty,  more  or  less  injured,  struck  their  colours  ;  a  few  succeeded  in 
regainini?  the  island,  and  took  shelter  under  the  guns  of  the  fortress  Mednia 
Celi  and  Doria  were  among  those  who  thus  made  their  way  to  the  shore  ;  and 
under  cover  of  the  darkness,  on  the  following  night,  they  eftected  their  escai>e 
in  a  frigate,  passing,  as  by  a  miracle,  without  notice,  through  the  enemy  s 
fleet,  ana  thus  securing  their  retreat  to  Sicily.  Never  was  tiiere  a  victory 
more  humiliating  to  the  vanquished,  or  one  which  reflected  less  glory  on  the 

Before  embarking,  the  duke  ordered  Sande  to  defend  the  place  to  the  last 
extremity,  promising  him  speedy  assistance.  The  garrison,  thus  left  to  carry 
on  the  contest  with  the  whole  Turkish  army,  amounted  to  about  five  thousand 
men  ;  its  original  strength  being  considerably  augmented  by  the  fugitives  from 

OnThe  following  morning,  Piali  landed  with  his  whole  force,  and  instantly 
proceeded  to  oi)en  trenches  before  the  citadel.    When  he  had  estabhshgl  his 
batteries  of  cannon,  he  sent  a  summons  to  the  garnson  to  surrender,    ^nde 
returned  for  answer  that,  "if  the  place  were  won,  it  would  not  be,  like  Fiahs 
late  victory,  without  bloodshed."    The  Turkish  commander  waited  no  longer, 
hut  opened  a  lively  cannonade  on  the  ramparts,  which  he  continued  for  some 
days,  till  a  practicable  breach  was  made.    He  then  ordered  a  general  assault. 
The  janizaries  rushed  forward  with  their  usual  impetuosity,  under  a  murderous 
discharge  of  artillery  and  small  arms  from  the  fortress  as  well  as  from  the 
shipping,  which  was  so  situated  as  to  support  the  fire  of  the  besieged    Nothing 
daunted,  the  brave  Moslems  pushed  forward  over  the  bodies  of  their  fallen 
comrades  ;  and,  scrambling  across  the  ditch,  the  leading  files  succeeded  in 
throwing  themselves  into  the  breach.      But  here  they  met  with  a  spirit  as 
determined  as  their  own,  from  the  iron  array  of  warriors,  armed  with  pike  and 
arnuebuse,  who,  with  Sande  at  their  head,  formed  a  wall  as  impenetrable  as 
the  ramparts  of  the  fortress.    The  contest  was  now  carried  on  nian  against 
man,  and  in  a  space  too  narrow  to  allow  the  enemy  to  profit  by  his  superior 
numbers.     The  besieged,  meanwhile,  from  the  battlements,  hurled  down 
missiles  of  every  description  on  the  heads  of  the  assailants      ihe  struggle 
lasted  for  some  hours.    But  Spanish  valour  triumphed  m  the  end,  and  the 
enemy  was  driven  back  in  disorder  across  the  moat,  while  his  rear  hies  were 
sorely  galled,  in  his  retreat,  by  the  incessant  fire  of  the  fortress. 

Incensed  by  the  failure  of  his  attack  and  the  slaughter  of  his  brave  followers, 
Piali  thought  it  prudent  to  wait  till  he  should  be  reinforced  by  the  arrival  of 
Dragut  with  a  fresh  supply  of  men  and  of  battering- ordnance.  The  besieged 
profited  by  the  interval  to  repair  their  works,  and  wlien  Dragut  appeared  they 
were  nearly  as  well  prepared  for  the  contest  as  before.        ^      ^  ..    •      ^    • 

On  the  corsair's  arrival,  Piali,  provided  with  a  heavier  battenng-train, 
opened  a  more  effective  fire  on  the  citadel.  The  works  soon  gave  way,  and 
the  Turkish  commander  promptly  returned  to  the  assault.  It  was  conducted 
with  the  same  spirit,  was  met  with  the  same  desperate  courage,  and  ended, 
like  the  former,  in  the  total  discomfiture  of  the  assailants,  who  withdrew, 
leaving  the  fosse  choked  up  with  the  bodies  of  their  slaughtered  comrades 
Again  and  again  the  attack  was  renewed,  by  an  enemy  whose  numbere  allowed 
the  storming-parties  to  relieve  one  another,  while  the  breaches  n^e  by  an 
unintermitting  cannonade  gave  incessant  occupation  to  the  besieged  m  repair- 


DESPERATE  DEFENCE  OF  GELVES. 


387 


ing  them.  Fortunately,  the  number  of  the  latter  enabled  them  to  perform 
this  diflicult  service  ;  and  though  many  were  disabled,  and  there  were  few 
who  were  not  wounded,  they  still  continued  to  stand  to  their  posts,  with  the 
same  spirit  as  on  the  first  day  of  the  siege. 

But  the  amount  of  the  garrison,  so  serviceable  in  this  point  of  view,  was 
fatal  in  another.  The  fortrevss  had  been  provisioned  with  reference  to  a  much 
smaller  force.  The  increased  number  of  mouths  was  thus  doing  the  work  of 
the  enemy.  Notwithstanding  the  strictest  economy,  there  was  already  a 
scarcity  oi  provisions ;  and  at  the  end  of  six  weeks  the  garrison  was  left 
entirely  without  food.  The  water  too  had  failed.  A  soldier  had  communi- 
cated to  the  Spanish  commander  an  in^^enious  process  for  distilling  fresh 
water  from  salt.*  This  attbrded  a  most  important  supply,  though  in  a  very 
limited  quantity.  But  the  wood  which  furnished  the  fuel  necessary  for  the 
process  was  at  length  exhausted,  and  to  hunger  was  added  the  intolerable 
misery  of  thirst. 

Thus  reduced  to  extremity,  the  brave  Sande  was  not  reduced  to  despair. 
Calling  his  men  together,  he  told  them  that  liberty  was  of  more  value  than 
life.  Anything  was  better  than  to  surrender  to  such  an  enemy.  And  he 
proposed  to  them  to  sally  from  the  fortress  that  very  night,  and  cut  their  way, 
if  possible,  through  the  Turkish  army,  or  fall  in  the  attempt.  The  Spaniards 
heartily  responded  to  the  call  of  their  heroic  leader.  They  felt,  like  mm,  that 
the  doom  of  slavery  was  more  terrible  than  death. 

That  night,  or  rather  two  hours  before  dawn  on  the  twenty- ninth  of  June, 
Don  Alvaro  sallied  out  of  the  fortress,  at  the  head  of  all  those  who  "were 
capable  of  bearing  arms.  But  they  amounted  to  scarcely  more  than  a 
thousand  men,  so  greatly  had  the  garrison  been  diminished  oy  death  or  dis- 
abled by  famine  and  disease.  Under  cover  of  the  darkness,  they  succeeded  in 
passing  through  the  triple  row  of  intrenchments  without  alarming  the  slumber- 
ing enemy.  At  length,  roused  by  the  cries  of  their  sentinels,  the  Turks 
sprang  to  their  arms,  and,  gathering  in  dark  masses  round  the  Christians, 
presented  an  impenetrable  barrier  to  their  advance.  The  contest  now  became 
furious ;  but  it  was  short.  The  heroic  little  band  were  too  much  enfeebled  by 
their  long  fati^ies,  and  by  the  total  want  of  food  for  the  last  two  days,  to 
make  head  against  the  overwhelming  number  of  their  assailants.  Many  fell 
under  the  Turkish  scimitars,  and  the  rest,  after  a  fierce  struggle,  were  forced 
back  on  the  path  by  which  they  had  come,  and  took  refuge  in  the  fort.  Their 
dauntless  leader,  refusing  to  yield,  succeeded  in  cutting  his  way  through  the 
enemy,  and  threw  himself  into  one  of  the  vessels  in  the  port.  Here  ne  was 
speedily  followed  by  such  a  throng  as  threatened  to  sink  the  bark  and  made 
resistance  hopeless.  Yielding  up  liis  sword,  therefore,  he  was  taken  prisoner, 
and  led  off  in  triumph  to  the  tent  of  the  Turkish  commander. 

On  the  same  day  the  remainder  of  the  garrison,  unable  to  endure  another 
assault,  surrendered  at  discretion.  Piali  had  now  accomplished  the  object  of 
the  expedition  ;  and,  having  re-established  the  Moorish  authorities  in  posses- 
sion of  the  place,  he  embarked,  with  his  whole  army,  for  Constantinople.  The 
tidings  of  nis  victory  had  preceded  him  ;  and,  as  he  proudly  sailed  up  the 
BospTiorus,  he  was  greeted  with  thunders  of  artillery  from  the  seraglio  and  the 
heights  surrounding  the  capital.  First  came  the  Turkish  galleys,  in  beautiful 
order,  with  the  banners  taken  from  the  Christians  ignominiousiy  trailing 


«  Ferreras,  Hist.  d'E-pagne,  torn.  Ix.  p. 
415,  et  aeq  — Herrera,  Historia  general,  lib. 
V.  cap.  18.— Cabrera,  Filipe  Scgundo,  lib.  v. 


cap.   8. — Sagredo,   Monarcas  Othomana<«,  p. 
234,  et  aeq. 


•  "  Hal  16  Don  Alvaro  an  remedio  para  la 
falta  del  agua  que  en  parte  ayudo  &  la  neces- 
Bidad,  y  fue,  que  uno  de  su  campo  le  niostro, 
que  el  agua  salada  se  podia  destilar  por  alam- 


biqne,  y  annque  salio  buena,  y  se  bevia.  no 
se  i)azia  tanti  que  bastasee,  y  se  gastava 
mncha  Icfia.  de  que  tenian  falta."  Herrera, 
Historia  general,  torn.  i.  p.  434. 


3S3  THE  OTTOiAIAN  EMPIRE. 

Zutf  and  CS^^^^  populace,  to  the  slave-iuarket  of  Constantinople 

A  fPw  on!v  of  t  e Wher  ord^,  were  reserved  for  ransom.  Among  them  were 
Ln  Alvari  de  Sanlfand  a  son  of  Medina  Cell.  The  young  nobleman  did 
not  lotr^^^^^  ^on  Alvaro  recovered  his  freedom,  and  hved 

to  take  ampL  ve  ceance  for  all  he  had  sullered  on  hm  conquerors.'   . 

8^ch  was  the  end  of  the  disastrous  expedition  against  fnpoli,  which  left  a 
Kti^n  on  the  ^Wh  arm^  that  even  tW  brave  conduct  of  the  garrison  at 
rv  vp.  mi  d  n^  vhoUv  wipe  away.    The  Moors  were  greatly  elated  by  the 

tionate  decree  of  despondency,  as  they  retlected  to  what  extent  inf^  coa^^ 
an  IthefrT^^^^^^  .^uld  be'exposed  to  the  predatory  m^^^^^^^^^^  I'se'sion; 
sails  Philip  was  especially  anxious  m  regard  to  the  safety  of  ^is  possessions 
Tthe  Afric^an  coast  Th\two  principf  of  the^  ^eje/^^^^^^^ 
qiiivir,  situated  not  far  to  the  west  of  Algiers.  They  weie  the  coiiquests  oi 
?Clii  al  Ximeues  The  former  place  was  won  by  an  exi)edition  fitted  out  at 
hi\  ov^^fexrnT  The  enterprises  of  this  remarkable  man  were  conducted  on 
a  LnVantlcS'  wWch  might  seem  better  suited  to  the  revenues  of  princes 
Of'  ke"^o  phces  Oran  was°the  more  considerable  ;  yet  hardly  more  impo^^^^^^^ 
^lai  Mazarqiiivir,  which  possessed  an  excellent  harbour,-a  thing  of  rare 
om^r^rrrthe  Barbary^  Both  had  bee"  ^he^sM  w^^^^  t'he  SeUd' 

(Hstilian  government,  and  by  no  monarch  more  than  by  1  hilip  tne  ^econa, 
.vho  ^rfe^tlY  SrsW  the  imix)rtance  of  these  possessions,  both  for  the 
Idva^  0^^  acomn^Sious  hartour,  and  for  the  means  they  gave  him  of 

't^li^^h^S^^  t^  galleys,  under  the 

command  of  D^  Men^oza,  to  be  got  ready  in  the  portof  Malaga,  to 

Srrytu^^^^^  colonies.    But  in  crossing  the  Meduermnean 

?he  shins  were  ^sailed  by  a  furious  tempest,  which  compelled  them  to  take 
ief uleTn  the  liSrt  Ji  Herradura.  *he  fury  of  the  storm  however,  con. 
Jfn  fd  to  increSe  W  vessels,  while  riding  at  anchor,  dashed  one  against 
irther  wUrS'viol^^^^^^  many  of  them  foundered,  and  others  parting 
?Ltr  SbTerdX^^^  >vhich  was  covered  far  and  wide  with  the  dismal 

wrec^r  T%ro7three  only,  standing  out  to  sea  and  b^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
nn  tlip  flppt)  were  so  fortunate  as  to  escape.    By  this  frighttul  smpwrecK,  luur 
?C Inf  merfncludiiiK  their  coummncfer,  were  swallowed  up  by  the  waves. 
The  sAern  proV^^^^^  filled  with  consternation  at  this  "ew  calaim  y, 

«nUn«  so  s^n  after  the  defeat  at  Gelves.  It  .seemed  as  if  the  hand  of  Fro- 
^d  u4  ™s  lifted  against  them  in  their  wars  w.th  the  ^^^^■' 

Tlip  Rarharv  Moors,  encouraged  by  the  losses  of  the  Spanish  navy,  inouf,iu, 
tin?  a  favouraUetTme  for  recovering  their  ancient  possessions  on  the  c^t 
fct  the  dey  of  llglers,  in  particular,  a  warlike  prince,  who  had  been 


•  For  the  account  of  the  heroic  defence  of 
Gelves,  see— and  reconcile,  if  the  reader  can 
— Herrera,  ubi  supra ;  Kerreras,  Hist,  d  Ls- 
paene,  t..m.  ix.  pp.  416-421 ;  Leti,  Filippo  11., 
torn.  i.  pp.  349-352;  Cabrera,  FilipebeKundo. 
lib.  V.  cap.  n,  12;  Campana,  Vita  d.  Fihppo 
II..  par.  li.  lib.  12  ;  Sagredo,  Monarcas  Otho- 
ttuuos,  p.  237,  et  seq.-SepulveUd,  Dc  Rebu3 


gestis  Philippl  II..  PP-  63-87. 

'  "QuesU  sola  utilita  ne  cava  U  Re  dl  quel 
luoffhi  per  conservatioue  de'  quail  epende 
oeni  unno  gran  somma  di  denari  delle  sue 
entrate."    Relatione  de  Soriano,  1560,  MS. 

"  Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Plspapne,  tora.  >x-  P- 
426.-Sepulveda,  De  Rebus  gestis  Philippi  II., 
p.  90. 


WAR  ON  THE  BARBARY  COAST. 


389 


en'-aged  in  more  than  one  successful  encounter  with  the  Chnstians,  set  on 
fo^t  an  expedition  against  the  territories  of  Oran  and  Mazarquivm  Ihe 
g"ment  of  these  places  was  intrusted,  at  that  time,  to  Don  Alonzo  de 
Sdova,  count  of  Aliiudete.  In  this  post  he  had  succe^eded  his  father  a 
galant  oldier,  who,  five  years  before  had  beeii  ^1^.^";\ ^^t  [e  by  th  s  veiy 
Hassem  the  lord  of  Algiers.  Eight  thousand  Spaniards  had  fallen  with  him 
S  fie  d'o?  had  heel  made  prisoners  of  war.*  Such  were  the  sad  auspice^ 
under  which  the  reign  of  PhiUp  the  Second  began,  m  his  wars  with  the 

^otrat  this  time,  was  garrisoned  by  seventeen  h"f//,^^Sl^^^^^^^ 
seven  nieces  of  artillery  were  mounted  on  its  walls.  Its  fortifications  were  m 
go^d  rEpafr ;  bu?^^^^^^^^  no  condition  to  stand  a  siege  by  so  ^ ornndable  a  f or(^ 
ITthat  which  Hassem  was  mustering  in  Algiers.  The  count  of  Alcaudete, 
the^overnor  a  soldier  worthy  of  the  illustrious  stock  from  which  he  sprang, 
loS  Ttinieb^^^^^^^  Oran  and  Mazarqiiivir  in  the  best  state  of  defence 

Iwch  his  means  allowed,  and  in  acquainting  thilip  with  the  peril  m  which  he 

'^^Meanwhile,  the  Algerine  chief  was  g<>^"g^n^Wy  forward  with^^^^^ 
tions.    Besides  his  own  vassals,  he  summoned  to  his  aid  the  petty  princes  ot 
the  neicrhbouring  country  ;  and  in  a  short  time  he  ^^  a^^em^^lcd  f  ^^^t^^^ 
which  Moors,  Arabs,  and  Turks  were  promiscuously  mingled,  and  which,  in  the 
wi^uf estimates  of  the  Spaniards,  rose  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  thousand 

"'Tittle  reliance  can  be  placed  on  the  numerical  estimates  of  the  Spaniards  in 
their  wars  ^th  thrill  The  gross  exaggeration  of  the  numbers  brought 

bvThreremy  into  th^  field,  and  tfie  numbers  he  was  sure  to  leave  here,  with 
KorreTpSng  iminutiin  of  their  own  in  both  particulars,  would  seem  to 
infer  tTat^nthfse  religious  wars  they  thought  some  miracle  was  necessary 
to  Lw  that^^^^^^^^^^  was^on  their  side,ind  the  ^f  ter  te  -r^^^^^^^^^^^ 
the  dorv  This  hyperbohcal  tone,  characteristic  of  the  old  fepaniaras,  ana 
safd  to  have  been  imported  from  the  East,  is  particulariy  visible  m  the  accounts 
Sthdr  struS  Spanish  Arabs,  where  large  masses  were  brought 

fntotTefieK  both  sides,  and  where  the  reports  of  a  battle  took  indeed  the 
co^^uringTa?^^Arabian  ta  e.  The  same  taint  of  exaggeration,  though  some, 
what  mfti^afS  continued  to  a  much  later  period,  and  may  be  observed  m 
The  re^orif  K  with  the  Moslem.,  whether  Turks  or  Moors,  m  the 

'^  OrihVfiTtSh  of  March,  1563,  Hassem  left  Algiers,  at  the  head  of  his 
somewh'at  mSaV^^^^^  array,  sending  his  batt^ring^train  ^^^^^ 
hv  water  to  meet  him  at  the  port  of  Jlazarquivir.     He  proposea  to  Degi"  PJ 
tSeof  "his  pl^e,  which,  while  it  would"  afford  a  convenient  harbour  for 

*^  o  r  '  ^   _^  .„    •_*. „  ,,^  *v,at  oarA  WAR  tAk(>n  that 


•  The  details  of  the  battle  were  given,  m  a 
letter  dated  September  5th.  1558,  by  Don 
Alonzo  to  the  king.  His  father  fell,  it  Beems, 
in  an  attempt  to  rescue  bis  younger  son  froru 
the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Though  the  father 
died,  the  son  was  saved.  It  was  the  same 
Don  Martin  de  C6rdova  who  so  stoutly  de- 
fended Mazarquivir  against  Has^^em  after- 
wards, as  mentioned  in  the  text.  Carta  de 
Don  Alunso  de  C6rdova  al  Rey,  de  loledo, 

MS 

'•  The  tidings  of  this  sad  disaster,  accord- 
ing to  Cabrera,  hastened  the  death  of  Ci.arles 
the  Fifth  (Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  iv.  cap.  13). 
But  a  letter  from  the   imperial  secretary, 


Gaztelu,  informs  us  that  care  was  teken  that 
the  tidings  should  not  reach  the  ear  of  hia 
dvine  master :  "  Lh  muerte  del  conde  de 
A  Icaudce  y  su  desbarato  se  t  ntendi6  aqui^  por 
carta  de  Dn  Alonso  su  hijo  que  despacho  un 
correo  desde  Toledo  con  la  nueva  y  por  ser 
tan  ruyn  v  estar  S.  Magd.  en  tal  disposicion 
no  se  le  dixo.  y  se  tendra  cuydado  de  que 
tampoco  la  sepa  hasta  que  plazca  a  Dios  este 
libreTporque  no  se  yo  si  hay  ningimo  en 
cuyo  tlt^mpo  haya  sucedido  tan  gran  (le«=gracia 
c.,mo  esta"  Carta  de  Mar.in  de  Gaztelu  al 
Secretario  Molina,  de  Yuste,  ^t-  «  ♦  ?r 
MS— The  original  of  this  letter,  like  that  of 
the  preceding,  is  In  the  Archives  of  Slmancaa. 


390  THE  OTTOMAN  EMPIRE. 

his  navy,  would,  by  its  commanding  position,  facilitate  the  f>^q^"est  of  Oran. 
Leaving  a  strong  body  of  men,  therefore,  for  the  nivestment  of  the  ,latt^»,  »'« 
continired  his  ntarch  on  Mazarquivir,  situated  at  only  two  e^gues  di^tunce 
The  defence  of  this  place  was  intrusted  by  Alcaudete  to  his  brother,  Don 
Martin  de  C :)rdova.  Its  fortifications  were  in  good  condition,  and  carnished 
with  near  thirty  pieces  of  artillery.  It  was  garrisoned  by  hve  hundred  men, 
was  well  provid^  with  ammunition,  and  was  victualled  for  a  two  months  sie«ie 
it  was  also  protected  by  a  detached  fort,  called  St.  Micl^e  ,  built  bvthe  count 
of  Alcaudete,  and,  from  its  commanding  position,  now  destined  to  ^  the  tir^t 
object  of  attack.  The  fort  was  occupied  W  a  few  hiindred  Spaniards,  who,  a^ 
it  was  of  great  moment  to  gain  time  for  the  arnval  of  succours  from  Spam, 
were  ordered  to  maintain  it  to  the  last  extreniity.  u^^^^or   ^f  fl.A 

Hassera  was  not  long  in  opening  trenches.  Impatient,  however,  of  the 
de^ay  of  his  fleet,  which  was  detained  by  the  weather,  he  determined  not  to 
wait  for  the  artillery,  but  to  attempt  to  carry  the  fort  by  escalade.  In  this 
attempt,  though  conducted  with  spirit,  he  met  with  so  decided  a  repulse  that 
he  al)andoned  the  project  of  further  operations  till  the  arrival  of  his  ships^ 
No  sooner  did  this  take  place  than,  landing  his  heavy  guns,  he  got  them  into 
position  as  speedily  as  possihle.  and  opened  a  lively  cannonade  on  the  walls  ot 
the  fortress  The  walls  were  of  no  great  strength.  A  breach  was  speedily 
made  :  and  Hassem  gave  orders  for  the  assault.     ,     .     ^     ^, 

No  sooner  was  the  signal  given  than  Moor,  Turk,  Arab,-the  vanoiis  races 
in  whose  veins  glowed  the  hot  blood  of  the  south,— sprang  impetuously  for- 
ward In  vain  the  leading  files,  as  they  came  on,  were  swept  away  by  the 
artillery  of  the  fortress,  while  the  guns  of  Mazarquivir  did  e^iual  execution  on 
their  flank.  The  tide  rushed  on,  with  an  enthusiasm  that  overleaped  every 
obstacle.  Each  man  seemed  emulous  of  his  comrade,  as  if  desirous  to  show 
tlie  superiority  of  his  own  tribe  or  race.  The  ditch,  choked  up  with  the  debris 
of  the  rampart  and  the  fascines  that  had  been  thrown  into  it,  wa.s  speedily 
crossed ;  and  while  some  sprang  fearlessly  into  the  breach,  others  endeavoured 
to  scale  the  walls.  But  everywhere  they  were  met  by  men  as  fresh  for  action 
as  themselves,  and  possessed  of  a  spirit  as  intremd.  The  battle  raged  along 
the  parapet,  and  in  the  breacli,  where  the  strugde  was  deadliest.  It  was  the 
old  battle,  so  often  fought,  of  the  Crescent  and  the  Cross,  the  fiery  African 
and  the  cool,  indomitable  European.  Arquebuse  and  pike,  sabre  and  scimitar, 
clashed  fearfully  against  each  other  ;  while  high  above  the  dm  rose  the  war. 
cries  of  "  Allah  ! "  and  "  St.  Jago  ! "  showing  the  creeds  and  countries  of  the 

*^At  on^ttme  it  seemed  as  if  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Moslems  would  prevail ; 
and  twice  the  standard  of  the  Crescent  was  planted  on  the  walls.  But  it  was 
speedily  torn  down  by  the  garrison,  and  the  bold  adventurers  who  had  planted 
it  thrown  headlong  into  the  moat.  ,     .       *        xu  4. 

Meanwhile,  an  incessant  fire  of  musketry  was  kept  up  from  the  ramprts; 
and  hand-grenades,  mingled  with  barrels  of  burning  pitch,  were  hurled 
down  on  the  heads  of  the  assailants,  whose  confusion  was  increased  as 
their  sight  was  blinded  by  the  clouds  of  smoke  which  rose  from  the  fascines 
that  had  taken  fire  in  the  ditch.  But,  although  their  eff^orts  began  to 
slacken,  they  were  soon  encouraged  by  fresh  detachments  sent  to  their 
support  by  Hassem,  and  the  fight  was  renewed  with  redoubled  fury,  ihese 
efforts,  however,  proved  equally  ineffectual.  The  Moors  were  driven  back 
on  all  points;  and,  giving  way  before  the  invincible  courage  of  the  fepan- 
iard^  they  with  Irew  in  such  disorder  across  the  fosse,  now  bridged  over 
with  the  bodies  of  the  slain,  that,  if  the  garrison  had  been  strong  enough  m 


WAR  ON  THE  BARBARY  COAST. 


391 


numbers,  they  might  have  followed  the  foe  to  his  trenches  and  inflicted  such 
a  blow  as  would  at  once  have  terminated  the  siege.  As  it  was,  the  loss  of  the 
enemy  was  fearful ;  while  that  of  the  Spaniards,  screened  by  their  defences, 
was  comparatively  light.  Yet  a  hundred  lives  of  the  former,  so  overwhelming 
were  their  numbers,  were  of  less  account  than  a  single  life  among  the  latter. 
The  heads  of  fifty  Turks,  who  had  fallen  in  the  breach  or  in  the  ditch,  were 
cat  o;i;  as  we  are  told,  by  the  garrison,  and  sent,  as  the  grisly  trophies  of  their 
victory,  to  Oran  ;  '*  showing  the  feelings  of  bitter  hatred— perhaps  of  fear— 
with  which  this  people  was  regarded  by  the  Christians.  j.,     .    ^ 

The  Moorish  chief,  chafing  under  this  loss,  reopened  his  fire  on  the  fortress 
with  greater  fury  than  ever.     He  then  renewed  the  assault,  but  with  no 
better  success.     A  third  and  a  fourth  time  he  returned  to  the  attack,  but  in 
vain     In  vain,  too,  Hassem  madly  tore  off  his  turban,  and,  brandishing  his 
scimitar,  with  imprecations  on  his  men,  drove  them  forward  to  the  fight. 
There  was  no  lack  of  spirit  in  his  followers,  who  poured  out  their  blood  like 
water     But  it  could  not  shake  the  constancy  of  the  Spaniards,  which  seemed 
even  to  grow  stronger  as  their  situation  became  more  desperate  ;  and  as  their 
defences  were  swept  away,  they  threw  themselves  on  their  knees,  and  from 
behind  the  ruins  still  poured  down  their  volleys  of  musketry  on  the  assailants. 
Yet  they  could  not  have  maintained  their  ground  so  long,  but  for  a  season- 
able reinforcement  received  from  Mazarquivir.     But,  however  high  the  spmt, 
there  is  a  limit  to  the  powers  of  endurance  ;  and  the  strength  of  the  garrison 
was  rapidly  giving  way  under  incessant  vigils  and  want  of  food,     iheir  for- 
tifications, moreover,  pierced  through  and  through  by  the  enemy  s  shot,  were 
no  loii'^er  tenable  ;  and  a  mine,  which  Hassera  was  now  prepared  to  run  under 
the  ramparts,  would  complete  the  work  of  destruction.    They  had  obeyed 
their  orders,  and  stood  to  their  defence  gallantly  to  the  last ;  and  they  now 
obtjiined  leave  to  abandon  the  fort.     On  the  seventh  of  May,  after  having 
sustained  eight  assaults  and  a  siege  of  three  weeks  from  a  host  so  superior  to 
then  in  numbers,  the  garrison  marched  out  of  the  fortress  of  St.  Michael. 
Under  cover  of  the  guns  of  Mazarquivir,  they  succeeded  in  rejoining  their 
comrades  there  with  but  little  loss,  and  were  gladly  welcomed  by  their  com- 
mander, Don  Martin  de  Cordova,  who  rendered  them  the  honour  due  to  their 
heroic  conduct.     That  same  day  Hassem  took  possession  of  the  fortress.     He 
found  only  a  heap  of  ruins. '^  ,  .     ,     ,    ,      . ,  ,_ 

The  Moorish  prince,  stung  with  mortification  at  the  pnce  he  had  paid  tor 
his  victory,  and  anxious,  moreover,  to  anticipate  the  arrival  9^«"^c?"rfAT 
Spain,  now  eagerly  pressed  forward  the  siege  of  Mazarquivir.  With  the 
assistance  of  his  squadron,  the  place  was  closely  invested  by  s^  and  land. 
Batteries  of  heavy  guns  were  raised  on  opposite  sides  of  the  castle ;  and  for 
ten  days  they  thundered,  without  interruption,  on  its  devoted  walls.  When 
these  liad  been  so  far  shaken  as  to  afford  an  opening  to  the  besiegers,  Hassera, 
wiliin*r  to  spare  the  further  sacrifice  of  his  men,  sent  a  summons  to  Don 
xMartin  to  iirrender,  intimating,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  works  were  in 
too  ruinous  a  condition  to  be  defended.  To  this  the  Spaniard  coo  ly  replied 
tliat  "  if  they  were  in  such  a  condition,  Hassem  might  come  and  take  them 

On  the  signal  from  their  chief,  the  Moors  moved  rapidly  forward  to  the 
attack,  and  were  soon  brought  face  to  face  with  their  enemy.    A  bloody  con- 


"  Cabrera.  Fillpe  Segundo,  lib.  v1.  cap  10. 

"  For  this  siege,  the  particulars  of  which 
are  given  in  a  manner  Bufficiently  confuted 
bv  most  of  the  writers,  see  Ferreras,  Hist. 
d'Espa?np.  torn.  ix.  p.  431,  et  seq. ;  Cabrera, 
Filipe  Stguiido.  lib.  vi.  cap.  10 ;  Sepulveda, 


De  Rebus  gestis  Philippi  II..  p.  94  ;  Salazar 
de  Mendoza,  Monarquia  de  Espafta  (Madrid. 
1770),  torn.  ii.  p.  127  ;  Miniana,  Historla  de 
Espiifia,  pp.  341,  342;  Caro  de  Torres,  His- 
torla de  las  Ordenes  militares,  fol.  154. 


392 


TUE  OTTOMAN  EMPIRE. 


WAR  ON  THE  BARBARY  COAST. 


293 


flict  followed,  in  the  breach  and  on  the  ramparts.  It  continued  more  than 
five  hours.  The  assailants  found  they  had  men  of  the  same  mettle  to 
deal  with  as  before,  and  with  defences  yet  stronj?er  than  those  they  had  en- 
countered in  the  fortress  of  St.  Michael.  Here  again  the  ardour  of  the 
African  proved  no  match  for  the  cool  and  steady  courage  of  the  European  ; 
and  Hassem's  forces,  repulsed  on  every  quarter,  withdrew  m  so  mangled  a 
condition  to  their  trenches  that  he  was  in  no  state  for  several  days  to  renew 
the  assault." 

It  would  be  tedious  to  rehearse  the  operations  of  a  siege  so  closely  resem- 
bling in  its  details  that  of  the  fortress  of  St.  Michael.  The  most  conspicuous 
figure  in  the  bloody  drama  was  the  commander  of  the  garrison,  Don  Martin 
de  C6rdova.  Freely  exposing  himself  to  hardship  and  danger  with  the 
meanest  of  his  followers,  he  succeeded  in  infusing  his  own  unconquerable 
spirit  into  their  bosoms.  On  the  eve  of  an  assault  he  might  be  seen  passing 
through  the  ranks  with  a  crucifix  in  his  hand,  exhorting  his  nien,  by  the 
blessed  sign  of  their  redemption,  to  do  their  duty,  and  assuring  them  of  the 
protection  of  Heaven.'*  Every  soldier,  kindling  with  the  enthusiasm  of  his 
leader,  looked  on  himself  as  a  soldier  of  the  Cross,  and  felt  assured  that  the 
shield  of  the  Almighty  must  be  stretched  over  those  who  were  thus  fighting 
the  battles  of  the  Faith.  The  women  caught  somewhat  of  the  same  generous 
ardour,  and,  instead  of  confining  themselves  to  the  feminine  occupations  of 
nursing  the  sick  and  the  wounded,  took  an  active  part  in  the  duties  of  the 
soldiers  and  helped  to  lighten  their  labours.  ,  . 

Still,  the  condition  of  the  garrison  became  daily  more  precarious,  as  their 
strength  diminished  and  their  defences  crumbled  around  them  under  the  in- 
cessant  fire  of  the  besiegers.  The  count  of  Alcaudete  in  vain  endeavoured  to 
come  to  their  relief,  or  at  least  to  effect  a  diversion  in  their  favour.  Sillying 
out  of  Oran,  he  had  more  than  one  sharp  encounter  with  the  enemy.  But  the 
odds  against  him  were  too  great ;  and,  though  he  spread  carnage  among  the 
Moslem  ranks,  he  could  ill  afford  the  sacrifice  of  life  that  it  cost  him.  In  the 
mean  time,  the  two  garrisons  were  assailed  by  an  enemy  from  within,  more 
inexorable  than  the  enemy  at  their  gates.  Famine  had  begun  to  show  itself 
in  some  of  its  hideous  forms.  They  were  already  reduced  to  the  necessity  of 
devouring  the  flesh  of  their  horses  and  asses  ;  >*  and  even  that  was  doled  out 
so  scantily  as  too  plainly  intimated  that  this  sustenance,  wretched  as  it  was 
was  soon  to  fad  them.  Under  these  circumstances,  their  spmts  would  have 
sunk,  had  they  not  been  sustained  by  the  expectation  of  succour  from  Spain  ; 
and  they  cast  many  a  wistful  glance  on  the  Mediterranean,  straming  their 
eyes  to  the  farthest  verge  of  the  horizon,  to  see  if  they  could  not  descry  some 
friendly  sail  upon  the  waters.  ,  .,     .         . 

But  Philip  was  not  unmindful  of  them.  Independently  of  the  importance 
of  the  posts,  he  felt  his  honour  to  be  deeply  concerned  in  the  protection  of  the 
brave  men  who  were  battling  there  for  the  cause  not  merely  of  Castile,  but  of 
Christendom.  No  sooner  had  he  been  advised  by  Alcaudete  of  the  peril  in 
which  he  stood  than  he  gave  orders  that  a  fleet  should  be  equipped  to  go  to 
his  relief.  But  such  orders,  in  the  disabled  condition  of  the  navy,  were  more 
easily  given  than  executed.  Still,  efforts  were  made  to  assemble  an  armanient 
and  get  it  ready  in  the  shortest  possible  time.    Even  the  vessels  employed  to 


"  According  to  Cabrera  (Filipe  Sejomdo.  lib. 
vi.  cap.  12),  two  thousand  infidels  fell  on  this 
occasion,  and  only  ten  Christians  ;  a  fair  pro- 
portion for  a  Christian  historian  to  allow. 
Ek  unot  etc. 


'♦  Ferreras,  Hist.  dT^spagne,  torn.  Ix.  p. 
455. 

"  Campana,  Vita  di  Filippo  II.,  torn.  li.  p. 

138. 


t 


X 


></ 


ronvov  the  India  galleons  were  pressed  into  the  service.    The  young  cavaliers 
rtre^outiern  provinces  eage?ly.  embarked  as  voliuiteers  m  an  ex^edit^^^ 
whirh  aflbrded  them  an  opportunity  for  avenging  the  insults  ottered  to  the 
Smnish  arms     Th™  other  sStes  bordering  on  the  Mediterranean  which  had 
\nT^t  almost  as  deep  an  interest  in  the  cause  as  Spain  herself,  promptly 
f  rnUhed  t^  r  contingents.    To  these  were  to  be  added,  as  usual,  the  galleys 
o  the  Knights  of  Malta,  always  foremost  to  unfurl  the  banner  m  a  war  with 
?L  infide      In  less  than  two  months  an  armament  consisting  of  forty-two 
krg^gal^ys,  besWe^  smaller  vessels,  well  manned  and  abimdan%  siw^^^^^^ 
w[tl  provisions  and  military  stores,  was  assembled  m  the  port  of  Ma  ag*  Jt 
was  placed  under  the  command  of  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  who,  on  the  sixth 
nf  lime,  weiched  anchor  and  steered  directly  for  the  Barbary  coast. 
'^0  itte  nSng  of  the  eighth,  at  early  d^wn,  the  -ntint  on  th^^^^^^ 
of  Mazarquivir  descried  the  fleet  like  a  dark  speck  on  the  disUnt  watei^^    As 
it  drpw  nearer  and  the  rising  sun,  glancing  on  the  flag  of  tastile,  snowea  inat 
thflon™!^^^^^^  wis  at  hind,  the  exhaustel  garrison  a  most  on  the 

brink  of  despair,  gave  themselves  up  to  a  delirium  of  joy.  They  embraced  one 
Ser  like  men  rescued  from  a  terrible  fate,  and  with  swelling  hearty 
Xred  up  tha  ksgivings  to  the  Almighty  for  their  deliverance.  «oon  the 
cannon  S  Srouivir  proclaimed  the  glad  tidings  to  the  garnson  of  Oiun, 

X  JeViLi  from  Lir  baVments  in  th-ders  wlSch  ^^^^^^^^ 
hPArti  of  the  besiegers.  If  Ilassem  had  any  doubt  of  the  <»use  oi  lne^e 
rSinas  it  wa^  sSn  dispelled  by  several  Moorish  vessels,  which,  scudding 
X  tfe  enemy,  ir^ethe^nallerWds  before  the  eagle,  brought  report  that 
a  Spanish  fleet  under  full  sail  was  standing  for  Ma^a"!™""--  ,  .  j^  .„ 
No  time  was  to  be  lost.  He  commanded  his  ships  lying  in  the  tiarDour  lo 
8li??hercabte  and  Zke  the  best  of  their  way  to  Algfers.  Orders  were  fve^ 
at  once  to  raise  the  siege.    Everything  was  abandonei    Whatever  rauld  be 

ITJM  teS  rpSne"dS".mrr^  h!L«w& 

*^tlFie^rrirk"b^h!;tol^r^^^^ 

^t^^y^iL^'^'^^e^A^'m'^mU'^^^'^^  countenance  and  read 
there  the  story  of  his  sufterings  ,.  „,  ^_  _.._.  received  with  unbounded 

t^^ontXl  cK"^f  Alcaude"t:anS  his  soldiers  by  the  honou^  and 
sense  oi  ine  ^»"r^^  ,  xu  j^^  tj^^^  nob  eman,  besides  the  grant  ot  a 
Zfr^Z  t^:X  ma.*  vTceroy  of  Navarre.   His  brother,  Don  Martin 

»•  Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Espagne.  torn.  Ix.  p.  461. 


394  THE  OTTOMAN  EMPIRE. 

de  Cordova,  received  the  mcomi-nda  of  Hornachos,  with  the  sum  of  six 
thousand  ducats.  Officers  of  inferior  rank  obtauied  the  recompense  due  to 
their  merits.  Even  the  common  soldiers  were  not  forgotten  ;  and  the  govern- 
ment, with  pohtic  hberality,  settled  pensions  on  the  wives  and  children  ot 
those  who  had  perished  in  the  siege."  :.  .    ^    j    r        a  - 

Philip  now  determined  to  follow  up  his  success  ;  and,  mstead  of  continmg 
himself  to  the  defensive,  he  prepared  to  carry  the  war  nito  the  enemy  s 
country.  His  first  care,  however,  was  to  restore  the  fortifications  of  JVlazar- 
quivir,  which  soon  rose  from  their  ruins  in  greater  strength  and  solidity  than 
before.  He  then  projected  an  expedition  against  Penon  de  Velez  de  la 
Gomera,  a  place  situated  to  the  west  of  his  own  possessions  on  the  Barbary 
coast.  It  was  a  rocky  island-fortress,  which  from  the  great  strength  of  its 
defences,  as  well  as  from  its  natural  position,  was  deemed  impregnable.  It 
was  held  by  a  tierce  corsair,  whose  name  had  long  been  terrible  in  these  seas. 
In  the  summer  of  1564,  the  king,  with  the  aid  of  his  allies,  got  together  a 
powerful  armament  and  sent  it  at  once  against  Peiion  de  V  elez.  ihis  tortress 
did  not  make  the  resistance  to  have  been  expected ;  and,  after  a  siege  of 
scarcely  a  week's  duration,  the  garrison  submitted  to  the  superior  valour— or 
numbers— of  the  Christians.'* 

This  conquest  was  followed  up,  the  ensuing  year,  by  an  expedition  under 
Don  Alvaro  Bazan,  the  first  marquis  of  Santa  Cruz,— a  name  memorable  in 
the  naval  annals  of  Castile.  The  object  of  the  expedition  was  to  block  up  the 
entrance  to  the  river  Tetuan,  in  the  neighlK)urhood  of  the  late  conquest.  1  he 
banks  of  this  river  had  long  been  the  refuge  of  a  horde  of  pestilent  marauders, 
who,  swarming  out  of  its  mouth,  spread  over  the  Mediterranean  and  fe'll 
heavily  on  the  commerce  of  the  Christians.  Don  Alvaro  accomplished  his 
object  in  the  face  of  a  desperate  enemy,  and,  after  some  hard  hgh ting,  suc- 
ceeded in  sinking  nine  brigantines  laden  with  stones  in  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
and  thus  effectually  obstmcted  its  navigation.**  u  o     •        ^  *u 

The.se  brilliant  successes  caused  universal  rejoicing  through  hpain  and  the 
neighbouring  countries.  They  were  especially  important  for  the  influence  they 
exerted  on  the  spirits  of  the  Christians,  depressed  as  these  had  been  by  a  long 
series  of  maritime  reverses.  The  Spaniards  resumed  their  ancient  conhdence 
as  they  saw  that  victory  had  once  more  returned  to  their  banner  ;  and  their 
ships,  which  had  glided  like  spectres  under  the  shadow  of  the  coast,  now, 
losing  their  apprehensions  of  the  corsair,  pushed  boldly  out  upon  the  deep. 
The  Moslems,  on  the  other  hand,  as  they  beheld  their  navies  discomfited  and 
one  strong  place  after  another  wrested  from  their  grasp,  lost  heart,  and  for  a 
time,  at  least,  were  in  no  condition  for  active  enterprise. 

But,  while  the  arms  of  Spain  were  thus  successful  in  chastising  the  Barbary 
corsairs,  rumours  reached  the  country  of  hostile  preparations  going  forward  in 


"  Ferreraa,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  ix.  p. 
442,  et  sen.— Cabrera,  FiUj)e  St'gundo,  lib.  vi. 
cap.  13.— Canipana,  Vita  di  Fillppo  II.,  t-m. 
i.  pp.  137-139— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  lib.  x. 
cap.  4. — The  last  historian  closes  his  account 
of  the  sifgeof  .Vlazarquivir  with  the  following 
not  inelegant  and  certainly  not  parsimonious 
tribute  to  the  heroic  condu>  t  of  Don  .Martin 
and  his  followers:  "Despues  de  noventa  y 
dos  dias  que  sostuvo  este  terrible  cerco,  y  se 
embarco  para  Espaiia,  quedatido  para  siempre 
glorioso  con  los  soldados  que  con  el  se  halla- 
ron.  el!o8  pi>r  aver  sido  tan  obedientes.  y  por 
las  hazafias  que  bizieron,  y  el  por  el  valor  y 


prudencia  con  que  los  govem6:  por  lo  qual 
ea  comparado  li  qualquicra  de  los  mayores  Capi- 
tanes  del  umudo."  Historia  general,  lib.  x. 
cap.  4. 

'"  Cabrera.  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vi.  cap.  18. 
—Herrera,  Hist,  general,  torn.  i.  p.  659,  et 
seq. 

"•  The  affair  of  the  Rio  de  Tetuan  Is  given 
at  length  in  the  despatches  of  Win  Alvaro 
Bazan,  dated  at  Ceuti,  March  10th,  1565. 
The  correspondence  of  this  commander  is  still 
preserved  in  the  family  archivt*  of  the 
raarquls  of  Santa  Cruz,  from  which  the  copies 
in  my  possession  were  talcen. 


MASTERS  OF  RHODES. 


395 


the  East,  of  a  more  formidable  character  than  any  on  the  shores  of  Airica. 
The  object  of  these  pre|»arations  was  not  Spain  itself,  but  Malta.  J^et  tms 
httle  island,  the  bulwark  of  Christendom,  was  so  intnnately  connected  with  the 
fortunes  of  Spain  that  an  account  of  its  memorable  siege  can  hardly  be  deemed 
an  episode  in  the  history  of  Philip  the  Second. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  KNIGHTS  HOSPITALLERS  OF  ST.  JOHN. 

Masters  of  Rhodes— Driven  from  Rhodes-Established  at  Malta— Menaced  by  Solyman- 

La  Valette— His  Preparations  for  Defence. 

1665. 

The  order  of  the  Knights  of  Malta  traces  its  origin  to  a  remote  period,— to  the 
time  of  the  first  crusade,  in  the  eleventh  century  A  rehpous  association  was 
then  formed  in  Palestine,  under  the  title  of  Hospitallers  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist,  the  object  of  which,  as  the  name  imports,  was  to  minister  to  the  wants 
of  the  sick.  There  was  a  good  harvest  of  these  among  the  poor  pilgrims  who 
wandered  from  all  parts  of  Europe  to  the  Holy  Land.  It  was  not  Jong  before 
the  society  assumed  other  duties,  of  a  military  nature,  designed  for  the  defence 
of  the  pilgrim  no  less  than  his  relief ;  and  the  new  society,  under  the  name  of 
the  Knights  Hospitallers  of  St.  John,  besides  the  usual  monastic  vows,  pledged 
themselves  to  defend  the  Holy  Sepulchre  and  to  maintam  perpetual  war  against 

ln"its  liew  form,  so  con.sonant  with  the  spirit  of  the  age,  the  institution 
found  favour  with  the  bold  crusaders,  and  the  accession  of  membei-s  from 
different  parts  of  Christendom  greatly  enlarged  its  power  and  political  conse- 
ouence.  It  soon  rivalled  the  fraternity  of  the  Templars,  and,  like  that  body, 
iSecame  one  of  the  principal  pillars  of  the  throne  of  Jerusalem.  After  the  fall 
of  that  kingdom  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Christians  from  Palestine,  the 
Knicrhts  of  St.  John  remained  a  short  while  in  Cyprus,  when  they  succeeded 
in  con(iuering  Rhodes  from  the  Turks,  and  thus  secured  to  themselves  a 

^^^pTaceTiirtiie^  undisputed  sovereignty  of  this  little  island,  the  Knights  of 
Rhodes,  as  they  were  now  usually  called,  found  themseycs  on  a  new  and  inde- 
pendent theatre  of  action,  where  they  could  display  all  the  resources  of  their 
nstitutions  and  accomplish  their  glorious  destinies.  Thrown  into  the  midst  of 
the  Mussulmans,  on  the  borders  of  the  Ottoman  Empire,  their  sword  was 
never  in  the  scabbard.  Their  galleys  spread  over  the  Levant,  and,  whether 
alone  or  with  the  Venetians,-the  rivals  of  the  Turks  m  those  seas,-thev 
faithfully  fulfilled  their  vow  of  incessant  war  with  the  infidel.  Every  week 
saw  their  victorious  galleys  returning  to  port  with  the  nch  pnzes  taken  from 
the  enemy  ;  and  every  year  the  fraternity  received  fresh  accessions  of  princes 
and  nobles  from  every  part  of  Christendom,  eager  to  obtain  admission  into  so 
illustrious  an  order  Many  of  these  were  pos.sessed  of  large  estates  which,  on 
tSaTniis  01 ,  were  absorbed  in  those  of  the  community.  Their  manors 
scattered  over  Europe,  far  exceeded  in  number  those  of  their  rivals,  the 

•  Hel  vot.  Hist,  des  Ordres  religieux  ot  mill-       Vertot,  History  f  the  Knights  of  Malta  gn^. 
talres  (I'a.is,  1792,  4U)),  tom.  lil.  pp.  74-78.-       trans.,  London,  1728.  M.\  vol.  n.  pp.  18-24. 


396  THE  KNIGHTS  HOSPITALLERS  OF  ST.  JOHN. 

Templars,  in  their  most  palmy  state.'  And  on  the  suppression  of  that  order, 
such  of  its  vast  possessions  as  were  not  seized  by  the  rapacious  pnnces  in 
whose  territories  they  were  lodged  were  sutiered  to  pass  into  the  hands  of  the 
KniL^hts  of  St.  John.  The  comiuanderies  of  the  latter— those  conventual 
establishments  which  faithfully  reriected  the  parent  institution  in  their  disci- 
pline— were  so  prudently  administered  that  a  large  surplus  from  their  revenues 
was  annually  remitted  to  enrich  the  treasury  of  the  Older. 

The  government  of  this  chivalrous  fraternity,  as  provided  by  the  statutes 
which  formed  its  written  constitution,  was  in  its  nature  aristocratical.  At  the 
head  was  the  grand  master,  elected  by  the  knights  from  their  own  body,  and, 
like  the  doge  of  Venice,  holding  his  ottice  for  life,  with  an  authority  scarcely 
larger  than  that  of  this  dignitary.  The  legislative  and  judicial  functions  we^e 
vested  in  councils,  in  which  the  grand  master  enjoyed  no  higher  Privilege  than 
that  of  a  double  vote.  But  his  patronage  was  extensive,  for  he  had  the 
nomination  to  the  most  important  offices,  both  at  home  and  abroad.  Ihe 
variety  and  high-sounding  titles  of  these  offices  may  provoke  a  smile  in  the 
reader,  who  might  fancy  himself  occupied  with  the  concerns  of  a  great  empire, 
rather  than  those  of  a  little  brotherhood  of  monks.  The  grand  ma>1er,  indeed, 
in  his  manner  of  livine,  atiected  the  state  of  a  sovereign  prince.  He  sent  his 
ambassadors  to  the  pnncipal  European  courts ;  and  a  rank  was  conceded  to 
him  next  to  that  of  crowned  heads,— above  that  of  any  ducal  potentate. 

He  was  enabled  to  maintain  this  position  by  the  wealth  which,  from  the 
sources  already  enumerated,  flowed  into  the  exchequer.  Great  sums  were 
spent  in  placing  the  island  in  the  best  state  of  defence,  in  constnictmg  public 
works,  palaces  for  the  grand  master,  and  ample  accommodations  for  the  vanons 
languages,— Q.  technical  term,  denoting  the  classification  of  the  members 
according  to  their  respective  nations ;  finally,  in  the  embellishment  of  the 
capital,  which  vied  in  the  splendour  of  its  architecture  with  the  finest  cities  of 

Christendom.  .  .„  ,     xr  •  w     r  r.u  j     jj 

Yet,  with  this  show  of  pomp  and  magnificence,  the  Knights  of  Rhodes  did 
not  sink  into  the  enervating  luxury  which  was  charged  on  the  lemp  ars,  nor 
did  they  engage  in  those  worldly  ambitious  schemes  which  provoked  the 
jealousy  of  princes  and  brought  ruin  on  that  t>roud  order.  In  prosperity,  as 
in  poverty,  they  were  still  true  to  the  principles  of  their  institution.  Their 
galleys  still  spread  over  the  Levant,  and  came  back  victorious  from  their 
caravans,  as  their  cruises  against  the  Moslems  were  termed.  In  every  enter- 
prise set  on  foot  by  the  Christian  powers  against  the  enemies  of  the  1^  aith,  the 
red  banner  of  St  John,  with  its  eight-pointed  cross  of  white,  was  still  to  be 
seen  glittering  in  the  front  of  battle.  There  is  no  example  of  a  military 
institution  having  religion  for  its  object  which,  under  every  change  of  con- 
dition and  for  so  many  centuries,  maintained  so  mfiexibly  the  purity  of  its 
principles  and  so  conscientiously  devoted  itself  to  the  great  object  for  which  it 

was  created.  .  ,  ,.,    .t   ..  *  xi.   m    i  u 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  a  mighty  power,  like  that  of  the  Turks,  would 
patiently  endure  the  existence  of  a  letty  enemy  on  its  borders,  which,  if  not 
formidable  from  extent  of  population  and  empire,  like  Venice,  was  even  m9re 
annoying  by  its  incessant  hostilities  and  its  depredations  on  the  Turkish 
commerce.    More  than  one  sulUn,  accordingly,  hoi)ing  to  nd  thenipelves  of 


MASTERS  OF  RHODES. 


397 


»  BoisRelin,  on  the  authority  of  Matthew 
Paris,  says  that  in  1224  the  Kniglits  of  St. 
John  had  19,000  manors  in  diCTerent  pans  of 
Europe,  while  the  Templars  bad  but  9o00. 
Ancient  and  Modem  Malta  (London,  1805, 
4to),  vol.  il.  p.  19. 


'  For  an  account  of  the  instltntions  of  the 
order  of  St.  John,  see  Helyot.Ordres  n-lipioux, 
torn.  ii.  p.  58,  et  8.  q.  ;  aUo  the  Old  and  New 
SUtutes,  appended  to  vol.  ii.  of  Ver lot's 
History  of  lUe  Knights  of  Malta. 


the  valour  of  this  little  band  of  Christ  an  chivalry.  .  At  lenrth    in   15^ 

Solyman  L^showed  he  knew  how  to  respect  valour,  though  •"  at,hnst,an  foe^ 
.kr  "C Eto%\  S.^^ffec^inft^'c^L^^^^^^^^^         atrf  extinct, 

Sroo'rkh^cm^ir.  who  nud^f^^^^^^^^ 

SSBiiS^oir^/rtir^^^^^ 

luSher  ex^n^  on  its  account,  but  secured  a  permanent  bulwark  for  the 

P'"lf  wi°  wt*in  toe"enZrto  consent  that  the  gift  should  be  buijJened  w^h 

-  S"lH!Sp=\Ctr„?i^r'a^^^^ 

aS^cilv    a    t^atio*;.  hardly  necessary  with  men  who,  by  their  vows, 

the'b  netlm^f'  Their  hearts  sank  within  them  a.  the^  eges  wand^^^^^^^ 


*  The  original  deed  of  cession,  m  Latin,  ts 
published  by  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol. 

ii.  p.  157.et  seq.  ^      ,_    .,,         tk« 

"  Rhodes,"  from  the  Greek  pobov.     ine 

orijrin  of  the  name  is  referred  by  etymologists 

to  the  great  quantity  of  ^^"^ ^'I'^'^l^^ZeTi^^ 
on  the  island.  The  nan.e  of  Malta  (f«Zifa) 
is  craced  to  the  wild  honey,  ti*-\i,  of  most 
excellent  flavour,  found  among  its  rocKS. 

«  A  recent  traveller,  after  visiting  J  K>th 
Rliwles  and  Malta,  thus  alludes  to  the  change 
In  tlie  relative  condition  f'*"  tb«  ^^*>;«>*"?^ J 
«  We  are  told  that,  when  Lisle  Adam  and 
his  brave  companions  first  landed  on  this 


shore,  their  spirits  sank  within  them  at  the 
contrast  its  dry  and  barren  surface  presented 
to  their  delicious  lost  Rhodes  ;  1  have  quali- 
fied myself  for  adjudging  that  in  most  respects 
the  tables  are  now  turned  between  the  two 
islands,  and  they  certainly  afford  a  very 
decisive  criterion  of  the  T^ults"f  Turkish 
and  Christian  dominion"  The  Earl  ot  Ca^ 
lisle's  Diary  in  Turkish  and  Greek  Waters 
(Boston,  1855),  p.  204  ;-an  unpretending 
v..lume,  which  bears  on  every  page  evidence 
of  the  wise  and  tolerant  spirit,  the  various 
scholarship,  and  the  sensibility  to  the  beauti- 
ful, so  characteristic  of  its  noble  author. 


398 


THE  KNIGHTS  HOSPITALLERS  OF  ST.  JOHN. 


the  soil,  quickened  by  the  ardent  sun  of  Malta,  was  soon  clothed  with  the 
glowing  vegetation  of  the  South.  Still,  it  did  not  raise  the  grain  necessary 
for  the  consumption  of  the  island.  This  was  regularly  imported  from  Sicily, 
and  stored  in  large  pits  or  caverns,  excavated  in  the  rock,  which,  hermetically 
closed,  preserved  their  contents  unimpaired  for  years.  In  a  short  time,  too. 
the  island  bristled  with  fortifications,  which,  combined  with  its  natural 
defences,  enabled  its  garrison  to  defy  the  attacks  of  the  corsair.  To  these 
works  was  added  the  construction  of  suitable  dwellings  for  the  acconnuodation 
of  the  order.  But  it  was  long  after,  and  not  until  the  land  had  been  desolated 
by  the  siege  on  which  we  are  now  to  enter,  that  it  was  crowned  with  the 
stately  edihces  that  eclipsed  those  of  Rhodes  itself,  and  made  Malta  the  pride 
of  the  Mediterranean.^ 

In  their  new  position  the  knights  were  not  very  differently  situated  from 
what  they  had  been  in  the  Levant  They  were  still  encamped  among  the 
infidel,  with  the  watch-fires  of  the  enemy  blazing  around  them.  Again  their 
galleys  sailed  forth  to  battle  with  the  corsairs  and  returned  laden  with  the 
spoils  of  victory.  Still  the  white  cross  of  St.  John  was  to  be  seen  in  the  post 
of  danger.  In  all  the  expeditions  of  Charles  the  Fifth  and  Philip  the  Second 
against  the  Barbary  Moors,  from  the  siege  of  Tunis  to  the  capture  of  Pefion 
de  Velez,  they  bore  a  prominent  part.  With  the  bravery  of  the  soldier  they 
combined  the  skill  of  the  mariner;  and  on  that  disastrous  day  when  the 
Christian  navy  was  scattered  before  Algiers,  the  Maltese  galleys  were  among 
the  few  that  rode  out  the  temf)est.'  It  was  not  long  before  the  name  of  the 
Knights  of  Malta  became  as  formidable  on  the  southern  shores  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean as  that  of  the  Knights  of  Rhodes  had  been  in  the  East 

Occasionally  their  galleys,  sweeping  by  the  mouth  of  the  Adriatic,  passed 
into  the  Levant  and  ho\d\y  encountered  their  old  enemy  on  his  own  seas,  even 
with  otlds  greatly  against  them.'  The  Moors  of  the  Barbary  coast,  smarting 
under  the  Tosses  inflicted  on  them  by  their  indefatigable  foe,  more  than  once 
besought  the  sultan  to  come  to  their  aid  and  avenge  the  insults  ottered  to  his 
religion  on  the  heads  of  the  offenders.  At  this  juncture  occurred  the  capture 
of  a  Turkish  galleon  in  the  Levant.  It  was  a  huge  vessel,  richly  laden,  and 
defended  by  twenty  guns  and  two  hundred  janizaries.  After  a  desperate 
action,  she  was  taken  by  the  Maltese  galleys,  and  borne  off",  a  welcome  prize, 
to  the  island.  She  belonged  to  the  chief  eunuch  of  the  imperial  harem,  some 
of  the  fair  inmates  of  which  were  said  to  have  had  an  interest  in  the  precious 
freight'*    These  persons  now  joined  with  the  Moors  in  the  demand  for  ven- 


'  For  the  account  of  Malta  I  am  much 
Indebted  to  Boisgelin,  "Ancient  and  Modern 
Malta."  This  work  gives  the  most  complete 
view  of  Malta,  both  in  regard  to  the  natural 
history  of  the  island  and  the  military  and 
political  history  of  the  order,  that  is  to  be 
found  in  any  l>ook  with  which  I  am  acquainted. 
It  is  a  large  repository  of  facts  crudely  put 
together,  with  little  to  boast  of  on  the  score  of 
its  literary  execution.  It  is  interesting  as  the 
production  of  a  Knight  of  St.  John,  one  of  the 
unhappy  lew  who  survived  to  witness  the 
treachery  of  his  brethren  and  the  extinction 
of  his  order.  The  la.->t  of  the  line,  he  may 
well  be  pardoned  if,  in  his  survey  of  the 
glorious  past,  he  should  now  and  then  sound 
the  trumpet  of  glorification  somewhat  too 
loudly. 

•  **  The  galleys  of  the  order  alone  resisted 
the  fury  of  the  waves ;  and  when  Charles  the 


Fifth  was  told  that  some  vessels  appeared 
still  to  live  at  seju  he  e.xclaimod,  '  They  must 
indoe<1  be  Maltese  galleys  which  can  outride 
such  a  tempest ! '  The  high  opinion  he  had 
formed  of  this  fleet  was  fully  justified;  for 
the  standard  of  the  order  was  soon  in  sight." 
Boisgelin,  Ancient  and  Modern  Malta,  vol.  ii. 
p.  34. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  61,  et  alibi. 

'"  The  value  of  the  freight  was  estimated 
at  more  than  80,000  ducats:  "Se  estimo  la 
pri'sa  mas  de  ochetita  mil  ducados,  de 
sedas  de  levante,  y  alombras  y  otras  cosas, 
cada  uno  piense  lo  que  se  diria  en  la  corte  del 
Turco,  sobre  la  perdida  desta  nave  tan  pode- 
rosa,  y  tan  rica."  La  verdadera  Relacion  de 
todo  lo  que  el  Afto  de  M.  D.  LXV.  ha  succe- 
dido  en  la  Isla  de  Malta,  por  Francisco  Balbi 
de  Correggio,  en  todo  el  Sitio  Soldado  (Barcer 
lona,  1568),  fol.  19. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  DEFENCE. 


399 


(Tcance  Solyman  shared  in  the  general  indignation  at  the  insult  offered  to 
hmiunderT  walls,  as  it  were,  of  his  own  capital ;  and Jie  resolved  to  sig- 
nalize the  close  of  hi^  reign  by  driving  the  knights  from  xMalta,  as  he  had  the 
ronimencement  of  it  by  driving  them  from  Rhodes.  „      „    •  ^ 

T"iTwTnot  improU^  iU  the  Christian  princes  would  rally  in  support 
of  an  ordeT which  had  fought  so  many  battles  for  Christendom,  Solyman  made 
h  s  piepara^^^^^^^  a  formidable  sc'ale.  Rumours  of  these  Bpread  far  and 
wide  ;  and,  as  their  object  was  unknown,  the  F^f  *  P«^f  ^  9"  the  ^^^^^^^ 
nftan  each  fancying  that  its  own  dominions  might  be  the  point  ot  attacK,  losi 
«^t  m?in  nSc  the  r  coasts  in  a  state  of  defence.  The  king  of  Spam  sent 
SrdSo  hteC^  Sidly  to  equip  such  a  tleet  as  would  secure  the  safety 

""^  M^nwhile'  the  grand  master  of  Malta,  by  means  of  spies  whom  he  secretly 
en^redin  6on^^^^^^^  received  intelligence  of  the  real  purpose  of  the 

exoedition  The  post  of  grand  master,  at  this  time,  was  held  by  Jean  Parisot 
de  VvXtte  a  man  whose  extraordinary  character,  no  less  than  the  circum- 
stances  n  which  he  was  placed,  has  secured  him  an  imperishable  name  on 
the  oa^  of  S  He  wa.s  of  an  ancient  family  from  tW  futh  of  France^ 
bdnl  ff  tLlaZla,e  of  Provence.  He  was  now  in  the  sixtj-ei^^^^^^ 
hS  a<Te"  In  his  youth  he  had  witnessed  the  memorable  siege  of  Khojes 
Lnd  had  nassed  successively  through  every  post  in  the  order,  from  the  humblest 
to  the  h"  Xch  he  now  occupied.'  With  large  experience  he  combined 
Tsngmla?  dtc'retl^n,and  an  intiex'ible  spirit  founded  on  en  ^re  devotj^^^^^ 

the  g?eat  cause  in  which  he  wa„s  engaged.  It  ^'^\ t^^^Ztfthat  as^^^^^^ 
devotion  which,  in  part  at  least,  mayliave  given  La  Valette  that  ascendency 
over  the  minds  of  his  brethren  which  was  so  important  ^t.acnsis  like  the 
nresent  It  may  have  been  the  anticipation  of  such  a  crisis  that  led  to  his 
Kn  as  grH  master  in  1557,  when  the  darkness  commg  over  the  waters 
showed  the  necessity  of  an  experienced  Piot  to  weather  the  stornL 

No  sooner  had  the  grand  master  learne<l  the  true  destmatio^^^^^^^      Turkish 
armament  than  he  sent  his  emissaries  to  the  different  C^^^^^^^        ^o^e^, 
soliciting  aid  for  the  order  in  ^ts  extremity.    He  summo^^^^^^^^ 
absent  in  foreign  lands  to  return  to  Malta  and  ta,ke  part  w  th  tneir  oreinren 

toilsome  diudgery ;  and  the  pand  master  d.d  "»*  disdain  to  labouyvith  the 
hiunblest  of  his  followers.  He  not  only  directed,  but  as  hands  were  wame^^ 
he  set  the  example  of  carrying  his  own  "■•de'f^'"*"*?^^'''"":  .^^'f^ing 

•^'wS'thus  employed,  La  Valette  received  a  y-t  from  the  Sicilian  y too^ 
Don  Garcia  de  Toledo,  the  conqueror  of  Penon  de  Velez.     He  came,  oy 

"  Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  17. 


i 


i 


400 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


Philip's  orders,  to  concert  with  the  grand  master  the  best  means  of  defence. 
He  assured  the  latter  that  so  soon  as  he  had  assembled  a  tieet  he  would  come 
to  his  relief ;  and  he  left  his  natural  son  with  him,  to  learn  the  art  of  war 
under  so  experienced  a  commander.  La  Valette  was  comforted  by  the  vice- 
roy's promises  of  succour.  But  he  well  knew  that  it  was  not  to  the  promises 
of  others  he  was  to  trust,  in  his  present  exigency,  but  to  his  own  ellorts  and 
those  of  his  brave  companions.  ,  ,       ,  ^      ^  -a 

The  knights,  in  obedience  to  his  call,  had  for  the  most  part  now  amved, 
each  bringing  with  him  a  number  of  servants  and  other  followers,  borne  tew 
of  the  more  aged  and  intirm  remained  behind  ;  but  this  not  so  much  from 
infirmity  and  age  as  from  the  importance  of  having  some  of  its  members  to 
watch  over  the  interests  of  the  community  at  foreign  courts.  La  Valette  was 
touched  by  the  alacrity  with  which  his  brethren  repaired  to  their  posts,  to 
stiind  by  their  order  hi  the  dark  hour  of  its  fortunes.  He  tenderly  embraced 
them ;  and  soon  afterwards,  calling  them  together,  he  discoursed  with  tiieni 
on  the  perilous  position  in  which  they  stood,  with  the  whole  strength  of  the 
Moorish  and  Turkish  empires  mustering  against  them.  "It  was  the  great 
battle  of  the  Cross  and  the  Koran,"  he  said,  "  that  was  now  to  be  fought. 
They  were  the  chosen  soldiers  of  the  Cross  ;  and,  if  Heaven  required  the 
sacrifice  of  their  lives,  there  could  be  no  better  time  than  this  glorious  occa- 
sion" The  grand  master  then  led  the  way  to  the  chapel  of  the  convent, 
where  he  and  his  brethren,  after  devoutly  confessing,  partook  of  the  sacra- 
ment, and,  at  the  foot  of  the  altar,  solemnly  renewed  their  vows  to  defend  the 
Church  against  the  infidel.  With  minds  exalted  by  these  spiritual  exercises, 
all  worldly  interests  seemed  from  that  moment,  says  their  historian,  to  lose  tlieir 
hold  on  their  affections.  They  stood  like  a  company  of  martyrs,— the  forlorn 
hope  of  Christendom,  prepared,  as  their  chief  had  said,  to  offer  up  their  lives 
a  sacrifice  to  the  great  cause  in  which  they  were  enpged.  Such  were  the 
feelings  with  which  La  Valette  and  his  companions,  having  completed  their 
preparations,  now  calmly  awaited  the  coming  of  the  enemy.' 


CHAPTER  III. 

SIEGE   OP   MALTA. 

Condition  of  Malta— Arrival  of  the  Turks— They  reconnoitre  the  Island -Siege  of  St.  Elmo— 

Ita  Heroic  Defence— Its  Fall. 

1565. 

Before  entering  on  the  particulars  of  this  memorable  siege,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary  to  make  the  reader  somewhat  acquainted  with  the  country  which  was 
the  scene  of  operations.  The  island  of  Malta  is  about  seventeen  miles  long 
and  nine  broad.  At  the  time  of  the  siege  it  contained  some  twelve  thousaiid 
inhabitants,  exclusive  of  the  members  of  the  order.  They  were  gathered,  for 
the  most  part,  into  wretched  towns  and  villages,  the  principal  one  of  which 
was  defended  by  a  wall  of  some  strength,  and  was  dignified  with  the  title  of 


"  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
192-195. — Sagredo,  Monarcas  Othouianos,  p. 
244.— Balbi,  Verdadtra  Uelaclon,  lol.  26,  et 
seq.— U'isgelin,  Aiuieiit  and  Modem  Malta, 


vol.  ii.  pp.  71-73.— l)e  Thou,  Hist,  univer- 
selle,  torn.  v.  pp.  61-53. — J.  M.  Calderon  de 
la  Barca.  Gloiiosa  Df fensa  de  .Vlalta  (Madrid, 
1796),  p.  2!J. 


^ 


I    T 


I'     I 


^   ^   ■«  ^  JT  ^  ^ 


I 


I 


*"— -^  JUST  "* 


u 


CONDITION  OF  THE  ISLAND. 


401 


I 


Civita  Notable,—"  Illustrious  City."  As  it  was  situated  m  the  interior,  near 
the  centre  of  the  island,  the  knights  did  not  take  up  their  residence  there  but 
preferred  the  north-eastern  part  of  Malta,  looking  towards  Sicily  and  attording 
a  commodious  harbour  for  their  galleys. 

The  formation  of  the  land  in  this  quarter  is  very  remarkable.  A  narrow 
rocky  promontory  stretches  out  into  the  Mediterranean,  dividing  its  waters 
into  two  small  gulfs,— that  on  the  west  being  called  Marza  Mimette,  or  Port 
Musiette,  and  that  towards  the  east,  which  now  bears  the  name  9!  Valetta 
harbour,  being  then  known  as  the  Great  Port.  The  extreme  point  of  the 
promontory  was  crowned  by  the  castle  of  St.  Elmo,  built  by  the  order,  soon 
after  its  arrival  in  the  island,  on  the  spot  which  commanded  the  entrance  into 
both  harbours.  It  was  a  fortress  of  considerable  strength,  for  which  it  was 
chiefly  indebted  to  its  position.  Planted  on  the  solid  rock,  and  washed,  for 
the  LTcater  part  of  its  circuit,  by  the  waters  of  the  Mediterranean,  it  needed 
no  other  defence  on  that  quarter.  But  towards  the  land  it  was  more  open  to 
an  enemy  ;  and,  though  protected  by  a  dry  ditch  and  a  counterscarp,  it  was 
thought  necessary  to  secure  it  still  further  by  means  of  a  ravelin  on  the  south- 
west, which  La  Valette  had  scarcely  completed  before  the  arrival  of  the 

Turks 

Port  Musiette,  on  the  west,  is  that  in  which  vessels  now  perform  quaran- 
tine  The  Great  Port  was  the  most  important ;  for  round  that  was  gathered 
the  'little  community  of  knights.  Its  entrance,  which  is  not  more  than  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  in  width,  is  commanded  by  two  headlands,  one  of  them 
crested,  as  above  mentioned,  by  the  fort  of  St.  Elmo  The  .length  of  the 
harbour  may  be  nearly  two  miles ;  and  the  water  is  of  sufticient  depth  for 
ships  of  the  greatest  burden  to  ride  there  in  security,  sheltered  withm  the 
encircling  arms  of  the  coast  from  the  storms  of  the  Mediterranean. 

From  the  eastern  side  of  this  ba^^in  shoot  out  two  projecting  headlands, 
forming  smaller  harbours  within  the  Great  Port  The  most  northerly  of  these 
s?rip  of  land  was  defended  by  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  round  which  clustered 
a  ittle  town  called  by  way  of  eminence  II  Borgo,  "  The  Burgh,"-now  more 
pi^M^^^^^^  City."    It  was  here  that  the  order  t(K>k  up  its 

Sence,-the  grand  masters  estabhshing  theniselves  m  the  cattle  ;  and 
great  pains  were  taken  to  put  the  latter  in  a  good  state  of  defence,  while  the 
town  ^W5  protected  by  a  wall.  On  the  parallel  strip  of  land,  known  as  the 
island  of  £a  Sangle,  from  a  grand  n,aster  of  that  name,  stood  a  fort,  called 
the  ort  of  St.  Michael,  with  a^traggling  population  gather^  around  it  now 
luisiW  enVploy^^  in  strengthening  the  defences.  Between  the  two  headlands 
lav  the  Port  of  Galleys,  serving,  as  its  name  imports,  as  a  haven  for  the  little 
S^y  of  the  order  Wis  port  wa.  made  more  secure  bv  an  /ron  chain  drawn 
across  ts  entrance,  from  tVe  extreme  point  of  one  headland  to  the  oU^er.    ^ 

Si^ch  were  ^^^^  constructed  by  the  knights  in  the  bnef  Pen^  dunng 

which  they  had  occupied  the  island.  They  were  so  far  imperfect  that  many 
r  commanding  eminence,  which  the  security  of  the  country  required  to  be 
stronXfor  nfed^  still  remained  as  naked  and  exposed  as  at  the  time  of  their 
arrwil  This  imperfect  state  of  its  defences  presented  a  strong  contrast  to 
?^ieDresent  condition  of  Malta,  bristling  all  over  with  fortifications  which 
seeniTform Tart  of  the  living  rack  out  of  which  they  spring,  and  which,  in 
the  hands  of  a  power  that  hoTds  possession  of  the  sea,  might  bid  defiance  to 

*^The 'whole  force  which  La  Valette  could  muster  in  defence  of  the  island 
amountTd  to  aS  nine  thousand  men.  This  included  seven  hundred  knights^ 
of  whom  abouVsix  hundred  had  already  arrived.    The  remainder  were  on 

2  D 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  TURKS. 


403 


402 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA 


their  way,  and  joined  him  at  a  later  period  of  the  siege  Between  tjiree  and 
four  thousand  were  Maltese,  irregularly  trained,  Mit  who  had  already  gamed 
some  experience  of  war  in  their  contests  with  the  Barbary  corsairs  Ihe  re^t 
of  the  army,  with  the  exception  of  five  hundred  gal  ey -slaves,  already  noticed, 
and  the  personal  followers  of  the  kni^^hts,  was  made  up  of  levies  from  Spain 
and  Italy,  who  had  come  over  to  aid  in  the  defence.  The  useless  part  ot  the 
population- the  infirm  and  the  aged-had  for  the  mos;t  part  been  shipped  oft 
to  Sicily.  There  still  remained,  however,  numbers  of  women  and  children ; 
and  the  former,  displaying  the  heroic  constancy  which  in  times  of  trouble  so 
often  distinguishes  the  sex,  did  good  service  during  the  siege,  by  tending  the 
sick  and  by  cheering  the  flagging  spirits  of  the  soldier. 

This  Httle  army  La  Valette  distributed  on  the  several  stations,  assigning 
each  to  some  one  of  the  langmiges,  or  nations,  that  the  spirit  of  emulation 
might  work  its  effects  on  the  chivalry  of  the  order.  The  castle  of  bt.  ii^lnio 
was  the  point  of  first  importance.  It  covered  so  contracted  a  piece  of  ground 
that  it  scarcely  afforded  accommodation  for  a  thousand  men ;  and  not  more 
than  eight  hundred  were  shut  up  within  its  walls  at  the  commencement  of  the 
siege'  Its  dimensions  did  not  admit  of  its  being  provided  with  magazines 
capable  of  holding  any  large  quantity  of  provisions  or  military  stores,  for 
which  it  was  unfortunately  obliged  to  rely  on  its  communication  with  H  i^orgo, 
the  town  across  the  harbour.  The  masonry  of  the  f9rt  was  not  m  the  best 
repute  :  though  the  works  were  fined  with  at  least  thirty  pieces  of  artillery, 
looking  chiefly  towards  the  land.  Its  garrison,  which  usually  amounted  to 
sixty  soldiers,  was  under  the  command  of  an  aged  knight,  nanied  De  Broglio. 
The  grand  master  reinforced  this  body  with  sixty  knights  under  the  bailitt  of 
Negropont,  a  veteran  hi  whose  well-tried  valour  La  Valette  p  aced  entire  con- 
fidence. He  was  strengthened  by  two  companies  of  foreign  levies,  under  the 
command  of  a  Spanish  cavalier  named  La  Cerda.' 

Various  other  points  were  held  by  small  detachments,  with  some  one  of  the 
order  at  the  head  of  each.  But  the  strength  of  the  force,  including  nearly  all 
the  remainder  of  the  knights,  was  posted  in  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo  and  in 
the  town  at  its  base.  Here  La  Valette  took  his  own  station,  as  the  spot 
which  by  its  central  position  would  enable  him  to  watch  over  the  interests  ot 
the  whole.  All  was  bustle  in  this  quarter,  as  the  people  were  busily  employed 
in  strengthening  the  defences  of  the  town,  and  in  razing  buildings  in  the 
suburbs,  which  the  grand  master  feared  might  afford  a  lodgnient  to  the 
enemy.  In  this  work  their  labours  were  aided  by  a  thousand  slaves,  taken 
from  the  prison,  and  chained  together  in  couples.*  m    , .  x.  n    . 

On  the  morning  of  the  eighteenth  of  May,  1565,  the  Turkish  fleet  was 
descried  by  the  sentinels  of  St.  Elmo  and  St.  Angelo,  about  thirty  miles  to 
the  eastward,  standing  directly  for  Malta.  A  gun,  the  signal  agreed  on,  was 
fired  from  each  of  the  forts,  to  warn  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  to  with- 
draw into  their  villages.    The  fleet  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  thirty  royal 


'  Vertot,  KniRhte  of  Malta,  vol.  ii.  p.  197. 
— Balbi,  Verdadcra  Relacion,  fol.  28.— The 
latter  chronicler,  who  gives  a  catalogue  of 
the  forces,  makes  the  total  amount  of  fighting- 
men  not  exceed  Pix  thousand  one  hundreil. 
He  speaks,  however,  of  an  indefinite  number 
besides  these,  including  a  thousand  slaves, 
who  in  various  ways  contributed  to  the  de- 
fence of  the  island. 

"  "  De  motlo  que  quado  los  turcos  llegaron 
Bubre  sant  Ermo,  hauia  ochocientos  horn  b  res 


dcntro  para  pelear."  Balbi,  Verdadera  Rela- 
cion, fol.  37. 

'  Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  31  — 
Vertot,  Knights  of  Malu,  vol.  il.  p.  19H. 

*  "  En  este  tiempo  ya  todoe  los  esclauos 
assi  de  sant  Juan  como  de  particulares  es- 
tauan  en  la  carcel,  que  seria  bien  mil  esclauos. 
Y  quando  los  sacauan  a  trabajar  a  las  postas 
adonde  se  trabajaua,  los  sacauan  de  do«  en 
dos.  asidos  de  vna  cadena."  Balbi,  Verdadera 
Relacion,  fol.  37. 


i 


} 


i  I 


I 


h' 


galleys,  with  fifty  of  lesser  size,  bes  des  a  number  ^^  ^^^^f^^tg^^^^^^^^ 
^nnon,  ammunition,  and  other  militory  stores.*     ^h^  bieaching-arti^^^^^^^ 
consisted  of  sixty-three  guns,  the  smallest  ^^.^^Jf^^,.^^;^^^^^^^^ 
pounds,  and  some  few,  termed  basdicas,  carried  »f  >J>^^,i\""^f  .?;/^^^^^^^ 
Snd  twelve  pounds'  w'eight.'    The  Turks  .were  celebrated  for  t^^  eno  m^^^^^ 
calibre  of  their  guns,  from  a  very  eariy  Period  ;  and  they  con^^^^^^^^         en^pioy 
those  pieces  loni  after  they  had  given  way,  m  the  rest  of  Europe,  to  cannon 
of  more  moderate  and  manageable  dimensions.  TT,«rinprs  andinclud- 

The  number  of  soldiers  on  board,  independently  o  the  manners,^^^^^^ 
ing  six  thousand  janizaries,  was  about  thirty  thousand,-^^^^  the 

Ottoman  army.^    T:heir  appointments  were  on  the  most  F^^^^^^^ 
everything  was  provided  requisite  for  the  P^se^^f^^^^^^l^^Jt^lff^^^^^ 
prol^bly,  had  there  been  seen  so  magnificent  an  arnianient  "  /J^;^^^^^^^^^ 

?he  Me&terranean.    It  was  evident  thj*.  ««lyP?"  J^  but  v^hich  h^^^^^ 
nation  of  the  order  which  he  had  once  driven  l^^^f/^^^^' ^^^^^^ 
renewed  its  strength  and  become  the  most  "a,b  «  e^^^^^^       One  of  these, 
The  command  of  the  expedition  was  intrusted  to  two  otticers.  ^J^^^i  ine^^ 

mon,  which  excited  the  Housy  "^^f  ^^^^ho^X^utaatdSruK^e  I 
similar  strain  of  defiance  to  thf  ,<>*  ti'LtT'h^  sallied  from  the  town  at  the 


'  Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  23-  ^  , 
•  Ibid.,  fol.  'il.-Vertoi  says,  of  a  hun^^^d 
and  sixty  pounds'  weight  (Knights  ot  Mai  a, 
vol.  ii.  p.  ^02).  Yet  even  this  was  far  sur- 
passed bv  the  mammoth  cannon  employed 
Ry  Mahomet  at  the  siege  of  Constantmople.  in 
the  preceding  century,  which,  according  to 
Gibbbn,  threw  stone  bullets  of  six  hundred 


'  Balbi.  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  26.— The 
old  soldier  goes  into  the  composition  of  the 
Turkish  force,  in  the  general  estimate  of 
which  he  does  not  differ  widely  from  VertoU 

•  Ibid.,  fol.  34. 

•  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


404  SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 

as  the  fierce  war-cries  which  the  Turks  raised  in  battle.     But  the  advantages 

■  Z}  if,  f  Lir^ki'rmishcs  did  not  conipen.sate  the  losses,  however  hght,  on  the 

^^'fnf     .1  (Trist  an^^^^^  and  a  number  of  the  comnion 

Sfhadll^en'Khe^g^^^^^^^^^^^        order'ed  his  followei.  to  remain  qmetly 

^  U  wi'^cK  council  of  war,  to  begin  operations  with  the 

sii4Tthe  Se  of  St.  Elmo,  as  the  possession  of  this  place  was  necessary  to 
^Pnire  a  safe  harb^^  the  Turkish  tieet.  On  the  twenty-fourth  of  May  the 
SSes  were  oS  that  can  be  said  where,  from  the  rocky,  mipene- 
tmble  natTrrof  U^^^^  no  trenches  could  be  dug,  and  the  besiegers  were 

oW  m^^^^^  behind  a  breastwork  formed  of  planks,  having  tlie 

smclbS^^^^^  filled  with  earth   brought  f[oni  a  (fistance    and  held 

WerherXltraw  and  rushes.  At  certain  intervals  Mustapha  indicated  the 
Sffor  batter  es  The  principal  of  these  was  a  battery  where  ten  guns  ^v-ere 
Lonted  senile  of  i^^^^^^^^^^  the  largest  calibre  ;  and  although  artillery-practice 
wrvery  r«  what  it  it  in  our  times,  with  so  much  greater  ex pe - 

riSce  aUmoiTmanageaW^  engines,  yet  masonry  stronger  than  that  of  fet. 
ECmight  well  hive  Crumbled  tmder  the  masses  of  stone  and  iron  that  were 

""X^'htiTs^b'^^^^^^  to  give  way,  it  seemed  clear  that  the  garrison  must  rely 
mo^e  on  tS  owif  ^^^^^^      than  on  that  of  their  defences.    It  was  resolvea, 
fhPrefore  tosend  to  the  grand  master  and  request  reinforcements     The  Che- 
valier del^^^^^^  ^vith  the  mission.     Crossing  over  to  II  Borgo 
hf  presented  himself  before  U  Valette  and  insisted  on  the  necejty  of  f^^^ 
Runnort  if  the  fort  was  to  be  maintained  against  the  mtidel.     ine  grana 
mrsteriisteied,  wTth Idispleasure  which  he  could  not  conceal,  to  this  apphca- 
ZTi^'^T:okrly  in  the' siege,  especially  as  it  was  made  "^  the  P^^^^^^^^^^ 
many  of  the  knights,  who  in  glit  well  be  disheartened  by  it.     He  coldly  askea 
I^  toda  wha  loss  t^  garrison  had  suffered.    The  kni^dit,  evading  the  ques- 
iSn  repMlhl?  St.  Elmo  was  in  the  condition  of  ^^^^cV^  vl'ttT^^'and 
the  kid  of  the  physician.     "  I  will  be  the  physician,' said  U  Palette,    and 
will  bring  such  ai^  that,  if  I  cannot  cure  your  fears,  I  may  at  least  houe  to 
Ive  the  place  from  fall  ng  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy."    So  impressed  was 
?e  with  tKi  Xuince  of  maintaining  this  post  to  tte  last  extienuty,  if  it 
were  only^  gain  time  for  the  Sicilian  succours,  that  he  was  preimred,  as  he 
lid!  to  tWhimself  into  the  fortress,  and,  if  need  were,  to  bury  himself  m 

'%7om  this  desperate  resolution  he  was  dissuaded  by  the  unanimous  voice  of 
thfknS  w^^^^  that  it  was  not  the  duty  of  the  com- 

mand^ chief  to  expose  himself  like  a  common  soldier  and  take  his  place  in 
SfSrn  hope.  The  gra^^  master  saw  the  justice  o  these  remonstrances ; 
and  ci  tl^L  kmghts  contended  with  one  another  for  the  honour  of  assuming 
the  pSt  of  danler,  he  allowed  fifty  of  the  order,  together  with  two  companies 
of  soldiers  to  return  with  La  Cerda  to  the  fort.  The  reinforcement  was  placed 
mider  =^^  the  Chevalier  de  Medrano  a  p"ant  s^^^^^^^^  Z"^,^e'lhe 
<;tancv  and  courage  La  Valette  knew  he  could  rely.  Before  his  departure,  tne 
sSrofX  force  was  increased  by  the  arrfval  of  several  knights  from 
Slcilfwhoo  grand  master's  leave  to  ^^are  the  fo^f 

brethren  in  St.  Elmo.  The  troops  were  sent  across  the  harbour,  together 
^th  supplies  of  food  and  ammunirbn  in  open  boats,  under  co^^^r^^^^  a  heavy 
fire  from  the  guns  of  St.  Angelo.  A  shot  happened  to  fall  on  a  stone  near  the 
trenches  in  which  Piali,  the  Turkish  admiral,  was  standing  and,  a  splinter 
Sing  him  on  the  head,  he  was  severely,  though  not  mortally,  wounded.  La 


HEROIC  DEFENCE  OF  ST.  ELMO. 


405 


Valette  took  advantage  of  the  confusion  created  by  this  incident  to  despatch  a 
galley  to  Sicily,  to  quicken  the  operations  of  the  viceroy  and  obtain  from  him 
the  promised  succours.  To  this  Don  Garcia  de  Toledo  replied  by  an  assurance 
that  he  should  come  to  his  relief  by  the  middle  of  June  » 

It  was  now  the  beginning  of  that  month.  Scarcely  had  Medrano  entered 
St.  Elmo  when  he  headed  a  sally  against  the  Turks,  slew  many  m  the  trenches, 
and  put  the  remainder  to  flight.  But  they  soon  returned  in  such  overwhelm- 
ing force  as  compelled  the  CTiristians  to  retreat  and  take  refuge  withm  their 
works.  Unfortunately,  the  smoke  of  the  musketry,  borne  along  bj  a  southeriy 
breeze,  drifted  in  the  direction  of  the  castle  ;  and  under  cover  of  it  the  Turks 
succeeded  in  getting  possession  of  the  counterscarp.  As  the  smoke  cleared 
away,  the  garrison  were  greatly  dismayed  at  seeing  the  Moslem  standard 
planted  on  their  own  defences.  It  was  in  vain  they  made  every  effort  to 
recover  them.  The  assailants,  speedily  intrenching  themselves  behind  a 
.  parapet  formed  of  gabions,  fascines,  and  wool- sacks,  established  a  permanent 

lodtrment  on  the  counterscai-p.  ,    ,.    ,  .        i   ^  xu   ^„,,«i;„ 

From  this  point  they  kept  up  a  lively  discharge  of  musketry  on  the  ravelin, 
killing  such  of  its  defenders  as  ventured  to  show  themselves.  An  untoward 
event  soon  put  them  in  possession  of  the  ravelin  itself.  A  Turkish  engineer, 
reconnoitring  that  outwork  from  the  counterscarp,  is  said  to  have  perceived  a 
sentinel  asleep  on  his  post.  He  gave  notice  to  his  countrymen  ;  and  a  party 
of  janizaries  succeeded,  by  means  of  their  ladders,  m  scahng  the  walls  of  the 
ravelin.  The  guard,  th6ugh  few  in  number  and  taken  by  surprise,  still 
endeavoured  to  maintain  the  place.  A  sharp  skirmish  ensued.  But  the 
Turks,  speedily  reinforced  by  their  comrades,  who  flocked  to  their  support, 
overpowered  the  Christians  and  forced  them  to  give  way.  Some  few  succeeded 
in  effecting  their  retreat  into  the  castle  The  janizanes  followed  dose  on  the 
fugitives.  For  a  moment  it  seemed  as  if  Moslem  and  Chnstian  would  both  be 
hu?ried  along  by  the  tide  of  battle  into  the  fort  itself.  But  fortunately  the 
bailiff  of  Negropont,  Medrano,  and  some  other  cavaliers,  heading  then-  fol- 
lowers, threw  themselves  on  the  enemy  and  checked  the  pursmt.  A  desperate 
struggle  ensued,  in  which  science  was  of  no  avad,  and  victory  yaited  on  the 
strongest.  In  the  end  the  janizaries  were  forced  to  retreat  m  their  turn. 
Every  i^^^^  of  ground  was  contested  ;  until  the  Turks,  pressed  hard  by  their 
Earies,  felfback  into  the  ravelin,  where  with  the  aid  of  their  commdes 
they  made  a  resolute  stand  against  the  Christians.  Two  ^nnon  of  the 
fortress  were  now  brought  te  bear  on  the  outwork.  But  though  th^eir  vf « 
told  with  murderous  eftect,  the  Turks  threw  themselves  ^"to  tlie  midst  of  the 
fire  and  feariessly  toiled,  until,  by  means  of  gabions,  sand-bags,  and  other 
materLls  Uiey  had  built  up  a  parapet  which  secured  them  from  annoyance. 
Tl  Sher  co'ntes?  was  reifder^d  uLless  ;  and  the  knights,  abanto^^^^^^^  this 
important  outwork  to  the  assailants,  sullenly  withdrew  into  the  fortress 

While  this  was  going  on,  a  fresh  body  of  Turks   bursting  mto  the  ditch 
through  a  breach  In  tie  ciunterscaip,  endeavoured  to  carry  the  fortress  by 


»»  Balbi,  Verdftdera  Rolacion,  fol.  37,  et 
seq.— Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  li.  pp. 
200-202. —Calderon,  Gloriosa  Defensa  de 
Malta,  p.  42. -Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib. 

vl.  cap.  24.  .  .      «.  .  u 

"  In  Vertot's  account  of  this  affair,  much 
Is  said  of  a  nondescript  outwork,  termed  a 
caraher,— conveying  a  different  idea  from 
what  is  uiidersUMid  by  that  word  m  mo«1ern 
fortifications.     It  stood  without  the  walls, 


and  was  connected  with  the  ravelin  by  a 
bridge,  the  pos8e8^ion  of  which  was  hotly 
conUPted  by  the  combatants.  Balbi,  the 
Spanish  soldier,  so  often  quoted,— one  of 
thf  actors  in  the  siege,  though  stationed  at  the 
fort  of  St.  Michael,— speaks  of  the  fight  as 
carried  on  in  the  ditch.  His  account  has  the 
merit  of  being  at  once  the  briefest  J.nd  the 
most  intelligible. 


406 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


escalade.  Fortunately,  their  ladders  were  too  short ;  and  the  gamson,  plying 
them  with  volleys  of  musketry,  poured  down  at  the  same  time  such  a  torrent 
of  missiles  on  their  heads  as  soon  strewed  the  ditch  with  mangled  hmbs  and 
carcasses.  At  this  moment  a  party,  sallying  from  the  fort,  fell  on  the  enemy 
with  great  slaughter,  and  drove  them— such  as  were  ni  condition  to  fly— back 

into  their  trenches.  •.    ^  i    ^  j  i 

The  eno-agement,  brought  on,  as  we  have  seen,  by  accident,  lasted  several 
hours  'fhe  loss  of  the  Turks  greatly  exceeded  that  of  the  garrison,  which 
amounted  to  less  tlian  a  hundred  men,  twenty  of  whom  were  membei-s  of  the 
order  But  the  greatest  loss  of  the  besieged  was  that  of  the  counterscarp  and 
ravelin.  Thus  shorn  of  its  outworks,  the  castle  of  St.  Elmo  stood  hke  some 
bare 'arid  solitary  trunk  exposed  to  all  the  fury  of  the  tempest." 

The  loss  of  the  ravelin  gave  the  deepest  concern  to  La  Valette,  which  was  not 
miti'^ated  by  the  consideration  that  it  was  to  be  charged,  in  part  at  least,  on 
the  negligence  of  its  defenders.  It  made  him  the  more  soUcitous  to  provide  for 
the  security  of  the  castle  ;  and  he  sent  his  boats  over  to  remove  the  wounded 
and  replace  them  by  an  equal  number  of  able-bodied  knights  and  soldiers.  It 
was  his  intention  that  the  garrison  should  not  be  encumt)ered  with  any  who 
were  unable  to  assist  in  the  defence.  Among  the  new  recruits  was  the  }-'heva- 
lier  de  Miranda,— one  of  the  most  illustrious  members  of  the  order,  who  had 
lately  arrived  from  Sicily,— a  soldier  whose  personal  authority,  combined  with 
great  military  knowledge,  proved  eminently  useful  to  the  garrison. 

The  loss  which  the  besiegers  had  sustained  in  the  late  encounter  was  more 
than  counterbalanced  by  the  arrival,  at  this  time,  of  Dragut,  the  famous  paslia 
of  Tripoli,  with  thirteen  Moorish  galleys.  He  was  welcomed  by  salvos  of 
artillery  and  the  general  rejoicing  of  the  army ;  and  this  not  so  much  on 
account  of  the  reinforcement  which  he  orought— the  waut  of  which  was  not 
then  felt— as  of  his  reputation  ;  for  he  was  no  less  celebrated  as  an  engineer 
than  as  a  naval  commander.  The  sultan,  who  had  the  highest  opinion  of  his 
merits,  had  ordered  his  generals  to  show  him  the  greatest  deference ;  and 
they  at  once  advised  with  him  as  to  the  best  means  of  prosecuting  the  siege. 
The  effect  of  his  counsel  was  soon  seen  in  the  more  judicious  and  ethcient 
measures  that  were  adopted.  A  battery  of  four  culverins  was  established  on 
the  western  headland  commanding  the  entrance  of  Port  Musiette.  It  was 
designed  to  operate  on  the  western  flank  of  the  fortress ;  and  the  point  of 
land  on  which  it  stood  is  still  known  bv  the  name  of  the  redoubtable  corsair. 

Another  battery,  much  more  formidable  from  the  number  and  size  of  the 
pieces,  was  raised  on  an  eminence  to  the  south  of  St.  Elmo,  and  played  both 
upon  that  fort  and  upon  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo.  The  counterscarp  of  the 
former  fortress  was  shaved  away,  so  as  to  allow  a  free  range  to  the  artillery  of 
the  besiegers  ;  "  and  two  cannon  were  planted  on  the  ravelin,  which  directed 
a  searching  fire  on  the  interior  of  the  fortress,  compelling  the  garrison  to 
shelter  themselves  behind  retrenchments  constructed  under  the  direction  of 
IVTirftnda  ''* 

The  artillery  of  the  Turks  now  opened  with  dreadful  effect,  as  they  concen- 
trated their  fire  on  the  naked  walls  of  St.  Elmo.  No  m  isonry  could  long 
withstand  the  tempest  of  iron  and  ponderous  marble  shot  which  was  hurled 


"  Balbl,  Verdadera  Relaclon,  fol.  40,  41.— 
Vertot,  Knights  of  Malra,  vol.  il.  pp.  203- 
205.— Calderon,  Gloriosa  Defensa  de  Malta, 
p.  48.  et  seq. — Sagredo.  Monarcas  Othomanos, 
p.  245.— Cabrera,  FiUpe  Segundo,  lib.  vl. 
cap  24.--H  rrera,  Historia  g  aeral,  lib.  xii. 
cap.  4. 


"  Balbi,  Verdadera  Uelacinn,  fol.  39. 

'*  Ibid.,  fol.  39-42.— Cilderon,  GlorioRA 
Defensa  de  Malta,  p.  46— f>e  f'hou.  Hint, 
universelle,  torn.  v.  p.  58.— Vertot,  Knights 
of  .MalU,  vol.  ii.  p.  204.— Miniaaa,  Hist,  de 
Eepafid,  p.  350. 


HEROIC  DEFENCE  OF  ST.  ELMO. 


407 


from  the  dffantic  engines  of  the  besiegers.    Fragments  of  the  wall  feU  off 
is7it  hlf  ^en  L'de^of  nlaster  •  and  It.  Elmo  tremWf^^^^^^^^^ 
iinHpr  the  thuaders  of  the  terrible  ordnance.     The  heart  ol  the  stoutest 
warrk.r  might  TeUhav^  faltered  as  he  saw  the  rente  each  day  g^ """W  "'^«f 
Ld  widerfas  if  gaping  to  give  entrance  to  the  fierce  multitude  that  was 

""inllf  extreX with  the  garrison  wasted  bv  the  constant  firing  of  the 
enemy  worn  down  by  excessive  toil,  many  of  the  knighte  wounded,  aU  of  them 
harL4.1  by  long-protracted  vigils,  it  was  natural  tliat  the  greater  part  should 
&ey  Sd  Sail  that  d.Tty' required  of  them,  aud  that  wjthout  lo^  of 
hnnnVir  thpv  mi.'ht  retire  from  a  post  that  was  no  longer  tenable,     ihey 

LTdin^'reK  t^  apply  to  the'graud  master  to^d^^^Xrwhom 
transport  them  and  the  rest  of  the  gamson  to  II  Boreo.  itie  Person  wnora 
they  chLe  for  the  mission  was  tie  Chevalier  de  Medrano,  who,  as  Ia 
Valette  would  know,  was  not  likely  to  exaggerate  the  difticulties  of  their 

'' M^edrano  accordingly  crossed  the  harbour,  and  in  an  interview  with  thfl 
^ranSter  explained  the  purpose  of  his  visit.  He  spoke  of  the  dilapidated 
fS  tte  fortfhS^  aii  dwelt  on  the  forlorn  condition  of  the  gamson, 
whLh  waT  only  to  be  sustained  by  constant  reinforcements  from  ll  Boi^o. 
CtLrwas  merely  another  mode  of  consuming  the  strength  of  the  onfer. 
Tt  would  b^  Ser  therefore,  instead  of  prolonging  a  desperate  defence, 
•  whiirmusrend  i ft^he  rui  of 'the  defenders,  to  remove  them  at  once  o  the 
town,  where  they  could  make  common  cause  with  their  brethren  agamst  the 

^^ll^^Valette  Hstened  attentively  to  Medrano's  arguments,  which  were  well 
de^rvin-  of  c™  But,  as  the  affair  was  of  thelast  importance  to 

the  [nter'e^s  of  his  Uttle  community,  he  chose  to  lay  it  before  the  council  of 
TraTcLV^en  who  filled  the  Wt  stations  in  the  order  Jhey  were 
iinanimouslv  of  the  same  opinion  as  ^ledrano.  Not  so  was  La  Valette.  lie 
ferilTwL   hr^  of  St.  Elmo  was  connected  the  very  existence 

of  the  order  The  viceroy  of  Sicily,  he  told  his  brethren,  had  dec  ared  that  if 
?Ms  strong  post  were  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy  he  would  not  hazard  his 
master's  fifet  there  to  save  the  island.  And,  next  to  their  own  good  swords, 
Twas  on  the  Sicilian  succours  that  they  must  rely.  The  knights  must  mam- 
it  was  on  uie  *^"'"**'*  .  mu  viceroy  could  not  abandon  them  m  their 
feeV  I^h  msefwS  fot  dirt  tC  He  would  keep  them  well  supplied 
with  wlmtevCTwas  Teouired  for  their  defence,  and,  if  n^ssary,.  would  go  over 
SMfe^  the  command  in  person,  and  make  good  the  place  agamst  the  infidel, 

"'-The  dder'knkht  on  learning  the  grand  master's  decision  declared  their 
The  elder  Rngnis,  on   ic*riiu  b         g  ^^^  .^  comparison 

;Th  iKse'  0  wt  h  itla^Vons^mtld  'anJthey  avowed  their  determina- 
ton  to  shTthe  last  drop  of  their  blood  in  defence  ^f  P°4*f  S„V& 
The  younger  brethren  were  not  so  easily  reconciled  *«.  tjl*  J^,9g'°"J;^d 
su^nU    To  remain  .t^eje  longer  was  a  wanton  s^^^^^^      ^WeS 
They  were  penned  up  in  the  fort,  like  f  f X' P'^f'y/*',^,"^  tu„,  could  not 

^^Vk^^^^^^^tk^^l^A^^^^  .as 


408 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


nringled  with  indi^n^ation.  It  was  not  enough,  he  said,  for  them  to  die  the 
honourable  death  which  they  so  much  coveted.  They  must  die  m  the  manner 
he  prescribed.  They  were  bound  to  obey  his  commands.  He  reminded  them 
of  the  vows  taken  at  the  time  of  their  profession,  and  the  obhgation  of  every 
loyal  knight  to  sacrifice  his  life,  if  necessary,  for  the  good  of  the  order  JNor 
would  they  gain  any thimr,  he  added,  by  abandoning  their  post  and  returning 
to  the  town.  The  Turkish  army  would  soon  be  at  its  gates,  and  the  viceroy 
of  Sicily  would  leave  them  to  their  fate. 

That  he  might  not  appear,  however,  to  mss  too  lightly  by  their  re- 
monstrances. La  Valette  determined  to  send  three  commissioners  to  inspect 
St.  Elmo  and  report  on  its  condition.  This  would  at  least  have  the  advantage 
of  gaining  time,  when  every  hour  gained  was  of  importance.  He  also  sent  to 
Sicily  to  remonstrate  on  the  tardiness  of  the  viceroy's  movements,  and  to  urge 
the  necessity  of  immediate  succours  if  he  would  save  the  castle. 

The  commissioners  were  received  with  joy  by  the  refractory  knights,  whom 
they  found  so  intent  on  their  departure  that  they  were  already  beginnnig  to 
throw  the  shot  into  the  wells,  to  prevent  its  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  iurks. 
They  eagerly  showed  the  commissioners  every  part  of  the  works,  the  ruinous  con 
dition  of  which,  indeed,  spoke  more  forcibly  than  the  murmurs  of  the  garrison. 
Two  of  the  body  adopted  the  views  oi  the  disaffected  party,  and  pronounced 
the  fort  no  longer  tenable.  But  the  third,  an  Italian  cavalier,  named  Castriot, 
was  of  a  different  way  of  thinking.  The  fortifications,  l.e  admitteil,  were  in 
a  bad  state,  but  it  was  far  from  a  desperate  one.  With  fresh  troops  and  the 
materials  that  could  be  furnished  from  the  town,  they  might  soon  be  put  in 
condition  to  hold  out  for  some  time  longer.  Such  an  opinion,  so  boldly 
avowed,  in  opposition  to  the  complaints  of  the  knights,  touched  their  honour. 
A  hot  dispute  arose  between  the  parties  ;  and  evil  consequences  might  have 
ensued,  had  not  the  commander,  De  Broglio,  and  the  bailiff  of  Kegropont, 
to  stop  the  tumult,  caused  the  alarm-bell  to  be  rung,  which  sent  every  knight 

to  his  post.  -  3         1.  A 

Castriot,  on  his  return,  made  a  similar  report  to  the  grand  master,  ana 
boldly  offered  to  make  good  his  words.  If  La  Valette  would  allow  him  to 
muster  a  force,  he  would  pass  over  to  St.  Elmo  and  put  it  m  condition  still 
to  hold  out  against  the  Ottoman  arms. 

La  Valette  readily  assented  to  a  proposal  which  he  may  perhaps  have 
originally  suggested.  No  compulsion  was  to  be  used  in  a  service  of  ^o  much 
danger.  But  volunteers  speedily  came  forward,  knights,  soldiers,  and  inhabi- 
tants of  both  town  and  country.  The  only  difficulty  was  in  making  the 
selection.  All  eageriy  contended  for  the  glory  of  being  enrolled  m  this  little 
VvAiid  of  heroes 

La  Valette  was  cheered  bv  the  exhibition  of  this  generous  spirit  in  his 
followers.  It  gave  assurance  of  success  stronger  than  was  to  be  derived  from 
any  foreign  aid.  He  wrote  at  once  to  the  discontented  knights  in  St.  Elmo  and 
informed  them  of  what  had  been  done.  Their  petition  was  now  granted. 
They  should  be  relieved  that  very  evening.  They  had  only  to  resign  their 
posts  to  their  successors.  **  Return,  my  brethren,'  he  concluded,  " to  the  con- 
vent.  There  you  will  be  safe  for  the  present ;  and  1  shall  have  less  apprehen- 
sion for  the  fate  of  the  fortress,  on  which  the  preservation  of  the  island  so 

much  depends."  ^i       /r  • 

The  knights,  who  had  received  some  intimation  of  the  course  the  affair  was 
taking  in  II  Borgo,  were  greatly  disconcerted  by  it  To  surrender  to  others 
the  post  committed  to  their  own  keeping  would  be  a  dishonour  they  could  not 
endure.    When  the  letter  of  the  grand  master  arrived,  their  mortihc  ation  was 


HEROIC  DEFENCE  OF  ST.  ELMO. 


409 


extreme-  and  it  was  not  diminished  by  the  cool  and  <^"fl"g  ^°"*15?^^^^ 
tl^^^r^Mnnder  a  show  of  ^^^f  ^ude^^^^^^^^ 

tthtn^i:^  ^^  s^ubfeTt^r  "V  f^^tht^^^^^^^^^^ 
Tnd  fn  Lmble  terms  requesting  his  forgiveness.    The  ch  ef  felt  that  he  haa 

The  ditch  »as  strewed "'th.^W^^ *2!^*XS 

on  the  following  night,  led  to  the  belief  %*^*,£"f^^tb,  at  dawn,  the  whole 
intended.    The  supposition  wa.s  correct     ^^^^f^'^^S  wa^  given  by 

column,  moved  swiftly  lorwam  "'^'"  j„„  I'f^^jt-  anchoraee  on  the  eastern  side 
Meanwhile,  the  Ottoman  fleet,  having  left  iteancnorage  on  i 

of  the  island,  had  moved  round,  and  now  »?  "^f «  Xl^Va^^^^  of  St 
where  its  heavy  g.ms  were  soon  brought  to  tor  on  the^aw^^^^  ^^^ 

Elmo.    The  battery  on  Point  D^fS"' Kf  J^^het  sw^pt  ^ 

r::^s-ofT^iizK"kWtirof"^^^^^^^^ 

'•^ire^g^nTTthe  besieged,  during  this  «">«,  wei.  noUdl.  They  Wdl^ 
answered  the  cannonade  of  *« J.ff^'^L^tsi  "a  ^ot  S^^^^^  tW 

artillery  and  musketry  was  incessant.  The  »«s'«f^^ "°oti"ed,  were  hurrying 
aim  on  the  formidable  body  of  Ja"^™^.,^^'"' *4*_,'S  do^^^^^^^^  their  ffani 
forward  to  the  assault.    Their  l^ing  files  were  "iiowed  oown^  a  . 


"  For  the  precedinjj  pages,  settmR  forth 
the  embassies  to  Li  Valette,  and  exhibiting 
In  such  lx)ld  relief  the  character  of  the  grand 
'^Zl  I  have  been  chiefly  Indebted  to  Verto 
(Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  li.  pp.  ^P^f'^).  1  li. 
kame  story  is  told,  more  concisely,  by  Cai- 


deron,  Gloriosa  Defensa  d?  M*^*^^J•o5^D^ 
Cabrera.  Filipe  Segundo.  lib.  vi.  caP-  f '  ^ 
Thou.  Hist.  univer«eUe,  torn.  v.  V-^\i^^ 
pana,  FUippo  Secondo,  par.  u.  p.  159.  Ual»>l. 
Verdadera  Eelacion,  fol.  44,  46. 


410 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


the  groans  of  the  dying  were  drowned  in  the  loud  battle-cries  with  which  their 
comrades  rushed  to  the  assault.  The  fosse,  choked  up  with  the  ruins  of  the 
ramparts,  afforded  a  bridge  to  the  assailants,  who  haa  no  need  of  the  fascines 
with  which  their  pioneers  were  prepared  to  fill  up  the  chasm.  The  approach 
to  the  breach,  however,  was  somewhat  steep ;  and  the  breach  itself  was 
defended  by  a  body  of  knights  and  soldiers,  who  poured  volleys  of  musketry 
thick  as  hail  on  the  assailants.  Still  they  pushed  forward  through  the  storm, 
and,  after  a  fierce  struggle,  the  front  rank  found  itself  at  the  summit,  face  to 
face  with  its  enemies.  But  the  strength  of  the  Turks  was  nearly  exhausted 
by  their  efforts.  They  were  hewn  down  by  the  Christians,  who  came  fresh 
into  action.  Yet  others  succeeded  those  who  fell,  till,  thus  outnumbered,  the 
knights  began  to  lose  ground,  and  the  forces  were  more  equally  matched. 
Then  came  the  struggle  of  man  against  man,  where  each  party  was  spurred  on 
by  the  fury  of  religious  hate,  and  Christian  and  Moslem  looked  to  paradise  as 
the  reward  of  him  who  fell  in  battle  against  the  infidel.  No  mercy  was  asked  ; 
none  was  shown  ;  and  long  and  hard  was  the  conflict  between  the  flower  of 
the  Moslem  soldiery  and  the  best  knights  of  Christendom.  In  the  heat  of  the 
fight  an  audacious  Turk  planted  his  standard  on  the  rampart.  But  it  was 
si>eedilv  wrenched  away  by  the  Chevalier  de  Medrano,  who  cut  down  the 
Mussulman  and  at  the  same  moment  received  a  mortal  wound  from  an  arque- 
buse.'*  As  the  contest  lasted  far  into  the  day,  the  heat  became  intense,  and 
added  sorely  to  the  distress  of  the  combatants.  Still,  neither  party  slackened 
their  efforts.  Though  several  times  repulsed,  the  Turks  returned  to  the  assault 
with  the  same  spirit  as  before ;  and  wnen  sabre  and  scimitar  were  broken,  the 
combatants  closed  with  their  daggers,  and  rolled  down  the  declivity  of  the 
breach,  struggling  in  mortal  conflict  with  each  other. 

While  the  work  of  death  was  going  on  in  this  quarter,  a  vigorous  attempt 
was  made  in  another  to  carry  tiie  fortress  by  escalade.  A  body  of  Turks, 
penetrating  into  the  fosse,  raised  their  ladders  against  the  walls,  and,  pushed 
forward  by  their  comrades  in  the  rear,  endeavoured  to  force  an  ascent,  under 
a  plunging  fire  of  musketry  from  the  garrison.  Fragments  of  rock,  logs  of 
wood,  ponderous  iron  shot,  were  rolled  over  the  parapet,  mingled  with  com- 
bustibles and  hand-grenades,  which,  exploding  as  they  descended,  shattered 
the  ladders,  and  hurled  the  mangled  bodies  of  the  assailants  on  the  rocky 
bottom  of  the  ditch.  In  this  contest  one  invention  proved  of  singular  use  to 
the  besieged.  It  was  furnished  them  by  La  Valette,  and  consist^  of  an  iron 
hoop,  wound  round  with  cloth  steeped  in  nitre  and  bituminous  substances, 
which,  when  ignited,  burned  with  inextinguishable  fury.  These  hoops,  thrown 
on  the  assailants,  enclosed  them  in  their  fiery  circles.  Sometimes  two  were 
thus  imprisoned  in  the  same  hoop ;  and,  as  the  flowing  dress  of  the  Turks 
favoured  the  conflagration,  they  were  speedily  wrapped  in  a  blaze  which 
scorched  them  severely,  if  it  did  not  burn  them  to  death."  This  invention,  so 
simple,— and  rude,  as  in  our  day  it  might  be  thought, — was  so  disastrous  in 
its  effects  that  it  was  held  in  more  dread  b^  the  Turks  tlian  any  other  of  the 
fireworks  employed  by  the  besieged. 

A  similar  attempt  to  scale  the  walls  was  made  on  the  other  side  of  the 


HEROIC  DEFENCE  OF  ST.  ELMO. 


411 


'•  The  remains  of  Medrano  were  broaght 
over  to  II  Borgo,  where  La  Valette,  from 
FHtpect  to  his  memory,  caused  them  to  be 
laid  among  those  of  the  Grand  Crosses :  **  El 
gran  Maestre  lo  m2indo  eiiterrar  en  una  sepul- 
tura,  adonde  se  entierran  los  cavatlerus  de  la 
grarj  Cruz,  porque  enta  era  la  mayt>r  boiira, 
que  en  tal  i.vuipo  le  podia  haze,  y  el  muy 


bien  la  merecia."    Balbi,  Verdadera  Rclaciun, 
fol.  51. 

"  The  invention  of  this  missile  Vertot 
claims  for  La  Valette.  (Knigbis  of  Malu, 
vol.  ii.  p.  215.)  Balbi  refers  it  to  a  brother 
of  the  Older,  named  lUmoQ  Fortunii.  Ver- 
dadera Relacion,  p.  48. 


i\ 


castle,  but  was  defeated  by  a  well-directed  fire  from  the  g^ins  of  St.  Angelo 
across  the  harbour,-which  threw  their  shot  with  such  nrecision  as  to  destroy 
most  of  the  storming-party  and  compel  the  rest  to  abandon  their  design 
Indeed,  during  the  whole  of  the  assault,  the  artillery  of  St.  Angelo,  bt. 
Michael,  and  II  Borgo  kept  up  so  irritating  a  fire  on  the  exposed  flank  and 
rear  of  the  enemy  as  greatly  embarrassed  his  movements  and  did  good  service 

Thus  the  battle  raged  along  the  water  and  on  the  land.  The  whole  circuit 
of  the  Great  Port  was  studded  with  fire.  A  din  of  hideous  noises  rose  m  the 
air,-the  roar  of  cannon,  the  rattle  of  musketry,  the  hissing  of  fiery  missiles 
the  crash  of  falling  masonry,  the  shrieks  of  the  dying,  and,  high  above  all,  the 
fierce  cries  of  those  who  struggled  for  mastery !  To  add  to  the  tumult,  m 
the  heat  of  the  fight,  a  spark  falling  into  the  magazine  of  combustibles  in  the 
fortress,  it  blew  up  with  a  tremendous  explosion,  drowning  every  other  noise, 
and  for  a  moment  stilling  the  combat.  A  cloud  of  smoke  and  vapour,  nsiuL' 
into  the  air,  settled  heavily  like  a  dark  canopy,  above  St.  Elmo  .  It  seemed 
as  if  a  volckno  had  suddenly  burst  from  the  peaceful  waters  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean,  belching  out  volumes  of  fire  and  smoke,  and  shakmg  the  island  to  its 

^^The  'fight  had  lasted  for  some  hours  ;  and  still  the  little  band  of  Christian 
warriors  made  good  their  stand  against  the  overwhelming  odds  of  numbers. 
The  sun  had  now  risen  high  in  the  heavens,  and,  as  its  rays  beat  fiercely  on 
the  heads  of  the  assailants,  their  impetuosity  began  to  slacken.  At  length, 
faint  with  heat  and  excessive  toil,  and  many  staggering  under  wounds,  it  was 
with  dirticulty  that  the  janizaries  could  be  brought  back  to  the  attack;  and 
Mustapha  saw  with  chagrin  that  St.  Elmo  was  not  to  be  won  that  day.  ^  boon 
after  noon,  he  gave  the  signal  to  retreat ;  and  the  Moslem  host,  drawing  olt 
under  a  ^llin|  fire  from  the  garrison,  fell  back  m  sullen  sileiice  into  their 
trenches,  as  the  tiger,  baffled  in  his  expected  prey,  takes  refuge  from  the 

spear  of  the  hunter  in  his  jungle."  ,  „,  „,  .    ,       u     *  ^r  „-«f«^ 

As  the  Turks  withdrew,  the  garrison  of  St.  Elmo  raised  a  shout  of  victory 
that  reached  across  the  waters,  and  was  cheerily  answeed  from  both  St 
Amrelo  and  the  town,  whose  inhabitants  had  watched  with  intense  interest 
the  current  of  the  fight,  on  the  result  of  which  their  own  fate  so  much 

^Ihe  number  of  Moslems  who  perished  in  the  assault  can  only  be  conj^tured. 
But  it  must  have  been  very  large.  That  of  the  rarrison  is  stated  as  high  as 
three  hundred  men.  Of  these,  seventeen  were  knights  of  the  order.  But  the 
common  soldier,  it  was  observed,  did  his  duty  as  manfuUy  throughout  the  day 
as  the  best  knight  by  whose  side  he  fought^*  Few  if  any,  of  the  survivors 
escaped  without  wounds.  Such  as  were  badly  injured  were  transferred  at  once 
to  the  town,  and  an  equal  number  of  able-bodied  troops  sent  to  replace  them, 
toiiether  with  supplies  of  ammunition,  and  materials  for  repainng,  as  far  as 
possible,  the  damage  to  the  works.  Among  those  who  suffered  most  from  their 
"  The  first  shot  was  not  so  successful,  kill-       214-216.-Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo^  lib.  vil 


fr 


lug  eight  of  their  own  side  !— "  Mas  el  artil- 
lero,  o  fuesse  la  prissa.  o  fuesse  la  turbacion 
que  en  semejantes  casos  suele  sobre  venir  en 
los  hombres  el  se  tuvo  mas  a  mano  drecha, 
que  no  deviera.  pues  de  aquel  tiro  mato  oclio 
de  los  nuestros  que  defendian  aquelU  posta.' 
Balbi.  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  50. 

'"  IJalbi,  V<'rdadera  Relacion,  fol.  49-51.— 
Calderon,  Gloriofa  Defensa  de  Malta,  p.  72, 
ct  seq.— Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  ii.  pp. 


cap.  25. — Sagretlo,  Monarcas  Othomanos,  p. 
245.— Herrera,    Historia     general,    lib.    xii. 

cap.  6.  ^  , 

="  "En  este  assalto  y  en  todoe  me  ban 
dicho  cavalleros,  que  peleato  no  sol-imente 
ellos,  y  lo-*  soldados,  mas  que  los  for^ados, 
bonas  vollas,  y  Malteses  murienm  con  Unto 
animo,  como  qualquiera  otra  persona  de 
mayor  estlma."    Ibid.,  fol.  51. 


412 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


wounds  was  the  bailiff  of  Negropont.  He  obstinately  refused  to  be  removed 
to  the  town  ;  and  when  urged  by  La  Valette  to  allow  a  substitute  to  be  sent 
to  relieve  him,  the  veteran  answered  that  he  was  ready  to  yield  up  his  com- 
mand to  any  one  who  should  be  appointed  in  his  place  ;  but  he  trusted  he 
should  be  allowed  still  to  remain  in  St.  Elmo  and  shed  the  last  drop  of  his 
blood  in  defence  of  the  Faith.*' 

A  similar  heroic  spirit  was  shown  in  the  competition  of  the  knights,  and 
even  of  the  Maltese  soldiers,  to  take  the  place  of  those  who  liad  fallen  in  the 
fortress.  It  was  now  not  merely  the  post  of  danger,  but,  as  might  be  truly 
said,  the  post  of  death.  Yet  these  brave  men  eagerly  contended  for  it,  as  for 
the  palm  of  glory;  and  La  Valette  was  obliged  to  refuse  the  application  of 
twelve  knights  of  the  langamje  of  Italy,  on  the  gromid  that  the  complement 
of  the  garrison  was  full. 

The  only  spark  of  hope  now  left  was  that  of  receiving  the  succours  from 
Sicily.  But  the  viceroy,  far  from  quickening  his  movements,  seemed  willing 
to  play  the  part  of  the  matador  in  one  of  his  national  bull- fights,— allowing 
the  contendnig  parties  in  the  arena  to  exhaust  themselves  in  the  strufjgle,  and 
reserving  his  own  appearance  till  a  single  thrust  from  his  sword  should  decide 
the  combat. 

Still,  some  chance  of  prolonging  its  existence  remained  to  St.  Elmo  while 
the  communication  could  be  maintained  with  St.  Angelo  and  the  town,  by 
means  of  which  the  sinking  strength  of  the  garrison  was  continually  renewed 
with  the  fresh  life-blood  that  was  poured  into  its  veins.  The  Turlcish  com- 
mander at  length  became  aware  that,  if  he  would  end  the  siege,  this  communi- 
cation must  be  cut  otf.  It  would  have  been  well  for  him  had  he  come  to  this 
conclusion  sooner. 

By  the  advice  of  Dragut,  the  investment  of  the  castle  was  to  be  completed 
by  continuing  the  lines  of  intrenchment  to  the  Great  Port,  where  a  battery 
mounted  with  heavy  guns  would  command  the  point  of  debarkation.  While 
conducting  this  work,  the  Moorish  captain  was  wounded  on  the  head  by  the 
splinter  from  a  rock  struck  by  a  cannon-shot,  which  laid  him  senseless  in  the 
trenches.  Mustapha,  commanding  a  cloak  to  be  thrown  over  the  fallen  chief, 
had  him  removed  to  his  tent.  The  wound  proved  mortal ;  and,  though 
Drapit  survived  to  learn  the  fate  of  St.  Elmo,  he  seems  to  have  been  in  no 
condition  to  aid  the  siege  by  his  counsels.  The  loss  of  this  able  captain  was 
the  severest  blow  that  could  have  been  inflicted  on  the  besiegers. 

While  the  intrenchments  were  in  progress,  the  enemy  kept  up  an  uninter- 
mitting  fire  on  the  tottering  ramparts  of  the  fortress.  This  was  accompanied 
by  false  alarms,  and  by  night-attacks,  in  which  the  flaming  missiles,  as  they 
shot  through  the  air,  cast  a  momentary  ^lare  over  the  waters,  that  showed  the 
dark  outlines  of  St.  Elmo  towering  in  mined  majesty  above  the  scene  of  deso- 
lation. The  artiller>Tnen  of  St.  Angelo,  in  the  obscurity  of  the  night,  were 
guided  in  their  aim  bv  the  light  of  the  enemy's  fireworks."  These  attacks 
were  made  by  the  Turks  not  so  much  in  the  expectation  of  carrying  the  fort, 
though  they  were  often  attended  with  a  considerable  loss  of  life,  as  for  the 
purpose  of  wearing  out  the  strength  of  the  garrison.    And  dreary  indeed  was 


"  "Que  si  8U  sefioria  lUustrlssima  tenia 
otra  persona,  para  fctl  cargo  mejor,  q  la  em- 
biasse,  quel  lo  obedeceria  como  a  tal,  mas 
quel  queria  quedar  en  sant  Ermo.  como 
privado  cavallero  y  por  sa  religii>n  sacrificar 
8U  cuerpo."  Balbi,  Verdadcra  Relacion, 
fol.  44. 

"  "I^  escutidad  do  la  noche  fue  luego 


muy  Clara,  por  la  grade  catidad  de  los  fuegos 
artificiales,  que  de  an  baa  partes  se  arojavan, 
y  de  tal  manera  que  los  que  oBtavanios  en 
Ban  Miguel,  veyamog  muy  clarauiente  pant 
Ermo,  y  los  artilleros  de  pant  Angel  y  de 
otras  partes  apuntavan,  a  la  lunihre  de  los 
fuegos  fnemii^os."  Balbi,  Verdudera  Rel»- 
ciuD,  ful.  48. 


HEROIC  DEFENCE  OF  ST.  ELMO. 


413 


I 


i\ 


the  condition  of  the  latter  :  fighting  by  day,  toiling  through  the  livelong  night 
to  repair  the  ravages  in  the  works,  they  had  no  power  to  take  either  tne  rest 
or  the  nourishment  necessary  to  recruit  their  exhausted  strength.  To  all  this 
was  now  to  be  added  a  feehng  of  deeper  despondency,  as  they  saw  the  iron 
band  closing  around  them  which  was  to  sever  them  for  ever  from  their  friends. 

On  the  eighteenth  of  the  month  the  work  of  investment  was  com])leted, 
and  the  extremity  of  the  lines  was  garnished  with  a  redoubt  mounting  two 
large  guns,  which,  with  the  musketry  from  the  trenches,  would  sweep  the 
landing-place  and  effiectually  cut  off"  any  further  supplies  from  the  other  side  of 
the  harbour.  Thus  left  to  their  own  resoiurces,  the  days  of  the  garrison  were 
numbered. 

La  Valette,  who  had  anxiously  witnessed  these  operations  of  the  enemy,  had 
done  all  he  could  to  retard  them,  by  firing  incessantly  on  the  labourers  in  the 
hope  of  driving  them  from  the  trenches.  When  the  work  was  completed,  his 
soul  was  filled  with  anguish ;  and  his  noble  features,  which  usually  wore  a 
tinge  of  melancholy,  were  clouded  with  deeper  sadness,  as  he  felt  he  must  now 
abandon  his  brave  comrades  to  their  fate. 

On  the  twentieth  of  the  month  was  the  festival  of  Corpus  Christi,  which  in 
happier  days  had  been  always  celebrated  w  ith  ^reat  pomp  by  the  Hospitallers. 
They  did  not  fail  to  observe  it,  even  at  this  tmie.  A  procession  was  formed, 
with  the  grand  master  at  its  head  ;  and  the  knights  walked  clad  in  the  dark 
robes  of  the  order,  embroidered  with  the  white  cross  of  Malta.  They  w  ere 
accompanied  by  the  whole  population  of  the  place,  men,  women,  and  children. 
They  made  the  circuit  of  tne  town,  taking  the  direction  least  exposed  to  the 
enemy's  fire.  On  reaching  the  church,  they  prostrated  themselves  on  the 
ground,  and,  with  feelings  rendered  yet  more  solemn  by  their  own  situation, 
and  above  all  by  that  of  their  brave  comrades  in  St.  Elmo,  they  implored  the 
Lord  of  Hosts  to  take  pity  on  their  distress,  and  not  to  allow  his  enemies  to 
triumph  over  the  true  soldiers  of  the  Cross." 

During  the  whole  of  the  twenty-first,  the  fire  of  the  besiegers  was  kept  up 
with  more  than  usual  severity,  until  in  some  places  the  crumbling  wall  was 
shot  away,  down  to  the  bare  rock  on  which  it  stood."  Their  pioneers,  who 
had  collected  loads  of  brushwood  for  the  purpose,  filled  up  the  ditch  with  their 
fascines  ;  which,  as  they  were  covered  with  wet  earth,  defied  the  efforts  of  the 
garrison  to  set  them  on  fire.  Throughout  the  following  night  a  succession  of 
false  alarms  kept  the  soldiers  constantly  under  arms.  All  this  prognosticated 
a  general  assault.    It  came  the  next  day. 

With  the  earliest  streak  of  light,  the  Turkish  troops  were  in  motion.  Soon 
they  came  pouring  in  over  the  fosse,  which,  choked  up  as  it  was,  offered  no 
impediment.  Some  threw  themselves  on  the  breach.  The  knights  and  their 
followers  were  there  to  receive  them.  Others  endeavoured  to  scale  the  ram- 
parts, but  were  driven  back  by  showers  of  missiles.  The  musketry  was  feeble, 
for  ammunition  had  begun  to  fail.  But  everywhere  the  assailants  were  met 
with  the  same  unconquerable  spirit  as  before.  It  seemed  as  if  the  defenders 
of  St.  Elmo,  exhausted  as  they  had  been  by  their  extraordinary  sufferings,  had 
renewed  their  strength,  as  by  a  miracle.  Thrice  the  enemy  returned  to  the 
assault ;  and  thrice  he  was  repulsed.  The  carnage  was  terrible.  Christian  and 
Mussulman  grappling  fiercely  together,  until  the  ruins  on  which  they  fought 
were  heaped  witn  the  bodies  of  the  slain. 

The  combat  had  lasted  several  hours.  Amazed  at  the  resistance  which  he 
met  with  from  this  handful  of  warriors,  Mustapha  felt  that,  if  he  would  stop 
the  waste  of  life  in  his  followers,  he  must  defer  the  possession  of  the  place  for 


"'  Balbi,  Vcrdadera  Relacion,  fol.  53. 


Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  ii.  p.  214. 


414 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


FALL  OF  ST.  ELMO. 


415 


one  day  longer.  Stunned  as  his  enemies  must  be  by  the  blow  he  had  now 
dealt,  It  would  be  beyond  the  powers  of  nature  for  them  to  stand  another 
assault.  He  accordingly  gave  the  signal  for  retreat ;  and  the  victors  again 
raised  the  shout — a  feeble  shout — of  triumph  ;  while  the  banner  of  the  order, 
floating  from  the  ramparts,  proclaimed  that  St.  Elmo  was  still  in  the  hands  of 
the  Christians.    It  was  the  last  triumph  of  the  garrison.'* 

They  were  indeed  reduced  to  extremity ;  with  their  ammunition  nearly 
exhausted,  their  weapons  battered  and  broken,  their  fortiftcations  yawning 
with  breaches,  like  some  tempest- tossed  vessel  with  its  seams  opening  in  every 
direction  and  ready  to  founder,  the  few  survivors  covered  with  wounds,  and 
many  of  them  so  far  crippled  as  to  be  scarcely  able  to  drag  their  enfeebled 
bodies  along  the  ramparts.    One  more  attack,  and  the  scene  would  be  closed. 

Li  this  deplorable  state,  they  determined  to  make  an  etibrt  to  comumnicate 
with  their  friends  on  the  other  side  of  the  hart>our  and  report  to  them  their 
condition.  The  distance  was  not  great ;  and  among  the  jNIaltese  were  many 
excellent  swimmers,  who,  trained  from  childhood  to  the  sea,  took  to  it  as  to  their 
native  element.  One  of  these  offered  to  bear  a  message  to  the  grand  master. 
Diving  and  swimming  long  under  water,  he  was  fortunate  enough  to  escape 
the  enemv's  bullets,  and  landed  safe  on  the  opposite  shore. 

La  Valette  was  deeply  affected  by  his  story,  though  not  surprised  by  it. 
With  the  rest  of  the  knights,  he  had  watched  with  straining  eyes  the  course 
of  the  fight ;  and,  though  marvelling  that,  in  spite  of  odds  so  great,  victory 
should  have  remained  with  the  Christians,  he  knew  how  dearly  thev  must 
have  bought  it.  Thougli  with  little  confidence  in  his  success,  he  resolved  to 
answer  their  appeal  by  making  one  effort  to  aid  them.  Five  large  barges 
were  instantly  launched,  and  furnished  with  a  reinforcement  of  troops  and 
supplies  for  the  garrison.  The  knights  thronged  to  the  quay,  each  eagerly 
contending  for  the  perilous  right  to  embark  in  them.  They  thought  only  of 
their  comrades  in  St.  Elmo. 

It  turned  out  as  La  Valette  had  foreseen.  The  landing-place  was  com- 
manded by  a  battery  of  heavy  guns,  and  by  hundreds  of  musketeers,  menacing 
instant  death  to  whoever  should  approach  the  shore.  But  the  knights  were 
not  allowed  to  approach  it ;  for  the  Turkish  admiral,  lying  oft"  the  entrance  of 
the  Great  Port,  and  aware  of  the  preparations  that  were  making,  sent  a 
flotilla  of  his  lighter  vessels  into  the  harbour  to  intercept  the  convoy.  And  so 
prompt  were  their  movements  that,  unless  the  Christians  had  put  back  again 
with  all  speed,  they  would  have  been  at  once  surrounded  and  captured  by  the 
enemy. 

The  defenders  of  St.  Elmo,  who  had  watched  from  the  ramparts  the  boats 
coming  to  their  assistance,  saw  the  failure  of  the  attempt ;  and  the  last  ray  of 
hope  faded  away  in  their  bosoms.  Their  doom  was  sealed.  Little  more  was 
left  but  calmly  to  await  the  stroke  of  the  executioner.  Yet  they  did  not 
abandon  themselves  to  an  unmanly  despair ;  but,  with  heroic  constancy,  they 
prepared  to  die  like  martyrs  for  the  good  cause  to  which  they  had  consecrated 
their  lives. 

That  night  was  passed,  not  in  vain  efforts  to  repair  the  defences,  with  the 
hope  of  protracting  existence  some  few  hours  longer,  but  in  the  solemn 
preparation  of  men  who  felt  themselves  standing  on  tne  brink  of  eternity. 
They  prayed,  confessed,  received  the  sacrament,  and,  exhorting  one  another 
to  do  their  duty,  again  renewed  their  vows,  which  bound  them  to  lay  down 


\ 


"  Vertot.  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
ai6,  217.— Balbi,  Verda<l«ra  Relaciuii,  fol.  54. 
— Oalderon,  Gloriosa  Liefen^  de  Malta,  p.  8U, 


et  seq. — Cabrera,  Filipe    Segundo,    lib.   vl. 
cap.  25. 


their  lives,  if  necessary,  in  defence  of  the  Faith.  Some,  among  whom  Miranda 
and  the  bailiff  of  Negropont  were  especially  noticed,  went  about  encouraging 
and  consoling  their  brethren,  and,  though  covered  with  wounds  themselves, 
administering  such  comfort  as  they  could  to  the  sick  and  the  dying ;  and  the 
dying  lay  thick  around,  mingled  with  the  dead,  on  the  ruins  which  were  soon 
to  become  their  common  sepulchre,'* 

Thus  passed  away  the  dreary  night ;  when,  tenderly  embracing  one  another, 
like  friends  who  part  for  ever,  each  g(K)d  knight  repaired  to  his  post,  prepared 
to  sell  his  life  as  dearly  as  he  could.  Some  of  the  more  aged  and  infarm,  and 
those  crippled  by  their  wounds,  were  borne  in  the  arms  of  their  comrades  to 
the  spot  where,  seated  on  the  ruins  and  wielding  their  ineffectual  swords,  they 
prepared,  like  true  and  loyal  knights,  to  die  upon  the  breach. 

They  did  not  wait  long.  The  Turks,  so  often  balked  of  their  prey,  called 
loudly  to  be  led  to  the  assault.  Their  advance  was  not  checked  by  the  feeble 
volleys  thrown  at  random  against  them  from  the  fortress  ;  and  they  were  soon 
climbing  the  ascent  of  the  breach,  still  slippery  with  the  carnage  of  the 
preceding  day.  But,  with  all  their  numbers,  it  was  long  before  they  could  break 
the  little  line  of  Maltese  chivalry  which  was  there  to  receive  them.  Incre- 
dible as  it  may  seem,  the  struggle  lasted  for  some  hours  longer,  while  the  fate 
of  St.  Elmo  hung  suspended  in  the  balance.  At  length,  after  a  short  respite, 
the  Turkish  host  rallied  for  a  last  assault ;  and  the  tide  of  battle,  pouring 
through  the  ample  breach  with  irresistible  fury,  bore  down  cavalier  and 
soldier,  leaving  no  hving  thing  upon  the  ramparts.  A  small  party  of  the 
knights,  escaping  in  the  tumult,  threw  themselves  into  the  chapel ;  but, 
finding  that  no  quarter  was  given  to  those  who  surrendered,  they  rushed  out 
and  perished  on  the  swords  of  the  enemy.  A  body  of  nine  cavaliers,  posted 
near  the  end  of  the  fosse,  not  far  from  the  ground  occupied  by  Dragut's  men, 
surrendered  themselves  as  prisoners  of  war  to  the  corsairs  ;  and  the  latter, 
who,  in  their  piratical  trade,  had  learned  to  regard  men  as  a  kind  of  merchan- 
dise, happily  refused  to  deliver  up  the  Christians  to  the  Turks,  holding  them 
for  ransom.  These  were  the  only  members  of  the  order  who  survived  the 
massacre.'^  A  few  Maltese  soldiers,  however,  experienced  swimmers,  suc- 
ceeded, amidst  the  tumult,  in  reaching  the  opposite  side  of  the  harbour,  where 
they  spread  the  sad  tidings  of  the  loss  of  St.  Elmo.  This  was  speedily  con- 
firmed by  the  volleys  of  the  Turkish  ordnance ;  and  the  standard  of  the 
Crescent,  planted  on  the  spot  so  lately  occupied  by  the  banner  of  St.  John, 
showed  too  plainly  that  this  strong  post,  the  key  of  the  island,  had  passed 
from  the  Christians  into  the  hands  of  the  infidel." 

The  Ottoman  fleet,  soon  afterwards,  doubling  the  pomt,  entered  Port  Mu- 


'*  '♦  Ellos  como  aquellos  ![  la  niafiana  bavia 
de  ser  su  pc^trer  dia  en  esif  mudo,  unos  con 
otros  86  confessavan,  y  rogavan  a  nuestro 
Benor  que  per  8u  infinite  misericordia.  la 
tuviesse  de  bus  aniuias  pues  le  coPteron  su 
prcciossissima  saiigre  para  redeniirlas." 
Halbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  54. — See  also 
Virtot,  Knights  of  Ma^ta,  vol.  ii.  pp.  217, 
218 ;— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vi.  cap.  25. 

■"  Vertot,  whose  appetite  for  the  marvel- 
lous sometimes  can  i«-8  him  into  the  miracu- 
lous, gives  us  to  understand  that  not  one  of 
the  garrison  survived  the  storming  of  St. 
Elmo.  (Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  ii.  p.  219  ) 
If  that  were  so,  o"e  would  like  to  know  how 
thf>  historian  got  his  knowledge  of  what  w  as 
doing  in  the  fortress  the  day  and  night  pre- 


vious to  the  assault.  The  details  quoted 
above  from  Balbi  account  for  this  knowledge, 
and  carry  with  them  an  air  of  probability. 
(Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  55.) 

="•  "  Luego  que  entraron  los  Turcos  en  sant 
Ernio.  abatieron  el  estadarte  de  san  .Tuan,  y 
en  su  lugar  plantaron  una  vandera  del  gran 
Turco,  y  en  todo  aquel  dia  no  hizieron  otra 
cosa,  que  plantar  vaderas,  y  vanderillas  por 
la  muralla,  segun  su  costumbre."  Ibid.,  fol. 
65. — See  aiso,  for  the  storming  of  St.  Elmo, 
Calderon,  Glorio«a  Defensa  de  Malta,  pp.  81- 
84, — Miniana,  Hist,  de  EspaCa,  p.  351, — 
Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vi.  cap.  25,— 
Canipana,  Kilippo  Secondo,  par.  ii.  p.  159, — 
Sagredo,  Monarcas  Othomanos,  p.  245, — Ver- 
tot, Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  ii.  p.  219,  et  seq. 


416 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA* 


siette,  on  the  west,  with  music  playing,  and  gay  with  pennons  and  streamers ; 
while  the  rocks  rang  with  the  shouts  of  the  Turkish  soldiery,  and  the  batteries 
on  shore  replied  in  thunders  to  the  artillery  of  the  shippuig. 

The  day  on  which  this  occurred,  the  twentv-third  of  June,  was  that  of  the 
festival  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  patron  of  the  order.  It  had  been  always 
celebrated  by  the  knights  with  greater  splendour  than  any  other  anniversary. 
Now,  alas  !  it  was  to  them  a  day  of  humiliation  and  mourning,  while  they  had 
the  additional  mortification  to  see  it  observed  as  a  day  of  triumphant  jubilee 

by  the  enemies  of  the  Faith.*'  ,     i.  i     * 

To  add  to  their  distress,  Mustapha  sullied  his  victory  by  some  brutal  acts, 
which  seem  to  have  been  in  keeping  with  his  character.  The  heads  of  four 
of  the  principal  knights,  among  them  those  of  Miranda  and  the  baihtt  of 
Negropont,  were  set  high  on  poles,  looking  towards  the  town.  A  spectacle 
yet  more  shocking  was  presented  to  the  eyes  of  the  besieged.  The  lurkish 
general  caused  the  bodies  of  several  cavahers— some  of  them,  it  is  said,  while 
life  was  still  palpitating  within  them— to  be  scored  on  the  bosoms  with  gashes 
in  the  form  of  a  cross.  Thus  defaced,  they  were  lashed  to  planks  and 
thrown  into  the  water.  Several  of  them  drifted  to  the  opposite  shore,  where 
they  were  easily  recognized  by  their  brethren  ;  and  La  \  alette,  as  he  gazed 
on  the  dishonoured  remains  of  his  dear  companions,  was  melted  to  tears. 
But  grief  soon  yielded  to  feeUngs  of  a  sterner  nature.  He  commanded  the 
heads  of  his  Turkish  prisoners  to  be  struck  off  and  shot  from  the  large  ^ins 
into  the  enemy's  Hnes,— by  way  of  teaching  the  Moslems,  as  the  chronicler 

tells  us,  a  lesson  of  humanity !  **  ,  .  ,  x     t.    i.  £** 

The  number  of  Christians  who  fell  in  this  siege  amounted  to  about  Mteen 
hundred.  Of  these  one  hundred  and  twenty-three  were  members  of  the  order, 
and  among  them  several  of  its  most  illustrious  warriors."  The  Turkish  loss 
is  estimated  at  eight  thousand,  at  the  head  of  whom  stood  Dragut.  of  more 
account  than  a  legion  of  the  common  file.  He  was  still  living,  though  speech- 
less, when  the  fort  was  stormed.  He  was  roused  from  his  lethargy  by  the 
shouts  of  victory,  and  when,  upon  turning  with  inquiring  looks  to  those  around 
he  was  told  the  cause,  he  raised  his  eyes  to  heaven,  as  if  in  gratitude  for  the 

event,  and  expired."  „    „,  ,.,    •   .    j  t*xi 

The  Turkish  commander,  dismantling  St.  Elmo,— which,  indeed,  was  little 
better  than  a  heap  of  ruins,— sent  some  thirty  cannon,  that  had  lined  the 
works,  as  the  trophies  of  victory,  to  Constantinople."  ,.,,,* 

Thus  ended  the  memorable  siege  of  St.  Elmo,  in  which  a  handful  of  war- 
riors withstood,  for  the  space  of  a  month,  the  whole  strength  of  the  Turkish 
army.  Such  a  result,  while  it  proves  the  unconquerable  valour  of  the  garrison, 
intimates  that  the  Turks,  however  efficient  they  may  have  been  m  field- 
operations,  had  little  skill  as  engineers,  and  no  acquaintance  with  the  true 
principles  of  conducting  a  siege.  It  must  have  been  obvious,  from  the  first, 
that  to  bring  the  siege  to  a  speedy  issue  it  was  necessary  to  destroy  the  com- 
munications of  St.  Elmo  with  the  town.  Yet  this  was  not  attempted  till  the 
arrival  of  Dragut,  who  early  recommended  the  construction  of  a  battery  for 
this  purpose  on  some  high  land  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Great  Port.  In 
this  he  was  overruled  by  the  Turkish  commander.     It  was  not  till  some  time 

»»  "  A  todo8  no6  pesava  en  el  anima  por- 
que  aquellas  eran  fiestas  que  solian  hazer  los 
caviiUerofl  en  tal  dia,  para  honor  deste  so 
santo  avogado."    Balbl,  Verdadera  Relacion, 

fol.  55. 

^  Balbi,  Verdadpra  Relacion,  fol.  58.— 
Vertot,  Knight6  of  Malta,  vol.  U.  p.  220. 


"  Balbl  has  given  a  catalogue  of  the 
knights  who  fell  in  the  siege,  with  the  names 
of  the  countries  to  which  they  respectively 
belonged.     Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  66. 

»»  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  ii.  p.  219. 

•»  Balbl,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  33. 


XL  BORGO  INVESTED. 


417 


later  that  the  line  of  investment,  at  the  corsair's  suggestion,  was  continued 
to  the  water's  edge,— and  the  fate  of  the  fortress  was  decided. 

St.  Elmo  fell.  But  precious  time  had  been  lost, — an  irreparable  loss,  as  it 
proved,  to  the  besiegers ;  while  the  place  had  maintained  so  long  and  gallant 
a  resistance  as  greatly  to  encourage  the  Christians,  and  in  some  degree  to 
diminish  the  confidence  of  the  Moslems.  "  What  will  not  the  parent  cost," 
exclaimed  Mustapha,— alluding  to  St.  Angelo,— "  when  the  child  has  cost  us 
so  dear !  ".** 


CHAPTER  IV. 


SIEGE   OF    MALTA. 

II  Borgo  Invested  -  Storming  of  St.  Michael— Slaughter  of  the  Turks— Inceswnt  Cannonade- 
General  Assault— The  Turks  repulsed— Perilous  Coudition  (rf  11  Borgo— Constancy  of  La 
V  alftte. 

1565. 

• 

The  strength  of  the  order  was  now  concentrated  on  the  two  narrow  slips  of 
land  which  run  out  from  the  eastern  side  of  the  Great  Port.  Although  some 
account  of  these  places  has  been  given  to  the  reader,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to 
refresh  his  recollection  of  what  i§  henceforth  to  be  the  scene  of  operations. 

The  northern  peninsula,  occupied  by  the  town, — II  Borgo, — and  at  the 
extreme  point  by  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  was  defended  by  works  stronger 
and  in  better  condition  than  the  fortifications  of  St.  Elmo.  The  care  of  them 
was  divided  among  the  difierent  languages,  each  of  which  gave  its  own  name 
to  the  bastion  it  defended.  Thus,  the  Spanish  knights  were  intnisted  with 
the  bastion  of  Castile,  on  the  eastern  corner  of  the  Peninsula,— destined  to 
make  an  important  figure  in  the  ensuing  siege. 

The  parallel  slip  of  land  was  crowned  by  the  fort  of  St.  Michael,— a  work 
of  narrower  dimensions  than  the  castle  of  St.  Aneelo,— at  the  base  of  which 
might  be  seen  a  small  gathering  of  houses,  hardly  deserving  the  name  of  a 
town.  This  peninsula  was  surrounded  by  fortifications  scarcely  yet  completed, 
on  which  the  grand  master.  La  Sangle,  who  gave  his  name  to  the  place,  had 
generously  expended  his  private  fortune.  The  works  were  terminated,  on  the 
extreme  point,  by  a  low  bastion,  or  rather  demi-bastion,  called  the  Spur. 


"*  The  two  principal  authorities  on  whom 
I  have  relied  for  the  siege  of  Malta  are  Balbi 
and  Vertot.  The  former  was  a  soldier,  who 
eerved  through  the  siege,  his  account  of 
which,  now  not  easily  met  with,  was  printed 
shortly  afterwards,  and  in  less  than  three 
years  went  into  a  second  edition, — l>eing  that 
used  in  the  prf'sent  work.  As  Balbi  was  t>oth 
an  eye-witness  and  an  actor  on  a  theatre  so 
limited  that  notliing  could  be  well  hidden 
from  view,  and  as  he  wrote  while  events 
were  fresh  in  his  memory,  his  testimony  is 
of  the  highest  value.  It  loses  nothing  by  the 
temperate,  home-bred  style  in  which  the  book 
is  written,  like  that  of  u  man  anxious  only  to 
tell  the  truth,  and  no'  to  magnify  the  cause 
or  the  party  to  which  he  is  attached.  In  this 
the  honest  (-oldier  forms  a  contrast  to  his 
more  accomplished  rival,  the  Abbe  de  Vertot. 
This  eminent  writer  was  invited  to  compose 


the  history  of  the  order,  and  lis  archives  were 
placed  by  the  knights  at  his  disposal  for  this 
purpose.  He  accepted  the  task ;  and  in  per- 
forming it  he  has  sounded  the  note  of  pane- 
V^ync  with  as  hearty  a  goodwill  as  if  he  had 
been  a  knight  hospitaller  bimt^elf.  This 
somewhat  detracts  from  the  value  of  a  work 
which  must  be  admitted  to  rest,  in  respect  to  ^ 
materials,  on  the  soundest  historical  basis.*' 
I'he  abbe's  turn  for  the  romantic  has  prob- 
ably aided,  instead  of  hurting  him,  with  the 
generality  of  readers.  His  clear  and  some- 
times eloquent  style,  the  interest  of  his  story, 
and  the  dramatic  skill  with  which  he  brings 
before  the  eye  the  peculiar  traits  of  his  actors, 
rt'deem,  to  some  extent,  the  prolixity  of  his 
narrative,  and  have  combined  not  merely  to 
commend  the  book  to  popular  favour,  but  to 
make  it  the  standard  work  on  the  subject. 

2   E 


418 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


STORMING  OF  ST.  MICHAEL. 


419 


The  precious  interval  gained  by  the  long  detention  of  the  Turks  before  St 
Elmo  had  been  diligently  employed  by  La  V alette  in  putting  the  defences  of 
both  La  Sangle  and  II  Borgo  m  the  best  condition  i^ossible  under  the  circum- 
stances. In  tins  good  work  all  united,— men,  women,  and  children.  All 
were  animated  by  the  same  patriotic  feehng,  and  by  a  common  hatred  of  the 
infidel.  La  Valette  ordered  the  heavy  guns  to  be  taken  from  the  galleys 
which  were  laying  at  anchor,  and  placed  on  the  walls  of  the  fortresses.  He 
directed  that  such  provisions  as  were  in  tiie  hands  of  individuals  should  be 
deUvered  up  for  a  fair  compensation  and  transferred  to  the  public  magazines.* 
Five  companies  of  soldiers,  stationed  in  the  Notable  City,  in  the  interior  of 
the  island,  he  now  ordered  to  II  Borgo,  where  their  services  would  be  more 
needed.  Finally,  as  there  were  no  accommodations  for  prisoners,  who, 
indeed,  could  not  be  maintained  without  encroaching  on  the  supplies  neces- 
sary for  the  garrison.  La  Valette  commanded  that  no  prisoners  should  be 
made,  but  that  all  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors  should  be  put  to  the 
sword.'    It  was  to  be  on  both  sides  a  war  of  extermination. 

At  this  juncture,  La  Valette  had  the  satisfaction  of  receiving  a  reinforce- 
ment from  Sicily,  which,  though  not  large,  was  of  great  importance  in  the 
present  state  of  atlairs.  The  viceroy  had  at  length  so  far  yielded  to  the  im- 
portunities of  the  Knights  of  St.  John  who  were  then  at  his  court,  impatiently 
waiting  for  the  means  of  joining  their  brethren,  as  to  fit  out  a  sij^uadron  of 
four  galleys,— two  of  his  own,  and  two  belonging  to  the  order.  Iliey  had 
forty  knights  on  board,  and  seven  hundred  soldiers,  excellent  troops,  drawn 
chiefly  from  the  Spanish  garrisons  in  Italy.  The  vessels  were  placed  under 
command  of  Don  Juan  de  Cardona,  who  was  instructed  to  return  without 
attempting  to  land,  should  he  find  St.  Elmo  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
Cardona,  who  seems  to  have  had  a  good  share  of  the  timid,  vacillating  policy 
of  his  superior,  fearful  of  the  Ottoman  fleet,  stood  oft"  and  on  for  some  days, 
without  approachimx  the  island.  During  this  time  St.  Elmo  was  taken. 
Cardona,  ignorant  of  the  fact,  steered  towards  the  south,  and  finally  anchored 
off  Pietra  Negra,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  island.  Here  one  of  the  knights 
was  permitted  to  go  on  shore  to  collect  information.  He  there  learned  the 
fate  of  St.  Elmo ;  but,  as  he  carefully  concealed  the  tidings,  the  rest  of  the 
forces  were  speedily  landed,  and  Cardona,  with  his  galleys,  was  soon  on  the 

way  to  Sicily.  ,     «,       t.      ■•    t>  i,i 

The  detachment  was  under  the  command  of  the  Chevalier  de  Robles,  a 
brave  soldier,  and  one  of  the  most  illustrious  men  of  the  order.  Under  cover 
of  night,  he  passed  within  gunshot  of  the  Turkish  lines  without  being  dis- 
covered, and  was  so  fortunate  as  to  bring  his  men  in  safety  to  the  side  of  the 
English  harbour  oi)posite  to  II  Borgo,  which  it  washes  on  the  north.  There 
he  found  boats  awaiting  his  arrival.  They  had  been  provided  by  the  grand 
master,  who  was  advised  of  his  movements.  A  thick  fog  lay  upon  the  waters  ; 
and  under  its  friendly  mantle  Robles  and  his  troops  crossed  over  in  safety  to 
the  town,  where  they  were  welcomed  by  the  kniehts,  who  joyfully  CTeeted  the 
brave  comiianions  that  had  come  to  share  with  them  the  perils  of  the  siege.* 

While  this  was  going  on,  Mustapha,  the  Turkish  commander,  had  been  re- 
volving in  his  miiid  whether  it  were  not  possible  to  gain  his  ends  by  negotia- 
tion instead  of  war,  and  thus  be  spared  the  waste  of  life  which  the  capture 


'  By  anothpr  ordinance.  La  Valette  caused 
all  the  dogs  lu  La  Sangle  and  II  Borgo  to  be 
killed,  because  they  disturbed  the  garrison* 
by  night  and  ate  their  provisions  by  day. 
Balbl.  Verd-.dora  Relacion,  fol.  29. 


'  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  Hi.  p.  3. 

'  Vertot.  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  iii.  p.  4. — 
Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  64.— Calderoii, 
Gloriosa  Dofensa  de  .Malta,  p.  »4.— Sagredo, 
Sluii&rc&s  Othumaaos,  p.  '296. 


(t 


of  St.  Elmo  had  cost  him.  He  flattered  himself  that  La  Valette,  taking 
warning  by  the  fate  of  that  fortress,  might  be  brought  to  capitulate  on  fair 
and  honourable  terms.  He  accordinijly  sent  a  messenger  with  a  summons  to 
the  grand  master  to  deliver  up  the  island,  on  the  assurance  of  a  free  passage 
for  himself  and  his  followers,  with  all  their  effects,  to  Sicily. 

The  envoy  chosen  was  a  Greek  slave, — an  old  man,  who  had  lived  from 
boyhood  in  captivity.  Under  protection  of  a  flag  of  truce,  the  slave  gained 
admission  into  St.  Angelo,  and  was  conducted  blindfold  to  the  presence  of  the 
grand  master.  He  there  delivered  his  message.  La  Valette  calmly  listened, 
but  without  deigning  to  reply ;  and  when  the  speaker  had  ended,  the  stern 
chief  ordered  him  to  be  taken  from  his  presence  and  instantly  hanged.  The 
wretched  man  threw  himself  at  the  feet  of  the  grand  master,  beseeching  him 
to  spare  his  life,  and  protesting  that  he  was  but  a  poor  slave,  and  had  come, 
against  his  will,  in  obedience  to  the  commands  of  the  Turkish  general.  La 
Valette,  who  had  probably  no  intention  from  the  first  to  have  his  order 
carried  into  execution,  affected  to  relent,  declaring,  however,  that  should  any 
other  messenger  venture  hereafter  to  insult  him  with  the  like  proposals  he 
should  not  escape  so  easily.  The  terrified  old  man  was  then  dismissed.  As 
he  left  the  presence,  he  was  led  through  long  files  of  the  soldiery  drawn  up  in 
imposing  ari^ay,  and  was  shown  the  strong  works  of  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo. 
*'  Look,"  said  one  of  the  officers,  pointing  to  the  deep  ditch,  which  surrounded 
the  fortress,  "  there  is  all  the  room  we  can  afford  your  master ;  but  it  is  deep 
enough  to  bury  him  and  his  folloAvers  ! "  The  slave,  though  a  Christian,  could 
not  be  persuaded  to  remain  and  take  his  chance  with  the  besieged.  They 
must  be  beaten  in  the  end,  he  said,  and,  when  retaken  by  the  Turks,  his  case 
would  be  worse  than  ever.* 

There  was  now  no  alternative  for  Mustapha  but  to  fight ;  and  he  had  not 
lost  a  moment  since  the  fall  of  St.  Elmo  in  pushing  forward  his  preparations. 
Trenches  had  been  opened  on  the  heights  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Coradin,  at  the 
southern  extremity  of  the  Great  Port,  and  continued  on  a  line  that  stretched 
to  Mount  St.  Salvador.  Where  the  soil  was  too  hard  to  be  readily  turned  up, 
the  defences  were  continued  by  a  wall  of  stone.  Along  the  heights,  on 
different  points  of  the  line,  batteries  were  established,  and  mounted  with  gims 
of  the  heaviest  calibre.  Batteries  were  also  raised  on  the  high  ground  which, 
under  the  name  of  Mount  Sceberras,  divides  Port  Musiette  from  the  Great 
Port,  terminating  in  the  point  of  land  crowned  hy  St.  Elmo.  A  few  cannon 
were  even  planted  by  the  Turks  on  the  ruins  of  this  castle. 

Thus  the  Christian  fortresses  were  menaced  on  every  point ;  and,  while  the 
lines  of  the  besiegers  cut  off  all  communication  on  the  land-side,  a  detachment 
of  the  fleet,  blocking  up  the  entrance  to  the  Great  Port,  effectually  cut  off 
intercourse  by  sea.    The  investment  by  land  and  by  sea  was  complete. 

Early  in  July  the  wide  circle  of  batteries,  mounting  between  sixty  and 
seventy  pieces  of  artillery,  opened  its  converging  fire  on  the  fortresses,  the 
towns,  and  the  shipping  which  lay  at  anchor  in  the  Port  of  Galleys.  The 
cannonade  was  returned  with  spirit  by  the  guns  of  St.  Angelo  and  St.  Michael, 
well  served  by  men  acquainted  with  their  duty.  So  soon  as  the  breaches  were 
practicable,  Mustapha  proposed  to  begin  by  storming  St.  Michael,  the  weaker 
of  the  two  fortresses  ;  and  he  determined  to  make  the  assault  by  sea  as  well 
as  by  land.  It  would  not  be  possible,  however,  to  bring  round  his  vessels 
lying  in  Port  Musiette  into  the  Great  Port  without  exposing  them  to  the 

♦  Calderon,  Gloriosa  Defensa  de  Malta,  p.        —Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vi.  cap.  26.— 
91.— Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  iil.  p.  3.—       Sagredo,  Monarcaa  Othomauos,  p.  2i6. 
De  Thou,  Hlstoiro  universell  ,  torn.  v.  p.  67. 


\ 


420 


5IEGE  OF  MALTA. 


STORMING  OF  ST.  MICHAEL. 


421 


guns  of  St.  Angelo.  He  resorted,  therefore,  to  an  expedient  starthnff  enough, 
but  not  new  in  the  annals  of  warfare.  He  caused  a  large  number  of  boats  to 
be  dragged  across  the  high  land  which  divides  the  two  harbours.  This  toil- 
some work  was  performed  bv  his  Christian  slaves  ;  and  the  garrison  beheld 
with  astonishment  the  Turkish  flotilla  descending  the  rugged  slopes  of  the 
opposite  eminence  and  finally  launched  on  the  wators  of  the  inland  basin. 
No  less  than  eighty  boats,  some  of  them  of  the  largest  size,  were  thus  trans- 
ported across  the  heights,  . 

Having  completed  this  great  work,  Mustapha  made  his  preparations  for  the 
assault.  At  this  time  he  was  joined  by  a  considerable  reinforcement  under 
Hassem,  the  Algerine  corsair,  who  commanded  at  the  memorable  sieges  of 
Oran  and  Mazarquivir.  Struck  with  the  small  size  of  the  castle  of  St  Elmo, 
Hassem  intimated  his  surprise  that  it  should  have  held  out  so  long  a^anist 
the  Turkish  arms  ;  and  he  besought  Mustapha  to  intrust  him  with  the  conduct 
of  the  assault  that  was  to  be  made  on  Fort  St.  Michael.  The  Turkish  general, 
not  unwilling  that  the  presumptuous  young  chief  should  himself  prove  the 
temper  of  the  Maltese  swords,  readily  gave  him  the  command,  and  the  day 
was  fixed  for  the  attack. 

Fortunately,  at  this  time,  a  deserter,  a  man  of  some  consequence  m  the 
Turkish  army,  crossed  over  to  II  Borgo  and  acquainted  the  grand  master  with 
the  designs  of  the  enemy.  La  San^e  was  defended  on  the  north,  as  already 
noticed,  by  a  strong  iron  chain,  which,  stretching  across  the  Port  of  Galleys 
at  its  mouth,  would  prevent  the  approach  of  boats  in  that  direction.  La 
Valette  now  caused  a  row  of  palisacles  to  l>e  sunk  in  the  mud  at  the  bottom 
of  the  harbour,  in  a  line  extending  from  the  extreme  point  of  La  Sangle  to 
the  foot  of  Mount  Coradin.  These  were  bound  together  by  heavy  chains,  so 
well  secured  as  to  oppase  an  effectual  barrier  to  the  passage  of  the  Turkish 
flotilla.  The  length  of  this  barricade  was  not  great.  But  it  was  a  work  of 
nuich  difficulty,— not  the  less  so  that  it  was  necessary  to  perform  it  in  the 
night,  in  order  to  secure  the  workmen  from  the  enemy's  guns.  In  little  more 
than  a  week  it  was  accomplished.  Mustapha  sent  a  small  body  of  men, 
excellent  swimmers,  armed  with  axes,  to  force  an  opening  in  the  barrier. 
They  had  done  some  mischief  to  the  work,  when  a  party  of  Maltese,  swimming 
out,  with  their  swords  between  their  teeth,  fell  on  the  Turks,  beat  them  ofl, 
and  succeeded  in  restoring  the  palisades.* 

Early  in  the  morning,  on  the  fifteenth  of  July,  two  cannon  in  the  Ottoman 
Tines,  from  opposite  sides  of  the  Great  Port,  gave  the  signal  for  the  assault. 
Hassem  prepared  to  lead  it,  in  person,  on  the  land-side.  The  attack  by  water 
he  intnistecf  to  an  Algerine  corsair,  his  lieutenant.  Before  the  report  of  the 
cannon  had  died  away,  a  great  number  of  boats  were  seen  by  the  garrison  of 
St.  Michael  putting  off  from  the  opposite  shore.  They  were  filled  with  troops, 
and  among  tnese,  to  judge  from  their  dress,  were  many  persons  of  condition. 
The  account  is  given  by  the  old  soldier  so  often  quoted,  who,  stationed  on  the 
bastion  of  the  Spur,  had  a  full  view  of  the  enemy.  It  was  a  gay  spectacle, 
these  Moslem  chiefs  in  their  rich  Oriental  costumes,  with  their  gaudy -coloured 
turbans,  and  their  loose  flowing  mantles  of  crimson  or  of  cloth  of  gold  and 
silver  ;  the  beams  of  the  rising  sun  glancing  on  their  polished  weapons,— their 
bows  of  delicate  workmanship,  their  scimitars  from  the  forges  of  Alexandria 
and  Damascus,  their  muskets  of  Fez.*    "  It  was  a  beautiful  sight  to  see,"  adds 


•  Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  61, 6?,  68.— 
Calderon,  Gloriosa  Defens*  de  Malta,  pp.  95- 
100.— Vertot,  Knighu  of  Malta,  vol.  lii.  pp. 
4-7.— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vi.  cap.  26. 


— Herrera,  Historia  general,  lib.  xii.  cap.  7. 

*  "  No  avia  bonibre  que  no  truxerae  aljuba, 
el  que  menos  de  grana,  muchos  de  tela  de  oro, 
y  de  plata,  y  daniasco  cjrmesi,  y  muy  buenas 


the  chronicler,  with  some  naivete,  "if  one  could  have  looked  on  it  without 
danger  to  himself." ' 

In  advance  of  the  squadron  came  two  or  three  boats,  bearing  persons  whose 
venerable  aspect  and  dark-coloured  robes  proclaimed  them  to  be  the  religious 
men  of  the  Moslems.  They  seemed  to  be  reciting  from  a  volume  before  them, 
and  muttering  what  might  be  prayers  to  Allah,— possibly  invoking  his  ven- 
geance on  the  infidel.  But  these  soon  dropped  astern,  leaving  the  way  open 
for  the  rest  of  the  flotilla,  which  steered  for  the  palisades,  with  the  intention 
evidently  of  forcing  a  passage.  But  the  barrier  proved  too  strong  for  their 
efforts  ;  and,  chafed  by  the  musketry  which  now  opened  on  them  from  the 
bastion,  the  Algerine  commander  threw  himself  into  the  water,  which  was 
somewhat  above  his  girdle,  and,  followed  by  his  men,  advanced  boldly  towards 

the  shore. 

Two  mortars  were  mounted  on  the  rampart.  But,  through  some  mismanage- 
ment, they  were  not  worked ;  and  the  assailants  were  allowed  to  reach  the 
foot  of  the  bastion,  which  they  prepared  to  carry  by  escalade.  Applying  their 
ladders,  they  speedily  began  to  mount ;  when  they  were  assailed  by  showers 
of  stones,  hand-grenades,  and  combustibles  of  various  kinds  ;  while  huge  frag- 
ments of  rock  were  rolled  over  the  parapet,  cnishing  men  and  ladders  and 
scattering  them  in  ruin  below.  The  ramparts  were  covered  with  knights  and 
soldiers,  among  whom  the  stately  form  of  Antonio  de  Zanoguerra,  the  com- 
mander of  the  post,  was  conspicuous,  towering  above  his  comrades  and  cheering 
them  on  to  the  fight.  Meantime  the  assailants,  mustering  like  a  swarm  of 
hornets  to  the  attack,  were  soon  seen  replacing  the  broken  ladders  and  again 
clambering  up  the  walls.  The  leading  files  were  pushed  upward  by  those 
below ;  yet  scarcely  had  the  bold  adventurers  risen  above  the  parapet  when 
they  were  pierced  by  the  pikes  of  the  soldiers  or  struck  down  by  the  swords 
and  battle-axes  of  the  knights.  At  this  crisis,  a  spark  unfortunately  falling 
into  the  magazine  of  combustible-s  it  took  fire,  and  blew  up  with  a  terrific 
explosion,  killing  or  maiming  numbers  of  the  garrison,  and  rolling  volumes  of 
blinding  smoke  along  the  bastion.  The  besiegers  profited  by  the  confusion 
to  gain  a  footing  on  the  ramparts  ;  and,  when  the  clouds  of  vapour  began  to 
dissipate,  the  garrison  were  astonished  to  find  their  enemies  at  their  side,  and 
a  number  of  small  banners,  such  as  the  Turks  usually  bore  into  the  fight, 
planted  on  the  walls.  The  contest  now  raged  fiercer  than  ever,  as  the  parties 
fought  on  more  equal  terms,— the  Mussulmans  smarting  under  their  wounds, 
and  the  Christians  fired  with  the  recollection  of  St.  Elmo  and  the  desire  of 
avenging  their  slaughtered  brethren.  The  struggle  continued  long  after  the 
sun,  rising  high  in  the  heavens,  poured  down  a  flood  of  heat  on  the  combatants ; 
and  the  garrison,  pres.sed  bv  superior  numbers,  weary,  and  faint  with  wounds, 
were  hardly  able  to  keep  tKeir  footing  on  the  slippery  ground,  saturated  with 
their  own  blood  and  that  of  their  enemies.  Still  the  cheering  battle-cry  of  St. 
John  rose  in  the  air,  and  their  brave  leader,  Zanoguerra,  at  the  head  of  his 
kniuhts,  was  to  be  seen  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  There  too  was  Brother 
Robert,  an  ecclesiastic  of  the  order,  with  a  sword  in  one  hand  and  a  crucifix 
in  the  other,  though  wounded  himself,  rushing  among  the  ranks  and  exhorting 
the  men  to  *'  fight  for  the  faith  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  to  die  in  its  defence. 


e!»copeta8  de  fez,  clmltara«  de  Alexandria,  y 
de  DaniMWo.  arcoa  muv  finoR,  y  rauy  ricos 
turbantes."  Balbi,  Verdadfra  Kelacion.fol.  70. 

'  "Cargadiis  de  gente  muy  luzida,  vista  por 
clerto  muy  llnda,  aino  fuera  tan  peligrosa." 
Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

•    "Nueetro  predlcador   fray   Ruberto,  el 


qual  en  todo  el  aMalto  yva  por  todas  las 
postas  con  un  cruclfixo  en  la  una  mano,  y  la 
espada  en  la  otra :  animandono<«  a  bien  morir, 
y  pelear  por  1 1  fe  de  lesu  Cliristo :  y  fue 
herido  este  dia  su  pateroidad."  Balbi,  Ibid., 
fol.  73. 


422 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


SLAUGHTER  OF  THE  TURKS. 


423 


At  this  crisis,  the  commander,  Zanoeuerra,  though  clad  in  armour  of  proof, 
was  hit  by  a  random  musket-shot,  which  stretched  liini  hfeless  on  the  rampart. 
At  his  fall  the  besiegers  set  up  a  shout  of  triumph,  and  redoubled  their  ettbrts. 
It  would  now  have  gone  hard  with  the  garrison  had  it  not  been  for  a  timely 
reinforcement  whicli  arrived  from  11  Borgo.  It  was  sent  by  La  Valette,  who 
had  learned  the  perilous  state  of  the  bastion.  He  had,  not  long  before  this, 
caused  a  tioating  bridge  to  be  laid  across  the  Port  of  Galleys,— thus  connect- 
ing the  two  peninsulas  with  each  other  and  affording  a  much  readier  means  of 
communication  than  before  existed. 

While  this  was  going  on,  a  powerful  reinforcement  was  on  its  way  to  the 
support  of  the  assailants.  Ten  boats  of  the  largest  size,  having  a  thousand 
janizaries  on  board,  were  seen  advancing  across  the  Great  Harbour  from  the 
opposite  shore.  Taking  warning  by  the  fate  of  their  countrymen,  they  avoided 
the  palisades,  and,  pursuing  a  more  northerly  course,  stood  for  the  extreme 
point  of  the  Spur.  By  so  doing  they  exposed  themselves  to  the  fire  of  a 
battery  in  St.  Angelo,  sunk  down  almost  to  the  watei^'s  level.  It  was  this 
depressed  condition  of  the  work  that  secured  it  from  the  notice  of  the  Turks. 
The  battery,  mounted  with  five  guns,  was  connnanded  by  the  Chevalier  de 
Guiral,  who  coolly  waited  until  the  enemy  had  come  within  range  of  his  shot, 
when  he  gave  the  word  to  fiie.  The  pieces  were  loaded  with  heavy  balls,  and 
with  bags  filled  with  chain  and  bits  of  iron.  The  effect  of  the  discharge  was 
terrible.  Nine  of  the  barges  were  shattered  to  pieces,  and  immediately  sank.' 
The  water  was  covered  with  the  splinters  of  the  vessels,  with  mutilated  trunks, 
dissevered  limbs,  fragments  of  clothes,  and  quantities  of  provisions ;  for  the 
enemy  came  prepared  to  take  up  their  quarters  permanently  in  the  fortress. 
Amidst  the  dismal  wreck  a  few  wretches  were  to  be  seen  struggling  with  the 
waves  and  calling  on  their  comrades  for  help.  But  those  in  the  surviving 
boat,  when  they  had  recovered  from  the  shock  of  the  explosion,  had  no  mind 
to  remain  longer  in  so  perilous  a  position,  but  made  the  best  of  their  way  back 
to  the  shore,  leaving  their  companions  to  their  fate.  Day  after  day  the  waves 
threw  upon  the  strand  the  corpses  of  the  drowned  men  ;  and  the  Maltese 
divers  long  continued  to  drag  up  from  the  bottom  rich  articles  of  wearing- 
apparel,  ornaments,  and  even  purses  of  nioney,  which  had  been  upon  the 
persons  of  the  janizaries.  Eight  hundred  are  said  to  have  perished  by  this 
disaster,  which  may,  not  improbably,  have  decided  the  fate  of  the  fortress  ;  for 
the  strength  of  the  reinforcement  would  have  been  more  than  a  match  for  that 
sent  by  La  Valette  to  the  support  of  the  garrison.'* 

Meanwhile,  the  succours  detached  by  the  grand  master  had  no  sooner 
entered  the  bastion  than,  seeing  their  brethren  so  hard  beset,  and  the  Moslem 
flasks  planted  along  the  parapet,  they  cried  their  war-cry  and  fell  furiously  on 
the  enemy.  In  this  they  were  well  supported  by  the  garrison,  who  gathered 
strength  at  the  sight  of  the  reinforcement.  The  Turks,  now  pres.sed  on  all 
sides,  gave  way.  Some  succeeded  in  making  their  escape  by  the  ladders,  as 
they  had  entered.  Others  were  hurled  down  on  the  rocks  below.  Most,  turn- 
ing on  their  assailants,  fell  fighting  on  the  ramrart  which  they  had  so  nearly 
won.  Those  who  escat>ed  hurried  to  the  shore,  noping  to  gain  the  boats  which 
lay  off  at  some  distance  ;  when  a  detachment,  sallying  from  the  bastion,  inter- 
cepted their  flight.    Thus  at  bay,  they  had  no  alternative  but  to  fight.    But 


•  "Echonueve  barcas  delas  mayores  a  fondo 
que  no  se  salvo  nlnguno.  y  auria  en  estas 
barcas  ocboclentos  Turcos."  Jialbi,  Verdadera 
Balacloo,  ful  72. 

'"  This  >eem8  to  have  be°n  Bal'i's  opinion  : 
"  £a  couclusioQ,  la  casa  luata  del  comeudador 


Ouiral  fue  este  dia  a  Juyzio  de  todos  la  paU 
vacion  dp  la  Isla,  porque  si  laR  barcas  y.i  die- 
has  echavan  su  gCte  en  tlerra,  no  les  pudiera- 
n\os  resistir  en  ningima  mauera."  Verdadera 
BelacioD,  ful.  73. 


their  spirit  was  gone ;  and  they  were  easily  hewed  down  by  their  pursuers. 
Some,  throwing  themselves  on  their  knees,  piteously  begged  for  mercy.  "  Such 
mercy,"  shouted  the  victors,  "  as  you  showed  at  St.  Elmo  ! "  **  and  buried  their 
daggers  in  their  bodies. 

While  this  bloody  work  was  going  on  below,  the  knights  and  soldiers 
gathered  on  the  exposed  points  of  the  bastion  above  presented  an  obvious 
mark  to  the  Turkish  guns  across  the  water,  which  had  not  been  worked  during 
the  assault,  for  fear  of  injuring  the  assailants.  Now  that  the  Turks  had 
vanished  from  the  ramparts,  some  heavy  shot  were  thrown  among  the  Chris- 
tians, with  fatal  eifect.  Among  others  who  were  slain  was  Frederick  de  Toledo. 
a  son  of  the  viceroy  of  Sicily.  He  was  a  young  knight  of  great  promise,  and 
was  under  the  especial  care  of  the  grand  master,  who  kept  him  constantly  near 
his  person.  But  when  the  generous  youth  learned  the  extremity  to  which  his 
brethren  in  La  Sangle  were  reduced,  he  secretly  joined  the  reinforcement 
which  was  going  to  their  relief,  and  did  his  duty  like  a  good  knight  in  the 
combat  which  followed.  While  on  the  rampart,  he  was  struck  down  by  a 
caiuion-shot ;  and  a  splinter  from  his  cuirass  mortally  wounded  a  comrade  to 
whom  he  was  speaking  at  the  time. 

While  the  fight  was  thus  going  on  at  the  Spur,  Hassem  was  storming  the 
breach  of  Fort  St.  Michael,  on  the  opposite  quarter.  The  storming-party, 
consisting  of  both  Moors  and  Turks,  rushed  to  the  assault  with  their  usual 
intrepidity.  But  they  found  a  very  ditterent  enemy  from  the  spectral  forms 
which,  wasted  by  toil  and  suttering,  had  opposed  so  ineffectual  a  resistance  in 
the  last  days  of  St.  Elmo.  In  vain  did  the  rushing  tide  of  assailants  endeavour 
to  force  an  oi>ening  through  the  stern  array  of  warrior-s,  which,  like  a  wall  of 
iron,  now  filled  up'the  bieach.  Recoiling  in  confusion,  the  leading  files  fell 
back  upon  the  rear,  and  all  was  disorder.  But  Hassem  soon  reformed  his 
ranks,  and  again  led  them  to  the  charge.  Again  they  were  repulsed  with  loss ; 
but,  as  fresh  troops  came  to  their  aid,  the  little  garrison  must  have  been  borne 
down  by  numbers,  had  not  their  comrades,  flushed  with  their  recent  victory  at 
the  bastion,  hurried  to  their  support,  and,  sweeping  like  a  whirlwind  through 
the  breach,  driven  the  enemy  with  dreadful  carnage  along  the  slope  and  com- 
pelled him  to  take  refuge  in  his  trenches. 

Thus  ended  the  first  assault  of  the  besiegers  since  the  fall  of  St.  Elmo. 
The  success  of  the  Christians  was  complete.  Between  three  and  four  thousand 
Mussulmans,  including  those  who  were  droAvned,— according  to  the  Maltese 
statements,— fell  in  the  two  attacks  on  the  fortress  and  the  bastion.  But  the 
arithmetic  of  an  enemy  is  not  apt  to  be  exact. '^  The  loss  of  the  Christians 
did  not  exceed  two  hundred.  Even  this  was  a  heavy  loss  to  the  besieged,  and 
included  some  of  their  best  knights,  to  say  nothing  of  others  disabled  by  their 
wounds.  Still,  it  was  a  signal  victory ;  and  its  influence  was  felt  in  raising 
the  spirits  of  the  besieged  and  in  inspiring  them  with  confidence.  La  Valette 
was  careful  to  cherish  these  feelings.  The  knights,  followed  by  the  whole 
population  of  II  Borgo,  went  in  solemn  procession  to  the  great  church  of  St. 
Lawrence,  where  Te  I)eum  was  chanted,  while  the  colours  taken  from  the 
infidel  were  suspended  from  the  walls  as  glorious  trophies  of  the  victory.** 


"  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  iii.  p.  13. 

"  Compare  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol. 
lil.  p.  13,  and  Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol. 
73.  —  The  latter  chronicler,  for  a  wonder, 
raises  the  sum  total  of  the  killed  to  a  some- 
what higher  figure  than  tlie  abbe,— calling  it 
full  four  thousand. 

"  The  particulars  of  the  assaults  on  St. 


Michael  and  the  Spur  are  given  by  Balbi,  Ver- 
dadera Relacion,  Jol.  61-74  ;  and  with  more  or 
less  inaccuracy  by  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta, 
vol.  iii.  pp.  8-13 ;  Calderon,  Gloriosa  Defensade 
Malta,  pi».  110-116 ;  De  Thou,  Histoire  univer- 
selle,  tora.  v.  pp.  72-74 ;  Cabrera,  Filipe 
Segundo,  lib.  v.  cap.  26;  Herrera,  Historia 
general,  lib.  xii.  cap.  7 ;  Sagredu,  Monarcas 


424 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


Mustapha  now  found  that  the  spirit  of  the  besieged,  far  from  being  broken 
by  their  late  reverses,  was  higher  tlian  ever,  as  their  resources  were  greater, 
and  their  fortifications  stronger,  than  those  of  St.  Elmo.  He  saw  the  neces- 
sity of  proceeding  with  greater  caution.  He  resolved  to  level  the  defences  of 
the  Christians  with  the  ground,  and  then,  combining  the  whole  stren^h  of 
his  forces,  make  simultaneous  assaults  on  11  Borgo  and  St.  Michael.  His  first 
step  was  to  continue  his  line  of  intrenchments  below  St.  Salvador  to  the 
water's  edge,  and  thus  cut  otf  the  enemy's  communication  with  the  opposite 
side  of  the  English  Port,  by  means  of  which  the  late  reinforcement  from  Sicily 
had  reached  him.  He  further  strengthened  the  battery  on  St.  Salvador, 
arming  it  with  sixteen  guns,— two  of  them  of  such  enormous  calibre  as  to 
throw  stone  bullets  of  three  hundred  pounds'  weight. 

From  this  ponderous  battery  he  now  opened  a  cnishing  fire  on  the  neigh- 
bouring bastion  of  Castile,  and  on  the  miarter  of  II  Borgo  lying  nearest  to  it. 
The  storm  of  marble  and  metal  that  fell  upon  the  houses,  though  these  were 
built  of  stone,  soon  laid  many  of  them  in  ruins ;  and  the  shot,  sweeping  the 
streets,  killed  numbers  of  the  inhabitants,  including  women  and  children.  La 
Valette  caused  barriers  of  solid  masonry  to  be  raised  across  the  streets  for  the 
protection  of  the  citizens.  As  this  was  a  work  of  great  danger,  he  put  his 
slaves  upon  it,  trusting,  too,  that  the  enemy  might  be  induced  to  mitigate  his 
fire  from  tenderness  for  the  lives  of  his  Moslem  brethren.  But  in  such  an 
expectation  he  greatly  erred.  More  than  five  hundred  slaves  fell  under  the 
incessant  volleys  of  the  besiegers  ;  and  it  was  only  by  the  most  severe,  indeed 
cruel  treatment,  that  these  unfortunate  beings  could  be  made  to  resume  their 
labours." 

La  Valette  at  this  time,  in  order  to  protect  the  town  against  assault  on  the 
side  of  the  English  Port,  caused  a  number  of  vessels  laden  with  heavy  stones 
to  be  sunk  not  far  from  shore.  They  were  further  secured  by  anchors  bound 
to  one  another  with  chains,  forming  altogether  an  impenetrable  barrier  against 
any  approach  by  water. 

The  inhabitants  of  II  Borgo,  as  well  as  the  soldiers,  were  now  active  in 
preparations  for  defence.  Some  untwisted  large  ropes  and  cables  to  get 
materials  for  making  bags  to  serve  as  gabions.  Some  were  busy  with  manu- 
facturing dillerent  sorts  of  fireworks,  much  relied  on  as  a  means  of  defence  by 
the  besieged.  Others  were  employed  in  breaking  up  the  large  stones  from 
the  ruined  buildings  into  smaller  ones,  which  proved  efficient  missiles  when 
hurled  on  the  heads  of  the  assailants  below.  But  the  greatest  and  most 
incessant  labour  was  that  of  repairing  the  breaches,  or  of  constnicting 
retrenchments  to  defend  them.  The  sound  of  the  hammer  and  the  saw  was 
everywhere  to  be  heard.  The  fires  of  the  forges  were  never  suffered  to  go 
out.  The  hum  of  labour  was  as  unintermitting  throughout  the  city  as  in  the 
season  of  peace  ;  but  with  a  veiy  different  end.'* 

Over  all  these  labours  the  grand  master  exercised  a  careful  superintendence. 
He  was  a  ways  on  the  spot  where  his  presence  was  needed.  His  eye  seemed 
never  to  slumber.  He  performed  many  of  the  duties  of  a  soldier,  as  well  as 
of  a  commander.    He  made  the  rounds  constantly  in  the  night,  to  see  that 


Othomanos,  p.  246  ;  Campana,  Vitadi  Filippo 
Secondo,  torn.  ii.  p.  160. 

'  Cruel  ind»H?d,  according  to  the  report  of 
Rdbi,  who  tells  u«  that  the  Christians  cut  off 
the  ears  of  the  more  refractory,  and  even  put 
Bome  of  them  to  death,— j»«r  encouragt-r  Us 
auties:  "  Man  muerto  en  esta  Jornada  al  tra- 
bajo  mas  de  quinientoe  esclavos;  mas  los  po- 


bres  llegaron  atal  de  puron  can^ados  y  acabados 
del  triib  jo  cuntinuo,  que  no  podian  estar  en 
pip,  y  se  dexavan  cortar  las  orajas  y  niatar, 
por  no  poder  trabajar  mas."  Balbi,  Verdadera 
Kela  ion,  fol.  66. 

''  Balbi,  V.  rdad<  ra  Relacion,  fol.  67,  77.— 
Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  Hi.  p.  18.— Cam- 
pana, Vita  di  Filippo  Secondo,  torn.  il.  p.  160. 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  VICEROY. 


425 


all  was  well  and  that  the  sentinels  were  at  their  posts.  On  these  occasions 
he  freely  exposed  him.self  to  dan>2:er,  showing  a  carelessness  of  his  own  safety 
that  called  forth  more  than  once  the  remonstrances  of  his  brethren.  He  was 
indeed  watchful  over  all,  says  the  old  chronicler  who  witnessed  it ;  showing 
no  sign  of  apprehension  in  his  valiant  countenance,  but  by  his  noble  presence 
giving  heart  and  animation  to  his  followers.*' 

Yet  the  stoutest  heart  which  witnessed  the  scene  might  well  have  thrilled 
with  apprehension.  Far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  the  lines  of  the  Moslem  army 
stretched  over  hill  and  valley  ;  while  a  deafening  roar  of  artillery  from  tour- 
teen  batteries  shook  the  solid  earth,  and,  borne  across  the  waters  for  more 
tlian  a  hundred  miles,  sounded  to  the  inhabitants  of  Syracuse  and  Catania 
like  the  mutterings  of  distant  thunder.'^  In  the  midst  of  this  turmoil,  and 
encompassed  by  the  glittering  lines  of  the  besiegers,  the  two  Christian  for- 
tresses misht  be  dimly  discerned  amidst  volumes  of  fire  and  smoke,  whicli, 
rolling  darkly  round  their  summits,  almost  hid  from  view  the  banner  of  fet. 
John,  proudly  waving  in  the  breeze,  as  in  defiance  of  the  enemy. 

But  the  situation  of  the  garrison,  as  the  works  cnimbled  under  the  stroke 
of  the  bullet,  became  every  day  more  critical.  La  Valette  contrived  to  send 
information  of  it  to  the  viceroy  of  Sicily,  urging  him  to  delay  his  coming  no 
loib^er,  if  he  would  save  the  island.  But,  strange  to  say,  such  was  the  timid 
polFcy  that  had  crept  into  the  viceroy's  councils  that  it  was  senons  y  discussed 
vvhether  it  was  expedient  to  send  aid  at  all  to  the  Knights  of  Malta  !  Some 
insisted  that  there  was  no  obligation  on  Spain  to  take  any  part  in  the  quarrel, 
and  that  the  knights  should  be  left  to  fight  out  the  battle  with  the  Turks  m 
Malta,  as  they  had  tefore  done  in  Rhodes.  Others  remonstrated  against  this, 
declaring  it  Would  be  an  eternal  blot  on  the  scutcheon  of  Castile  if  she  should 
desert  in  their  need  the  brave  chivalry  who  for  so  many  years  had  been  hght- 
inff  the  battles  of  Chri.stendom.  The  king  of  Spain,  in  particular,  as  the 
feudatory  sovereign  of  the  order,  was  bound  to  protect  the  island  from  the 
Turks,  who  moreover,  once  in  possession  of  it,  would  prove  the  most  terrible 
scource  that  ever  fell  on  the  commerce  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  more 
cenerous,  happily  the  more  politic,  counsel  prevailed;  and  the  viceroy  con- 
toed  to  convey  an  assurance  to  the  grand  master  that  if  he  could  hoUi  out 
till  the  end  of  the  following  month  he  would  come  with  sixteen  thousand  men 

ButThis  was  a  long  period  for  men  in  extremity  to  wait.  La  Valette  saw 
with  grief  how  much  deceived  he  had  been  in  thus  leaning  on  the  viceroy. 
He  determined  to  disappoint  his  brethren  no  longer  by  holding  out  delusive 
rTroniK^s  of  su^^^  "The  onlv  succour  to  be  relied  on,"  he  said  "  wa^  that 
rSgh  y  S  He  who  has' hitherto  preserved  his^  children  from  danger 
will  not  now  abandon  them."  >»  La  Valette  reminded  his  followers  that  they 
were  the  soldiers  of  Heaven,  fighting  for  the  Faith,  for  liberty  and  life. 
-  Should  the  enemy  prevail,"  he  added,  with  a  politic  suggestion,    the  Chns- 


»•  •'  En  fin  era  in  todo  diligente,  vigilante  y 
aiiimow).  y  jamas  se  conoscio  en  su  valeroso 
pemblante  ninguna  senal  de  temor,  antes  con 
BU  presencia  davu  esfuer<;o  y  ammo  a  sua 
lavalleroa   y   soldados."      Balbi,    Verdadera 

Helaclon,  fol.  77.  ^  ,    .         „^„ 

"  "  Luego  que  todas  estas  bateriaa  comen- 
caron  de  batir,  y  todas  en  un  tiempo.  era 
tanto  el  ruydo  y  temMor  que  parecia  quererse 
acabar  el  mudo.  y  puedese  bien  cn^er  que  el 
ruvdo  fuesse  tal,  pues  se  sentia  muy  clara- 
meute  dende  Carago(;a,  y  dende  CaUma,  que 


ay  cicnto  y  vevnte  millas  de  Malta  a  estas  dos 
ciudades."   Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  78. 
'•  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  iiL  pp.  21, 

22. 

'•  "  Dixo  publicamente,  que  el  no  aguai  dava 
socorro  ya  sino  era  del  omnipotente  Dios  el 
qual  era  el  soccorro  verdadero,  y  el  que  hasta 
entonces  nos  havia  libra«io,  y  que  ni  mas  ni 
menos  nos  libraria  p  r  <l  avenir,  delas  maiios 
delos  enemigos  de  su  santa  fee."  Balbi,  Ver- 
dadera Relacion,  fol.  81. 


428  SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 

tians  could  expect  no  better  fate  than  that  of  their  comrades  in  St  Elmo.^ 
The  grand  master's  admonition  was  not  lost  upon  the  soldle^^  uZ    Uil 

of  u^"  says  Balbi,  "resolved  to  die  rather  than  surrender,  and  to  seU  his  Me 
as  dearly  as  possible.    From  that  hour  no  mau  talked  of  succours 

One  of  those  spiritual  weapons  from  the  papal  armoury,  which  have  some- 
times proved  of  singular  ethcacy  in  times  of  need,  came  now  most  seasonabhr 
to  the  aid  of  La  Vaiette.  A  bull  of  Pius  the  Fourth  granted  P  enary  indur- 
gence  for  all  the  sins  which  had  been  committed  by  those  en-aged  in  tins  holy 
war  against  the  Moslems.  "There  were  few,"  says  the  chronicler,  "either 
.vomen  or  men,  old  enough  to  appreciate  it,  who  did  »|f  ^  ^triye  to  me^^^^^^^^^ 
erace  by  most  earnest  devotion  to  the  cause,  and  who  did  not  have  enti  e 
faith  tliat  all  who  died  in  the  good  work  would  be  at  once  received  uito 

^^  >lore  than  two  weeks  had  elapsed  since  the  attempt,  so  disastrous  to  the 
Turks,  on  the  fortress  of  St.  Michael.  During  this  tune  they  had  kept  up  an 
iinhitermitting  fire  on  the  Christian  fortifications  ;  and  the  ellect  was  visible 
me  than  one  fearful  gap,  which  invited  the  assau  t  of  the  enemy  Ihe 
second  of  August  was  accordingly  fixed  on  as  the  day  ^^^^geiieral  a^tta^^^^^ 
l)e  made  on  bSth  Fort  8t.  Michael  and  on  the  bastion  of  Castile,  ^hich  ^,tu. 
ated  at  the  head  of  the  English  Fort,  eastward  of  11  Borgo,  tianked  the  line  of 
defence  on  that  quarter.  Klustapha  was  to  conduct  l^^f^9^  TIm^ou 
against  the  fort ;  the  assault  on  the  bastion  he  intrusted  to  Piali  ;-a  division 
of  the  command  by  which  the  ambition  of  the  rival  chiefs  would  be  roused  to 

^^FoSiately,  La  Vaiette  obtained  notice,  through  some  deserters,  of  the 
plans  of  the  Turkish  commanders,  and  made  his  preparations  accordingly.    On 
the  raorninij  of  the  second,  Fialis  men,  at  the  appointed  signal,  inoved  bnsklv 
forward  to  the  assault.    They  soon  crossed  the  ditch,  but  partially  filled  with 
the  ruins  of  the  rampart,  scaled  the  ascent  in  face  of  a  sharp  fire  of  n»a.>ketry 
and  stood  at  length,  with  ranks  somewhat  shattered,  on  tlie  summit  of  the 
breach.     But  here  they  were  opposed  by  retrenchments  within,  thrown  up  by 
the  besieged,  from  behind  which  they  now  poured  such  heavy  volleys  among 
the  assailants  as  staggered  the  front  of  the  column  and  compelled  it  to  fall 
•  ba^k  swie  paces  iifthe  rear.     Here  it  was  encountered  by  those  uushing 
forward  from  below  ;  and  some  confusion  ensued.    This  was  increased  by  tlie 
vigour  with  which  the  garrison  now  plied  their  musketry  from  the  ramparts, 
hurling  down  at  the  same  time  heavy  logs,  hand-grenades,  and  torrents  of 
scalding  pitch  on  the  heads  of  the  assailing  column,  which,  blinded  and  stag- 
gering under  the  shock,  reeled  to  and  fro  like  a  drunken  man     To  add  to 
their  distress,  the  feet  of  the  soldiers  were  torn  and  entangled  among  the 
spikes  which  had  been  thickly  set  in  the  rums  of  the  breach  by  the  besieged. 
Woe  to  him  who  fell !    His  writhing  body  was  soon  trampled  under  the  press. 
In  vain  the  Moslem  chiefs  endeavoured  to  restore  order.     Iheir  voices  were 
lost  in  the  wild  uproar  that  raged  around.    At  this  crisis  the  knights,  charging 
at  the  head  of  their  followers,  cleared  the  breach,  and  drove  the  enemy  with 

loss  into  his  trenches.  ,  .        j  i     /     l  i. 

There  the  broken  column  soon  reformed,  and,  strengthened  by  fresh  troops, 
was  again  brought  to  the  attack.    But  this  gave  a  respite  to  the  garrison, 


GENERAL  ASSAULT. 


427 


Esta  habla  del  gran  Maestre  luego  fue 
divulgada.y  asi  toda  la  geute  se  deteroiino  de 
primeru  morir  que  veiiir  a  manos  de  turcos 
vivos,  pero  Unibien  se  determino  de  vender 
muy  bin  sus  vidas,  y  asi  ya  no  8*-  truUva  de 
Bocorro."      Balbi,    Verdadera   Kelacion,  ubi 


supra. 

"  "  No  quedo  bombre  ni  tnuger  de  edad 
para  ello  que  no  lo  ganasse  con  devocion  gran- 
dissiuia,  y  con  muy  flmie  e8peran9a  y  fe  de  yr 
ala  gloria,  murieudo  eu  la  Jornada."  Ibid., 
fol.  71. 


which  La  Vaiette  improved  by  causing  refreshments  to  be  serv«i  to  the 

''SnTna'again  the  discomfited  Turks  gathered  strength  for  »  "e^  as^ult, 

SetrXults  Sar  being  attended  with  f?ta  -"„^f -l^^- ,  ,„d  brought 
A  mine  which  ran  ^df^^t^e  teuton  of  Ca.^^^^^^^^  ^^^  J 

down  a  wide  extent  of  the  rampart.  J-"*  e"«»'J''  .•^nfeided  breach,-or 
mounting  the  smoking  ru«^  trS^risoHL  were  t^ken  unawares.  'The 
defended  only  by  a  handful  of  the  !^["f "' ™°  ,  ^r^  nlanted  on  the  walls, 
next  minute,  the  great  standard  »«  *«  ^'"°"'»;"'  ^^^^J^^^^  been  in  the 

The  alarm  was  raised  In  afe^y  'f  "'Jt' ''>«  Z  grSr  AVUliam  by  name, 
heart  of  the  town     An  ecclesiastic  »f  the  "™er  Brother  mi         ^  j 

terrified  at  the  sight,  made  »»  hf  tf  to  the  f™"^  ™*'^f  Jhrpriest  called  on 
station  in  the  public  sjiuare  ^^  *  "^1,  .^  of  f  t  Angdo,  as  the  enemy 
him  to  take  refuge,  while  l'«'»'™,  in  the  castle  ooi.^^^^^^ 

St'S^-r^rottpha/h    1!^5^^^^^ 

Tuld  ^Xtcl^.'^  ?KlX,»o.r«tU  ^hakenby  the 

resolute  charge,  fell  back  ^lo^I^y  °"  ' J^«  ^iXded  the  grand  master,  who  was 

The  cavaliers  would  now  '»'"  ^^J*.  P*J™'^,^  Jo  ^o^  place  of  skfety  and 

SX'STi:  Selo^hltnli^auSr  V.  fixfng  his  eye  on  the 


"  "Tenia  mandado.  que  en  todos  los  dias 
de  assalto  se  llevasseii  por  todas  las  postas 
adoSi  peleaBse.  muchos  b  lyvelos  de  vino 
jSo.  y  ?an  pa.  a  refrescar  su  gente.  pues  de 
JcnJe^no  pSdia!"    Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion, 

^"«^.lsi  todas  e^tas  bupnas  ordenesno  uviera, 
no  bastarau  fuerQas  bumanas  para  resistir  a 


tanta  furia  pertinacia,  rrindpalmete  siendo 
nosotros  tan  pocos,  y  ellos  tantos.     Ibid.,  ubi 

*"?/*;  El  gran  Maestre  sin  mudars",  ni  alter- 
arse  de  su  sembUnte  valeroso  dixo,  V^amos  a 
morir  alia  todos  cavalleros,  q  oy  ea  el  dia. 
Ibid.,  fol.  90. 


428 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


Ottoman  standard,  still  floating  above  the  walls,  he  mournfully  shook  his 
head,  in  token  of  his  resolution  to  remain.  The  garrison,  spurred  on  by  shame 
and  indignation,  again  charged  the  Moslems,  with  greater  fury  than  before. 
The  colours,  wrenched  from  the  ramparts,  were  torn  to  shreds  in  the  struggle. 
The  Christians  prevailed ;  and  the  Turks,  quailing  before  their  invincible 
spirit,  were  comijelled,  after  a  long  and  bloody  contest,  to  abandon  the  works 
they  had  so  nearly  won. 

Still  the  grand  master,  far  from  retiring,  took  up  his  quarters  for  the  night 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  breach.  He  had  no  doubt  that  the  enemy  would 
return  under  cover  of  the  darkness  and  renew  the  assault  Ijefore  the  garrison 
had  time  to  throw  up  retrenchments.  It  was  in  vain  his  companions  besought 
him  to  withdraw,  to  leave  the  fight  to  them,  and  not  to  risk  a  life  so  precious 
to  the  community.  "  And  how  can  an  old  man  like  me,"  he  said,  "  end  his 
life  more  gloriously  than  when  surrounded  by  his  brethren  and  fighting  the 
battles  of  the  Cross?"" 

La  Valette  was  right  in  his  conjecture.  No  sooner  had  the  darkness  fallen 
than  the  Turkish  host,  ag^in  under  arms,  came  surging  on  across  the  ruins  of 
the  rampart  towards  the  breach.  But  it  was  not  under  cover  of  the  darkness ; 
for  the  whole  bay  was  illumined  by  the  incessant  flash  of  artillery,  by  the  blaze 
of  combustibles,  and  the  fiery  track  of  the  missiles  dartin^through  the  air. 
Thus  the  combat  was  carried  on  as  by  the  light  of  day.  The  garrison,  pre- 
pared for  the  attack,  renewed  the  scenes  of  the  moniing,  and  again  beat  off 
the  assailants,  who,  broken  and  dispirited,  could  not  be  roused,  even  by  the 
blows  of  their  otticers,  to  return  to  trie  assault.** 

On  the  following  morning,  La  Valette  caused  Te  Deum  to  be  sung  in  the 
church  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  thanks  to  be  ottered  at  the  throne  of  grace  for 
their  deliverance.  And  if  the  ceremonies  were  not  conducted  with  the  accus- 
tomed pomp  of  the  order  of  St.  John,  they  were  at  least  accompanied,  says  the 
chronicler,  who  bore  his  part  in  them,  by  the  sacrifice  of  contrite  hearts,— as 
was  shown  by  the  tears  of  many  a  man,  as  well  as  woman,  in  the  procession.'^ 

There  was  indeed  almost  as  much  cause  for  sorrow  as  for  joy.  However 
successful  the  Christians  had  been  in  maintaining  their  defence,  and  however 
severe  the  loss  they  had  inflicted  on  the  enemy,  they  had  to  mourn  the  loss  of 
some  of  their  most  illustrious  knights,  while  others  lay  disabled  in  their  beds. 
Among  the  latter  was  De  Monti,  admiral  of  the  order,  now  lying  seriously  ill 
of  wounds  received  in  the  defence  of  St.  Michael,  of  which  he  was  commander. 
Among  the  deaths  was  one  which  came  home  to  the  bosom  of  La  Valette.  A 
young  cavalier,  his  nephew,  had  engaged  in  a  perilous  enterprise  with  a  com- 
rade of  his  own  age.  The  handsome  person  and  gilded  armour  of  the  younger 
La  Valette  made  him  a  fatal  mark  for  the  enemy  ;  ■*  and  he  fell,  together  with 
his  friend,  in  the  ditch  befoi-e  the  bastion,  under  a  shower  of  Turkish  bullets. 
An  obstinate  struggle  succeeded  between  Christians  and  Turks  for  the  bodies 


»»  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol  ill.  p.  24. 

'°  Vertut  fnpeaks  of  this  last  attack  af>  having 
been  made  on  the  eighteenth  of  August.  His 
chronology  may  be  corrected  by  that  of  Kalbi, 
whose  narrative,  taking  the  form  of  a  diary,  in 
N\  hich  the  transactions  of  each  day  are  sepa- 
rately noted,  bears  the  stamp  of  much  greater 
accuracy.  Balhi  gives  the  seventh  of  August 
as  the  date.— For  the  preceding  pages  see 
Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  89-93.— Ver- 
tot, Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  ill.  pp.  18-24,— 
lalderon.  Gloriosa  Defensa  de  Malta, pp.  146- 
15U, — De  Thou,  Uistuire  uuiverselle,  torn.  v. 


p.  83,  et  seq.,— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo.  lib. 
vi.  cap.  27,— Cami)ana,  Vita  di  Filippo  Secon- 
do,  torn.  ii.  p.  16,— Leti,  Vita  di  Filippo  11., 
turn.  i.  p.  45U. 

''  •'  Y  sino  solenne  coroo  en  esta  religion  se 
Buele  hazer,  alomenos  colrita  a  lo  que  las  la- 
grimas  de  muchos  hombres  y  mugeres  davan 
sefial."     Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion.  fol.  94. 

■'•  "  Y  com«»  el  comendador  era  hombre  de 
linda  disposlcion,  y  armado  de  unas  armaa 
doradas  y  ricas,  lus  turcus  tirarou  tudus  a  el." 
Ibid.,  fol.  76. 


CONSTANCY  OF  LA  VALETTE. 


429 


of  the  slain.  The  Christians  were  victorious  ;  and  La  Valette  had  the  melan- 
choly satisfaction  of  rendering  the  last  oftices  to  the  remains  of  his  gallant 
kinsman.  The  brethren  would  have  condoled  with  him  on  his  loss.  But  his 
generous  nature  shrank  from  the  indulgence  of  a  selfish  sorrow.  "  All  are 
alike  dear  to  me,"  he  said ;  '*  all  of  you  I  look  on  as  my  children.  I  mourn 
for  Polastra  "  (the  friend  of  the  young  Valette)  "  as  I  do  for  my  own  nephew. 
And,  after  all,  it  matters  little.  They  have  gone  before  us  but  for  a  short 
time."  '• 

It  was  indeed  no  season  for  the  indulgence  of  private  sorrows,  when  those 
of  a  public  nature  pressed  so  heavily  on  the  heart.  Each  day  the  condition  of 
the  besieged  was  becoming  more  critical.  The  tottering  defences  both  of  II 
Borgo  and  La  8angle  were  wasting  away  under  the  remorseless  batteries  of 
the  besiegers.  Great  numbers,  not  merely  of  the  knights  and  the  soldiers,  but 
of  the  inhabitants,  had  been  slain.  The  women  of  the  place  had  shown, 
throughout  the  whole  siege,  the  same  heroic  sr)irit  as  the  men.  They  not  only 
discharged  the  usual  feminine  duties  of  tending  and  relieving  the  sick,  but 
they  were  often  present  in  the  battle,  supplying  the  garrison  with  refresh- 
ments, or  carrying  the  ammunition,  or  removing  the  wounded  to  the  hospital. 
Thus  sharing  in  the  dangers  of  their  husbands  and  fathers,  they  shared  too  in 
their  fate.  Alany  perished  by  the  enemy's  fire ;  and  the  dead  bodies  of  women 
lay  mingled  among  those  of  the  men,  on  the  ramparts  and  in  the  streets.** 
The  hospitals  were  filled  with  the  sick  and  wounded,  though  fortunately  no 
epidemic  had  as  yet  broken  out  to  swell  the  bills  of  mortality.  Those  of  the 
garrison  who  were  still  in  a  condition  to  do  their  duty  were  worn  by  long  vigils 
and  excessive  toil.  To  fight  by  day,  to  raise  intrenchments  or  to  repair  the 
crumbling  works  by  night,  was  the  hard  duty  of  the  soldier.  Brief  was  the 
respite  allowed  him  for  repose,— a  repose  to  be  broken  at  any  moment  by 
the  sound  of  the  alarm-bell,  and  to  be  obtained  only  amidst  so  wild  an  uproar 
that  it  seemed,  in  the  homely  lanpiage  of  the  veteran  so  often  quoted,  "as  if 
the  world  were  coming  to  an  end. '  *» 

Happily,  through  the  provident  care  of  the  grand  master,  there  was  still  a 
store  of  provisions  in  the  magazines.  But  the  ammunition  was  already  getting 
low.  Yet  the  resolution  of  the  besieged  did  not  fail  them.  Their  resolution 
had  doubtless  been  strengthened  by  the  cruel  conduct  of  the  Turks  at  St. 
Elmo,  which  had  shown  that  from  such  a  foe  there  was  no  mercy  to  be 
expected.  The  conviction  of  this  had  armed  the  Christians  with  the  courage 
of  despair.  On  foreign  succour  they  no  longer  relied.  Their  only  reliance  wa* 
where  their  chief  had  taught  them  to  place  it,— on  the  protection  of  Heaven  ; 
and  La  Valette,  we  are  assured,  went  every  day  during  the  siege  to  the  church 
of  St.  Lawrence,  and  there  solemnly  invoked  that  protection  for  the^ brave 
men  who,  alone  and  unaided,  were  thus  fighting  the  battles  of  the  Faith.* 

The  forlorn  condition  of  the  defences  led,  at  length,  the  council  of  Grand 
Crosses,  after  much  deliberation,  to  recommend  to  La  Valette  to  abandon  II 
Borgo  and  to  withdraw  with  the  troops  and  the  inhabitants  into  the  castle  of 
St.  Angelo.  The  grand  master  saw  at  once  the  disastrous  consequences  of 
such  a  step,  and  he  rejected  it  without  a  moment's  hesitation.  To  withdraw 
into  the  castle,  he  said,  would  be  to  give  up  all  communication  with  St.  Michael, 
and  to  abandon  its  brave  garrison  to  their  fate.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
town  would  fare  no  better.    The  cistern  which  supplied  St.  Angelo  with  water 


»»  Balbi,  Verdadera  Rrlacion,  ubi  supra. 
Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  lii.  p.  14. 
•»  Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  66,  82. 
»'  Ibid.,  fol.  78. 


"*  "  Mnchas  vezes  solo  se  yva  a  san  Lorenzo, 
y  alii  en  su  apartamiento  hazia  sus  oraciones. 
Y  eneste  exerclcio  se  occupava  quando  bo 
tenia  algun  sosiego."    Ibid.,  fol.  84. 


430 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


REINFORCEMENT  FROM   SICILY. 


431 


would  be  wholly  inadequate  to  the  demands  of  such  a  multitude  ;  and  they 
would  soon  be  reducea  to  extremity.  "  No,  my  brethren,"  he  concluded  ; 
"  here  we  must  make  our  stand  ;  and  here  we  must  die,  if  we  cannot  maintain 
ourselves  against  the  infidel."  " 

He  would  not  even  consent  to  have  the  sacred  relics,  or  the  archives  of  the 
order,  removed  thither,  as  to  a  place  of  greater  security.  It  would  serve  to 
discourage  the  soldiers,  by  leading  them  to  suppose  that  he  distrusted  their 
power  of  maintaining  the  town  against  the  eneniy.  On  the  contrary,  he  caused 
a  bridge  communicating  with  the  castle  to  be  broken  down,  after  calling  off 
the  greater  part  of  the  garrison  to  assist  in  the  defence  of  11  Borgo.  By  these 
measures  he  proclaimed  his  unalterable  determination  to  maintain  the  town  to 
the  last,  and,  if  need  were,  to  die  in  its  defence.'* 


CHAPTER  V. 


SIEGE     OP     MALTA. 


The  Turks  dispirited— Reinforcement  from  Sicily— Siege  raised— Mustapba  defeated— Re- 
joicings of  tlie  Cliristians- Mortification  of  Solyman— Review  of  the  Siege — Subsequent 
History  of  La  Valttte. 

1665. 

While  the  affairs  of  the  besieged  wore  the  gloomy  aspect  depicted  in  the  last 
chapter,  those  of  the  besiegers  were  not  nuich  better.  More  than  half  of  their 
original  force  had  perished.  To  the  bloody  roll  of  those  who  had  fallen  in  the 
numerous  assaults  were  now  to  be  added  the  daily  victims  of  pestilence.  In 
consequence  of  the  great  heat,  exposure,  and  bad  food,  a  dysentery  had  broken 
out  in  the  Moslem  army  and  was  now  sweeping  off  its  hundreds  in  a  day. 
Both  ammunition  and  provisions  were  running  low.  Ships  bringing  supplies 
were  constantly  intercepted  by  the  Sicilian  cruisers.  Many  of  tlie  heavy  guns 
were  so  much  damagea  by  the  fire  of  the  besiei^ed  as  to  require  to  be  with- 
drawn and  sent  on  board  the  fleet,— an  operation  performed  with  a  silence 
that  contrasted  strongly  with  the  noisy  shouts  with  which  the  batteries  had 
been  raised.*  But  these  movements  could  not  be  conducted  so  silently  as  to 
escape  the  notice  of  the  garrison,  whose  spirits  were  much  revived  by  the 
reports  daily  brought  in  by  deserters  of  the  condition  of  the  enemy. 

Mustapha  chafed  not  a  little  under  the  long-protracted  resistance  of  the 
besieged.  He  looked  with  apprehension  to  the  consequences  of  failure  in  an 
expedition  for  which  preparations  had  been  made  on  so  magnificent  a  scale 
by  his  master  and  with  so  confident  hopes  of  success.  He  did  not  fail  to 
employ  every  expedient  for  effecting  his  object  that  the  military  science  of 
that  day— at  least  Turkish  science— could  devise.  He  ordered  movable  wooden 
towers  to  be  built,  such  as  were  used  under  the  ancient  system  of  besieging 

Relacion,  fol.  94.— See  also  Vertot,  Knights  of 
Malta,  vol.  iii.  p.  29,— Calderon,  Gloriosa  De- 
fensa  de  Malta,  p.  167,  et  seq 

'  ••  Ya  seles  conocia,  que  les  faltavan  mu- 
cha.s  pie<;a8  que  avian  onibarcAdo,  y  cada  noche 
se  sentia  como  las  r>  tiravan,  ala  sorda  sin  los 
alaridos  que  davan  al  principio  quando  las 
plantaron."  Balbi,  Verdadera  RelacioD,  fol. 
101. 


"  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  iii.  p.  29. 

**  "  Lo  qual  libido  por  el  gran  Maestre 
como  aquel  que  jamas  penso  sino  morir  el 
primo  por  su  religion,  y  por  quitar  toda  sospe- 
cha  despues  de  aver  liecho  llevar  en  sant  Angel 
todas  las  reliquias  y  cosas  de  mas  valor,  niando 
quitar  la  puente,  dando  ft  entender  a  todo  el 
»•  undo  que  en^l  no  a  via  retirar,  sino  morir  en 
el  Borgo,  o  defcudcrlo."     Balbi,  Verdadera 


^1 


^ 


fortified  pla-es,  from  which,  when  brought  near  to  the  works,  his  musketeers 
iniglit  send  their  volleys  into  the  town.  But  the  besieged,  .sallying  forth,  set 
fire  to  his  towers  and  burned  them  to  the  ground.  He  caused  a  huge  engine 
to  be  made,  of  the  caimcity  of  a  hogshead,  filled  with  combustibles,  and  then 
swung,  by  means  of  machinery,  on  the  ramy^rt  of  the  bastion.  But  the 
earrison  succeeded  in  throwing  'it  back  on  the  heads  of  the  inventors,  where  it 
exploded  with  terrible  effect.  Mustapha  ran  his  mines  under  the  Christian 
defences,  until  the  ground  was  perforated  like  a  honeycomb  and  the  garrison 
seemed  to  be  treading  on  the  crust  of  a  volcano.  La  Valette  countermined  in 
his  turn.  The  Christians,  breaking  into  the  gallenes  of  the  iurks,  engaged 
them  boldly  under  ground  :  and  sometimes  the  mine,  exploding,  buried  both 
Turk  and  Christian  under  a  heap  of  ruins.  ,   ,      ..  ^u 

Battled  on  every  point,  with  their  ranks  houriy  thinned  by  disease,  the 
Moslem  troops  grew  sullen  and  dispirited  ;  and  now  that  the  bastion  of  Castile, 
with  its  dilapidated  works,  stood  like  some  warrior  stnpped  of  his  armour,  his 
defenceless  condition  inviting  attack,  they  were  in  no  heart  to  make  it.  As 
their  fire  slackened  and  their  assaults  became  fewer  and  more  feeble,  the 
confidence  of  the  Christians  was  renewed,  until  they  even  cnerished  the  hope 
of  beating  off  the  enemy  without  the  long  promised  succours  from  bicily. 
Fortunately  for  the  honour  of  Spain,  the  chivalry  of  St.  John  were  not  driven 

to  this  perilous  attempt.  ,    .  , .         •,  .i         ^.u    • 

Yielding,  at  length,  to  the  solicitations  of  the  knights  and  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  ariny,  the  viceroy,  Don  Garcia  de  Toledo,  assembled  his  fleet  in  the 
port  of  Syracuse,  and  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  August  weighed  anchor  Ihe 
tieet  consisted  of  twenty-eight  galleys,  and  carried  eleven  thousand  troops, 
chiefiy  Spanish  veterans,  besides  two  hundred  knights  of  the  order,  who  had 
arrived  from  other  lands  in  time  to  witness  the  closing  scene  of  the  drama. 
There  was  also  a  good  number  of  adventurers  from  Spam,  trance,  and  Italy, 
many  of  them  persons  of  rank,  and  some  of  high  military  renown,  who  had 
come  to  offer  their  services  to  the  knights  of  xMalta  and  share  m  their  glorious 

defence 

Unfortunately,  in  its  short  passage  the  fleet  encountered  a  violent  gale, 
which  did  so  much  damage  that  the  viceroy  was  compelled  to  return  to  bicUy 
and  repair  his  galleys.  He  then  put  to  sea  agam,  with  better  fortune.  He 
succeeded  in  avoiding  the  notice  of  the  enemy,  part  of  whose  armament  lay 
off  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Port,  to  prevent  the  arrival  of  succours  to  the 
besieged,— and  on  the  sixth  of  September,  under  cover  of  the  evening,  entered 
the  Bay  of  Melecca,  on  the  western  side  of  the  island.' 

The  next  morning,  having  landed  his  forces,  with  their  baggage  and  mih- 
tary  stores,  the  viceroy  sailed  again  for  Sicily,  to  bring  over  an  additional 
reinforcement  of  four  thousand  troops,  then  waiting  in  Messina.  He  passed 
near  enough  to  the  beleaguered  fortresses  to  be  descned  by  the  gamsonj^ 
whom  he  saluted  with  three  salvos  of  artillery,  that  sent  joy  into  their  hearts. 
It  had  a  very  different  effect  on  the  besiegers.  They  listened  with  nervoiis 
credulity  to  the  exaggerated  reports  that  soon  reached  them  of  the  strength 
of  the  reinforcement  landed  in  the  island,  by  which  they  expected  to  be 
speedily  assaulted  in  their  trenches.  Without  delay,  Mustapha  made  pre- 
parations for  his  departure.    His  heavy  guns  and  camp-equipage  were  got  on 

»  nalbl,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  106,  et 
j.eq.- Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  iii.  p.  33. 
—Calderon,  Glorio-a  Defonsa  de  Malta,  pp. 
172-176.— De  Thou,  Histoire  universelle,  torn. 
V.  p.  88.— Cabrera,  Fillpe  Segundo,  lib.  vi. 
cap.  28.--CampaDa,  Vita  dl  Filippo  Secondo, 


torn.  ii.  p.  166. 

'  ♦'  a»mo  nue^tra  armada  estuvo  en  parte  q 
la  descubriamos  claramente,  cada  galera  tiro 
tres  veaes."  Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol. 
104. 


432 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


board  the  gallej^s  and  smaller  vessels  lying  off  the  entrance  of  the  Great  Port. 
— and  all  as  silently  and  expeditiously  as  possible.  La  Valette  had  hoped 
that  some  part  of  the  Spanish  reinforcement  would  be  detached  during  tl.e 
night  to  the  aid  of  the  garrison,  when  he  proposed  to  sally  on  the  enemy,  and, 
if  nothing  better  came  of  it,  to  get  possession  of  their  cannon,  so  much  needed 
for  his  own  fortifications.  But  no  such  aid  arrived  ;  and  through  the  long 
night  he  impatiently  listened  to  the  creaking  of  the  wheels  that  hore  otf  the 
artillery  to  the  ships.* 

With  the  first  light  of  morning  the  whole  Ottoman  force  was  embarked  on 
board  the  vessels,  which,  weighing  anchor,  moved  round  to  Port  Musiette,  on 
the  other  side  of  St.  Elmo,  where  the  Turkish  fleet,  the  greater  part  of  which 
lay  there,  was  now  busilv  preparing  for  its  departure.  No  sooner  had  the 
enemy  withdrawn  than  the  besiegea  poured  out  into  the  deserted  trenches. 
One  or  two  of  those  huge  pieces  of  ordnance,  which,  from  their  unwieldy  size, 
it  was  found  im[>ossible  to  remove,  had  been  abandoned  by  the  Turks,  and 
remained  a  memorable  trophy  of  the  siege.*  The  Christians  were  not  long  in 
levelling  the  Moslem  intrencl^ments  ;  and  very  soon  the  flag  of  St.  John  was 
seen  cheerily  waving  in  the  breeze,  above  the  ruins  of  St.  Elmo.  The  grand 
master  now  called  nis  brethren  together  to  ofler  up  their  devotions  in  the 
same  church  of  St.  Lawrence  where  he  had  so  often  invoked  the  protection 
of  Heaven  during  the  siege.  "  Never  did  nuisic  sound  sweeter  to  human 
ears,"  exclaims  Balbi,  "  than  when  those  bells  summoned  us  to  mass,  at  the 
same  hour  at  which,  for  three  months  past,  they  had  sounded  the  alarm 
against  the  enemy."  *  A  procession  was  formed  of  all  the  members  of  the 
order,  the  soldiers,  and  the  citizens.  The  services  were  performed  with  gieater 
solemnity,  as  well  as  pomp,  than  could  be  observed  in  the  hurry  and  tumult 
of  the  siege ;  and,  with  overflowing  hearts,  the  midtitude  joined  in  the  Te 
Deum,  and  offered  up  thanks  to  tne  Almighty  and  the  Blessed  Virgin  for 
their  deliverance  from  their  enemies.^  It  was  the  eis:hth  of  September,  the 
day  of  the  Nativity  of  the  Virgin,— a  memorable  day  in  the  annals  of  Malta, 
and  still  observed  by  the  inhabitants  as  their  most  glorious  anniversary. 

Hardly  had  the  Turkish  galleys,  with  Mustapha  on  board,  joined  the  great 
body  of  the  fleet  in  Port  Musiette,  than  that  commander  received  such 
intelligence  as  convinced  him  that  the  report  of  the  Spanish  numbers  had 
been  greatly  exaggerated-  He  felt  that  ne  had  acted  precipitately,  thus 
without  a  blow  to  abandon  the  field  to  an  enemy  his  interior  in  strength. 
His  head  may  well  have  trembled  on  his  shoulders,  as  he  thought  of  return- 
ing thus  dishonoured  to  the  presence  of  his  indignant  master.  Paili,  it  is 
said,  was  not  displeased  at  the  mortification  of  his  rival.  The  want  of  concert 
between  them  had  in  more  than  one  instance  interfered  with  the  success  of 
their  operations.    It  was  now,  however,  agreed  that  Mustapha  should  dis- 


MUSTAPHA  DEFEATED. 


433 


•  "En  el  r^-tirar  «u  artilleria,  tan  callada- 
mente  que  no  se  sentia  sino  el  cbillido  de  las 
ruedas,  y  Dlos  sabe  l<i  que  al  gran  Maestre 
pesava,  porque  siempre  tuvo  esperan^a  de 
ganarle  parte  do  I  la,  bI  el  soccorro  se  descu- 
briera,"    Balbi,  Verdadera  Relucion,  fol.  105. 

'  The  armoury  in  the  govo rnment  palace  of 
Valetta  still  contains  a  quantity  of  weapons, 
sabres,  arquebuses,  steel  bows,  and  the  like, 
taken  at  different  times  from  the  Turks. 
Among  others  is  a  cannon  of  singular  work- 
manship, but  very  inferior  in  size  to  the  two 
pieces  of  ordnance  mentioned  in  the  text. 
(See  Bigelow's  Travels  in  Malta  and  Sicily,  p. 
226.)     Those  glorious  tropliies  ot  the  great 


siege  should  have  found  a  place  among  the 
national  relics. 

•  *•  Yo  no  erf  o  que  musica  jamas  consolasse 
humanos  sentidos,  como  i,  nosotros  consolo  el 
son  de  nuestras  campanas,  alos  ocho,  dia  dela 
Natividad  de  nuestia  seftora.  Porque  el  gran 
Maestre  las  bizo  tocar  todas  ala  bora  que  Fe 
Bolia  tocar  al  arma,  y  avia  tres  meses  que  no 
las  aviamos  oydo  sino  para  arma."  Balbi, 
Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  105. 

"*  *-  Ksta  mafiana  pues  tocaron  la  missa,  la 
cual  se  canto  muy  de  viafiana,  y  en  pontifical, 
muy  Bolemnemente,  dando  gracias  a  nuestro 
seAor  Dios,  y  a  su  bendita  madre  por  las  gra- 
cias que  nos  avian  becho."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


bi 


embark  with  such  of  the  troops  as  were  in  fiehting-order,  to  give  battle  to 
the  Spaniards  Piali,  meanwhile,  would  quit  the  port,  which  lay  exnosed  to 
St  Efmo,-now  in  hiJ  enemy's  lSnds,-and  anchor  farther  west,  m  tW  roads 

""^The  Uodps  from  Sicily,  during  this  time,  had  advanced  into  the  intemr  m 
the  neighbourhood  of  CUta  NotaOle,-^r,^^^jtis  ^^J.if^^;J^{''^  l'^^^ 
Thev  were  commanded  by  Ascanio  de  la  Corna,  an  ofricer  vMo  had  gamed  a 
nanfe  In  the  Itahan  wa?s.  ^  Alvaro  de  Sande  was  .^^^^^^^  m  conu^^d,  ^ 
same  caotain  who  made  so  hero  c  a  defence  in  the  isle  of  Ge Ives  against  the 
TurL  S^  chivalrous  daring  of  the  latter  ofiicer  was  well  controlled  by 
the  circumspection  of  the  former.  „    , 

La  Valette,  who  kept  a  vigUant  eve  on  the  movements  of  the  iurks,  was 
carduUo  adwre  Don  Ascanio  that  they  had  aeain  disembarked,  and  were  on 

Sr  ma?ch  aga^^^^^^ 

an  eminence  the  approach  to  which  was  rugged  and  drflicult  in  the  extreme. 
Thus  secured,  the  prudent  chief  proposed  to  await  the  assault  o  he  Moslems. 
But  the  kniL^hts  of  St.  John  who  had  accompanied  the  Sicilian  ^"^cours, 
ea"er  for  veS  the  hated  enemies  of  their  order,  called  loudly  to  be 

fefa^inst  the  inM^^  In  this  they  were  joined  by  the  hery  De  .-ande  and 
the  Ser  part  of  the  troops.  Whin  the  IVIoslem  banners,  therefore,  came 
nsifhtanf  the  dense  columns  of  the  enemy  were  seen  advancing  acioss  the 
country  the  impatience  of  the  Christians  was  not  to  be  restrained.  The 
vo  c^  of  the  omcers  were  unheeded.  Don  Ascanio  saw  it  was  not  wise  to 
balk  tM  temper  of  the  troops.  They  were  hastily  formed  in  order  of  battle, 
and  then  like^a  mountain-torrent,  descended  swiftly  against  the  foe. 

On  their  left  was  a  hill,  crowned  by  a  small  tower  that  commanded  the 
pla'in.  The  Turks  had  succeeded  in  getting  po-e-ion  of  th.  work  A  dc- 
tarhnifiiit  of  Snaiiiards  sea  ed  the  eminence,  attacked  the  lurKs,  ana,  aiier 
a  sCt  stnieX  (irried  the  fort.  Meanwhile,  the  Maltese  chivalry  with 
Vnd4  and  tlf  ereat  body  of  the  army,  fell  with  fury  on  the  front  and  flanks 
rf  the  enemy  The  TWkish  soldiers,' disgusted  by  the  long  and  disastix,us 
sLge  had  e.^'barked;ith  great  alacrity;  and  ^W^l^fL^""'.  3Tnew  t  e 
murmurs  of  discontent  when  they  w;ere  asa''\"34e  to  land  and  renew  the 
conHict.  Sullen  and  dislieartene<l,  they  were  m  no  condition  to  jeceue  tne 
shnrk  of  the  Spaniards.  Many  were  borne  down  by  it  at  once,  their  lanKs 
were  broken,  and  S  eir  whole  body  was  thrown  into  disarray,  ^ome  f^ 
endeavoS't^  make  head  against' their  assailants.  Most  tbought  onl^  o^ 
«PP  irintr  safety  by  fliirht  The  kn  ghts  followed  close  on  the  fugitnes.  JNCW 
tSrtL^houfof  vengeance.    No  qLter  was  given.    Then:  swords  were  red- 

''«pL^\Si  ofts'fw:!.' life,  made  the  most  intrepid  efforts  to  save 

l^^lJ^"'*  ""  f  u,if  a«  ihn<iP  in  the  rear  came  up,  Mustapha  was  obhgea  to 
^vl  wfv  a  d  wa^s^n  sweplaronrw  t^^^^^^^^^  tide  of  battle  in  the.directjon  of 
give  "ay- ?"^ /KTiuTre  the  flelt  was  at  anchor.  Boats  were  m  readiness 
rreCe^h^'^t 7-d  a'linTof  shallops,  filled  with  arquebusier.  wa, 
.  ..  K„  d.x.n<lo  de  pole«  «,«el  d*  J  en  eangrenur  muy  bien  .U5  espul«.  Balbi.  V«. 
dadera  Kelacion,  foL  119.  2  f 


•fl 


434 


SIEGE  OF  xMALTA. 


drawn  up  alongside  of  them,  to  cover  the  embarkation.  But  the  Spaniards, 
hiirned  lorward  by  the  heat  of  the  pursuit,  waded  up  to  their  girdles  into  the 
sea,  and  maintained  an  ince->sant  fire  on  the  fugitives,  many  of  whom  fell 
under  it,  while  others,  vainly  endeavouring  to  swim  to  the  ships,  perished  in 
the  waves  ;  and  their  bodies,  tossed  upon  the  sands,  continued  for  many  a 
day  to  poison  the  atmosphere."  This  was  the  last  effort  of  Mustapha  ;  and 
the  Turkish  admiral,  gathering  together  the  wreck  of  his  forces,  again 
weighed  anchor,  and,  spreading  his  sails  to  the  breeze,  steered  his  course  for 
the  Levant.'® 

The  principal  officers  of  the  Spanish  army,  together  with  the  knights,  then 
crossed  over  to  II  Borgo."  They  met  there  with  a  cordial  welcome  ;  but  the 
knights,  as  they  embraced  their  comrades,  were  greatly  shocked  by  their 
appearance, — their  wan  and  care-worn  countenances,  their  emaciated  figures, 
their  long  and  matted  hair,  and  their  stiualid  attire.  Many  were  disfigined 
by  honourable  scars ;  some  were  misemoly  maimed ;  others  wore  bandages 
over  wounds  not  yet  healed.  It  was  a  piteous  sight,  too  plainly  intimating 
the  extremity  of  suffering  to  which  they  had  been  reduced  ;  and  as  the  knights 

fazed  on  their  brethren,  and  called  to  mind  the  friends  they  had  lost,  their 
earts  were  filled  with  unspeakable  anguish." 

On  the  fourteenth  of  September,  the  viceroy  reappeared  with  the  fleet, 
bearing  the  remainder  of  the  reinforcement  from  Sicily.  The  admiral's  pennant 
displayed  a  cross,  intimating  that  it  was  a  holy  war  in  which  they  were 
engaged."  As  the  squadron  came  proudly  up  the  Great  Port,  with  pennons 
and  streamers  gayly  flying  from  its  masts,  it  was  welcomed  by  salvos  of 
artillery  from  the  fortresses  and  bastions  around ;  and  the  rocky  shores,  which 
had  so  long  reverberated  only  with  the  dui  of  war,  now  echoed  to  the  sounds 
of  jubilee. 

The  grand  master  came  down  to  the  landing-place  below  St.  Angelo,  to 
receive  the  viceroy,  with  the  nobles  and  cavaliers  who  followed  in  his  train. 
They  had  come  too  late  to  share  the  dangers  of  the  besieged,  but  not  too  late 
to  partake  their  triumph.  They  were  courteously  conducted  by  La  Valette, 
across  the  scene  of  desolation,  to  his  own  palace,  which,  though  in  an  exposed 
quarter  of  the  town,  had  so  far  escaped  as  to  be  still  habitable.  As  the 
strangers  gazed  on  the  remains  of  the  fortifications,  nearly  levelled  to  the 
ground,  they  marvelled  that  the  shadowy  forms  which  they  saw  gliding  among 
the  ruins  could  have  so  long  held  out  against  the  Moslem  armies.  Well  had 
they  earned  for  their  city  the  title  of  Vittoriosa^  "  The  Victorious,"  which, 
supplanting  that  of  II  Borgo,  still  commemorates  its  defence  against  the 
inndel. 

La  Valette  had  provided  an  entertainment  for  his  illustrious  guests,  as  good 


•  "  Lo  qual  se  vio  claramente  dende  a  dos  o 
tres  dias  porque  los  cuerpos  que  se  avian  aho- 
gado  subieron  enctmadel  agua,  los  quai«s  eran 
tantod  que  parecian  mas  de  tres  mil,  y  avia 
taoto  hedor  en  ti:)do  aquf  Uo  que  no  se  podia 
horabre  Uegar  ala  cala."  Balbi,  Verdadera 
Relacion,  ful.  120.  — As  an  offset  against  the 
three  thous;in<l  of  the  enemy  who  thus  perished 
by  fire  and  water,  the  chronicler  gives  us  four 
Chiistians  slain  in  the  fight,  and  four  smo- 
thered from  excessive  heat  in  their  armour  ! 

"  For  the  preceding  pages  see  Balbi  (Ver- 
dadera Kel  iciof),  fol.  117-121).  who  contrived 
to  be  present  in  the  action ;  also  Vertot, 
Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  iii.  pp.  35-37, — De 
Thou,  Histoire  universelle,  torn.  v.  p.  89, — 


Minlana,  Hist,  de  E«'pafia,  p.  353,— Campana, 
Vita  di  Filippo  Secondo,  torn.  ii.  p.  I  GO, — 
Herrera.  Historia  general,  torn.  i.  p.  591, — 
Cilderon,  Uloriosa  Defensa  de  Malta,  p.  1»0, 
et  seq. 

"  "  Se  vinieron  al  Burgo,  tanto  por  ver  la 
persona  del  gran  .Maestre  tan  dichosa  y  vale- 
rosa,  como  por  ver  la  grandissima  disformidad 
y  llaneza  d?  nuestras  baterias."  Balbi,  Ver- 
dadera Relacion,  fol.  121. 

'^  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  ill.  p.  39. 

'^  "  Al  entrar  del  qual  despuos  que  la  Real 
capitana  uvo  puesto  sus  estandartes  los  pusie- 
ron  todas  las  demas,  y  muy  ricos,  la  Real 
traya  en  la  fiama  un  crucifix©  muy  devoto." 
Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  122. 


REVIEW  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


435 


!^t 


i' 


,Vi 


as  his  limited  resources  would  allow ;  but  it  is  said  that  the  banquet  was 
reinforced  by  a  contribution  from  the  viceroy's  own  stores."  On  the  departure 
of  the  Spaniards  he  showed  his  gratitude,  while  he  ifidulged  his  munificent 
spirit,  by  bestowing  handsome  presents  on  the  captains  and  a  liberal  largess 
of  money  on  the  so.diers.'*  «    ,  i.         i .  i. 

On  his  way,  the  viceroy  had  discovered  the  Ottoman  fleet  formed  in  compact 
order  and  standing  under  press  of  sail  towards  the  east.  He  was  too  far 
inferior  in  strength  to  care  to  intercept  its  course  ; '«  and  the  squadron  reached 
in  safety  the  port  of  Constantinople.  Solyman  had  already  received  despatches 
preparing  him  for  the  return  of  the  fleet  and  the  failure  of  the  expeaition  It 
threw  him  into  one  of  those  paroxysms  of  ungovernable  passion  to  which  the 
old  sultan  seems  to  have  l)een  somewhat  addicted  in  the  latter  vears  of  his 
life.  With  impotent  fury,  he  stamped  on  the  letters,  it  is  said,  and,  protesting 
that  there  was  none  of  his  oflicers  whom  he  could  trust,  he  swore  to  lead  an 
expedition  against  Malta  the  coming  year  and  put  every  man  m  the  island 
to  the  sword  !»^  He  had  the  magnanimity,  however,  not  to  wreak  his 
vengeance  on  the  unfortunate  commanders.  The  less  to  attract  public  notice, 
he  caused  the  fleet  bearing  the  shattered  remains  of  the  army  to  come  into 
port  in  the  night-time  ;  thus  affording  a  contrast  sutticiently  striking  to  the 
spectacle  presented  by  the  brilliant  armament  which  a  few  months  before  had 
sailed  from  the  Golden  Horn  amidst  the  joyous  acclamations  of  the  multitude. 

The  arms  of  Solyman  the  Second,  during  his  long  and  glorious  reign,  met 
with  no  reverse  so  humiliating  as  his  failure  in  the  siege  of  Ma  ta.  To  say 
nothing  of  the  cost  of  the  maritime  preparations,  the  waste  of  life  was  pro- 
dic'ious,  amounting  to  more  than  thirty  thousand  men,  Moors  included,  and 
coniprehendinj^  the  very  best  troops  in  the  empire.  This  was  a  loss  of  nearly 
three-fourths  of  the  original  force  of  the  besieging  army -an  almost  incredible 
amount,  showing  that  pestilence  had  been  as  actively  at  work  as  the  sword  of 

Yet  \he  loss  in  this  siege  fell  most  grievously  on  the  Christians.  Full  two 
hundred  knights,  twenty-five  hundred  soldiers,  and  more  than  seven  thousand 
inhabitants,— men,  women,  and  children,— are  said  to  have  perished.  ihe 
defences  of  the  island  were  razed  to  the  ground.  The  tow;ns  were  m  nuns, 
the  villac'es  burnt,  the  green  harvests  cut  down  before  they  had  time  to  ripen. 
The  fiery  track  of  war  was  over  every  part  of  Malta.  \V  ell  might  the  simple 
inhabitants  rue  the  hour  when  the  Knights  of  St.  John  first  set  foot  upon 
their  shores.  The  military  stores  were  exhausted,  the  grananes  empty  ;  the 
treasury  was  at  the  lowest  ebb.    The  members  of  the  order  had  now  to  begin 


Fueronse  para  Palacio,  adonde  dio  el 
gran  Maestre  a  todos  muy  realmentedecenar, 
porque  ya  el  governador  del  (tozo  le  avia 
cmbiado  muchos  refrescos,  y  don.  Garcia  y 
todos  los  capilanes  del  armaria  le  presentaron 
de  la  misma  raanera."  Balbi,  Verdadera  Re- 
lacion, fol.  122 

'*  Balbi  expresses  his  satisfaction  at  the 
good  cheer,  declaring  that  the  dainti-^s  Wrought 
by  the  viceroy,  however  costly,  seemed  rheap 
to  men  who  had  been  paying  two  ducats  for  a 
fowl,  and  a  real  and  a  half  for  an  egg.  Ibid., 
ubi  supra. 

"  Herrera,  Historia  general,  vol.  i.  p.  592. 

"  Vertot,  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  iii.  p  38. 

'•  Balbi,  Verd.idera  Relacion,  fol.  12 1.— 
De  Thou  reduces  the  mortality  to  twenty 
thousand  (Hist,  universelle,  torn.  v.  p.  r.92). 
Herrera,  on  the  other  hand,  raises  it  to  forty 


thousand  (Historia  general,  torn.  i.  p.  90)* 
The  w  hole  Moslem  force,  according  to  Balbi, 
vas  forty-eight  thousand,  exclusive  of  8eam<  n. 
Of  these  about  thirty  thousand  were  Turks. 
The  remainder  belonged  to  the  contingents 
furnished  by  Dragut  and  Hasaem.  ConJ.  fol. 
25  and  121. 

'»  Balbi,  Verdadera  Relacion,  fol.  128.— 
Balbi  selves  a  list  of  all  the  knights  who 
perished  in  the  siege.  Cabrera  makes  a  simi- 
lar estimate  of  the  Christian  loss  (Filipe 
Segun  o.  lib.  vi.  rap.  28").  De  Thou  rat.'S  it 
somewhat  lower  (Hist,  universelle  torn.  v.  p. 
90");  and  V«-rtot  low^r  still  (Knights  of  Malta, 
vol.  iii.  p.  38).  Yet  Balbi  may  be  thought  to 
show  too  little  disposition,  on  other  occa-ions, 
to  exaggerate  the  loss  of  his  own  side,  for  us 
to  suspect  him  of  exaggeration  here. 


436 


SIEOE  OF  MALTA. 


the  work  of  constructing  their  fortunes  over  again.  But  still  they  enjoyed  the 
glory  of  victory.  They  had  the  proud  consciousness  of  having  baffled,  with 
their  own  good  swords,-  the  whole  strength  of  the  Ottoman  empire.  The  same 
invincible  spirit  still  glowed  in  their  bosoms,  and  they  looked  forward  with 
unshaken  confidence  to  the  future. 

Such  were  the  results  of  this  memorable  siege,— one  of  the  most  memorable 
sieges,  considering  the  scale  of  the  preparations,  the  amount  of  the  forces,  and 
the  spirit  of  the  defence,  which  are  recorded  on  the  pages  of  history.  It  would 
not  be  easy,  even  for  a  military  man,  after  the  lapse  of  three  centuries,  to 
criticise  with  any  degree  of  confidence  the  course  pursued  by  the  combatants, 
so  as  to  determine  to  what  causes  niay  be  referred  the  failure  of  the  besiegers. 
One  obvious  fault,  and  of  the  greatest  moment,  was  that  already  noticed,  of 
not  immediately  cutting  oft'  the  communications  with  St.  Elmo,  by  which 
supplies  were  constantly  thrown  into  that  fortress  from  the  opposite  side  of 
the  harbour.  Another,  similar  in  its  nature,  was,  that,  with  so  powerful  a 
navy  as  the  Turks  had  at  their  command,  they  should  have  allowed  communi- 
cations to  be  maintained  by  the  besieged  with  Sicily,  and  reinforcements  thus 
introduced  into  the  island.  We  find  Mustaijha  and  Piali  throwing  the  blame 
of  this  mutually  on  each  other,  especially  in  the  case  of  Cardona,  whose  most 
seasonable  succours  might  easily  have  been  intercepted,  either  by  land  or  by 
sea,  with  proper  vigilance  on  the  part  of  the  Turkish  commanders.  A  serious 
impediment  in  the  way  of  the  besiegers  was  the  impossibility  of  forcing  a 
subsistence  for  the  troops  from  a  barren  spot  like  Alalta,  and  the  extreme 
difficulty  of  obtaining  supplies  from  other  quarters,  when  so  easily  intercepted 
by  the  enemy's  cruisers.  Yet  the  Turkish  galleys  lying  idle  in  the  western 
port  might  have  furnished  a  ready  convoy,  one  nnght  suppose,  for  transports 
bringing  provisions  from  the  Barbary  coast.  But  we  hnd  no  such  thing 
attempted.  To  all  these  causes  of  failure  must  be  added  the  epidemic,  which, 
generated  under  the  tropical  heats  of  a  Maltese  simnner,  spread  like  a  murrain 
through  the  camp  of  the  besiegers,  sweeping  them  ofi"  by  thousands. 

It  operated  well  for  the  besieged  that  the  great  advance  made  in  the  science 
of  fortification  was  such,  in  the  latter  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  as  in  a 
great  degree  to  counterbalance  the  advantages  secured  to  the  besiegers  by  the 
use  of  artillery,— especially  such  clumsy  artillery,  and  so  awkwardly  served,  as 
that  of  the  'turks.  But  these  advantages  would  have  proved  of  little  worth 
had  it  not  been  for  the  character  of  the  men  who  were  to  profit  by  them.  It 
was  the  character  of  the  defenders  that  constituted  the  real  strength  of  the 
defence.  This  was  the  true  bulwark  that  resisted  every  effort  of  the  Ottoman 
arms  when  all  outward  defences  were  swept  away.  Every  knight  was  animated 
by  a  sentiment  of  devotion  to  his  order,  and  that  hatred  to  the  infidel  in  which 
he  had  been  nursed  from  his  cradle  and  which  had  become  a  part  of  his 
existence.  These  sentiments  he  had  happily  succeeded  in  communicating  to 
his  followers,  and  even  to  the  people  of  the  island.  Thus  nnpelled  by  an 
unswerving  princii)le  of  conduct,  the  whole  body  exhibited  that  unity  and 
promptness  of  action  which  belongs  to  an  individual.  From  the  first  hour  of 
the  siege  to  the  last,  all  idea  of  listening  to  terms  from  the  enemy  was  rejected. 
Every  man  was  prei^ared  to  die  rather  than  surrender.  One  exception  only 
occurred,— that  of  a  private  soldier  in  La  Sangle,  who,  denying  the  possibility 
of  holding  out  against  the  Turks,  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  accepting  the 
terms  offered  to  the  garrison.  The  example  of  his  cowardice  might  have 
proved  contagious ;  ana  the  wretched  man  expiated  his  oftence  on  the  gallows.'" 

••  "En  todoeste  pitlo  nose  a  justlciado  flino  M*^lchior  de  Roblee:  porque  dixo  publica- 
uu  solo  italiano  Seaes,  el  qualmando  jusiicLu:       meate  estaudo  cd  el  mayur  aprictu,  que  mas 


REVIEW  OF  THE  SIEGE. 


437 


\ 


Above  all,  the  strength  of  the  besieged  lay  in  the  character  of  their  chief 

La  Vaktte  was  one  of  those  rare  men  whom  Providence  seems  to  raise  up  for 

special  occalio^^^    so  wonderfully  are  their  pecuiar  qualities  suited  to  the 

eSency     To  that  attachment  to  his  order  which  he  had  m  common  with 

iSethren  he  united  a  strong  religious  sentiment,  sincere  and  self -sacrificing, 

vTncr  hStlS^^  his  life.    This  gave  him  an  absolute  ascen- 

le  icv  over  his  follow  ers,  which  he  had  the  capacity  to  turn  to  f  u  1  account    He 

^oiessed  n  any  of  the  requisites  for  success  in  action  ;  great  experience,  a 

nn  ok  eve  a  cool  Uidgment     To  these  was  united  a  fixedness  of  nurpose  not 

to  LshlkeVbfnSce  or  entreaty,  and  which  was  only  to  be  recfeemed  from 

IL  imDut^tion  0    Xtinacy  by  the  extraordinary  character  of  the  circum- 

sLnie^^rwhich  he  w^^  placed.^  The  reader  will  recall  a  memorable  example 

^hrUValette  insisted  on  defending  St.  Elmo  to  the  last,  in  defiance  "c)t 

only  of  the  remonstrance,  but  the  resistance,  of  its  gam  son     A  noiher  ^^^^^^^^^ 

nprtinent  is  his  refusal,  though  in  opposition  to  his  council,  to  abandon  the 

Lwn  and  retire  to  St.  Angelo.^  One  Jan  hardly  doubt  that  on  his  decision,  m 

both  these  cases,  rested  the  fate  of  Malta.  tendency  to 

Ta  Valette  was  of  a  ser  ous  turn,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  witji  a  tenaency  lo 

c«^pJ/  n  his  tenineranient     In  the  portraits  that  remain  of  him,  his  noble 

van.  ra  qne  tomaramos  la«  quatro  pagas  que       Verdadera  Rc-lacion.  fol.  128. 
lo»  tui  ws  nos  ufrocian,  y  el  passage.      Ualbi. 


438 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


govemment  of  Sicily.   He  withdrew  to  the  kingdom  of  ^  aples,  w;here  he  passed 
the  remainder  of  his  days,  without  pubHc  employment  of  any  kind,  and  died 
in  obscurity."    Such  a  fate  may  not  l)e  thought,  after  all,  conclusive  evidence 
that  he  had  not  acted  in  obedience  to  the  private  instructions  of  his  sovereign. 
The  reader,  who  has  followed  La  Valette  through  the  siege  of  Malta,  may 
i»erhaps  feel  some  curiosity  to  learn  the  fate  of  this  remarkable  man.     llie 
disconifiture  of  the  Turks  caused  a  great  sensation  throughout  Europe     In 
Rome  the  tidings  were  announced  by  the  discharge  of  cannon,  illuminations, 
and  bonfires.     The  places  of  public  business  were  closed.    The  shops  were 
shut    The  only  places  opened  were  the  churches ;  and  thither  persons  oi 
every  rank— the  pope,  the  cardinals,  and  the  i-eople  -thronged  in  procession, 
and  joined  in  public  thanksgiving  for  the  auspicious  event.    Ihe  rejoicnig  was 
great  all  along  the  shores  of  the  3lediteiraneiin,  where  the  inhabitants  had  so 
Severely  sutteied  from  the  ravages  of  the  Turks.    The  name  of  La  Valette 
wa.s  on  every  tongue,  as  that  of  the  true  champion  of  the  cross     Crowned 
heads  vied  with  one  another  in  the  honours  and  compliments  which  they  paid 
him     The  king  of  Spain  sent  him  a  present  of  a  sword  and  po"iaid,  the 
handles  of  which  were  of  gold  superbly  mounted  with  diamonds.     Ihe  envoy, 
who  delivered  these  in  presence  of  the  assembled  knights,  accompanied  the 
gift  with  a  pompous  eulogy  on  La  Valette  himself,  whom  he  pronounced  the 
greatest  captain  of  the  age,  beseeching  him  to  continue  to  employ  his  sword 
in  defence  of  Christendom.     Pius  the  Fifth  sent  him-what,  considering  the 
grand  master's  position,  may  be  thought  a  singular  compliment-a  cardinals 
hat.    La  Valette,  however,  declined  it,  on  the  around  that  his  duties  as  a 
cardinal  would  interfere  with  those  which  devolved  on  him  as  head  of  tlie 
order     Some  referred  his  refusal  to  modesty  ;  others,  with  probably  quite  as 
much  reason,  to  his  unwillingness  to  compromise  his  present  dignity  by 
accepting  a  subordinate  station." 

But  La  Valette  had  no  time  to  dally  with  idle  compliments  and  honours. 
His  little  domain  lay  in  ruins  around  him  ;  and  his  chief  thought  now  was 
how  to  restore  its  fortunes.  The  first  year  after  the  siege,  the  knights  had 
good  reason  to  fear  a  new  invasion  of  the  Moslems  ;  and  Philip  quartered  a 
garrison  of  near  fifteen  thousand  troops  in  the  island  for  its  protection  f  But 
Solyman  fortunately  turned  his  arms  against  a  nearer  enemy,  and  died  in  the 
course  of  the  same  year,  while  carrying  on  the  war  against  Hungary.'*  Selim, 
his  successor,  found  another  direction  for  his  ambition.  Thus  relieved  of 
his  enemies,  the  grand  master  was  enabled  to  devote  all  his  energies  to  the 
great  work  of  rebuilding  his  fallen  capital  and  placing  the  island  in  a  more 
perfect  state  of  defence  than  it  had  ever  been.  He  determined  on  transferring 
the  residence  of  the  order  to  the  high  land  of  Mount  Sceberras,  which  divides 
the  two  harbours  and  which  would  give  him  the  command  of  both.  His 
quick  eye  readily  discerned  those  advantages  of  the  position,  which  time  has 


="  For  this  act  of  retributive  justl' e,  so 
agreeable  to  the  feelings  of  tlie  nader,  I  liave 
no  other  authority  to  give  tdan  Vertot, 
Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  iii.  p.  1 '. 

"  Vertot,  Knights  of  iM  .Ita,  vol.  iii.  pp. 
39,  40.^];alderon,  Glori'  sa  T)efeiis.i  «le  Malta, 
pp.  189,  190.— I)e  TIjou,  Hist,  universelle, 
torn.  V.  p.  91. 

"  "  Havia  en  la  Ishi  de  Malta  quiiize  mil 
bombres  de  plea,  los  quales  bastarun  'hata 
resistir  a  qualquiera  poder  del  gran  Turco 
en  campafia  rasa."  Balbi.  Verdadera  Rela- 
cion,  fol.  129.— Besides  the  Spanish  lorcfs,  a 
body  of  French   adventurers    took    service 


under  IjSl  Valette,  and  remained  for  some 
time  in  Malta. 

"  Vertot  tells  us  that  the  projected  ex- 
pedition of  Solyman  against  Malta  was  pre- 
vented by  the  destruction  of  the  grand 
ar.Hcnal  of  Constantinople,  wbii  h  was  set  on 
fire  by  a  secret  emissary  of  La  Valette, 
(Ivnigiits  of  Malta,  vol.  iii.  p.  41.)  We 
should  be  better  pleased  if  the  aitbe  h^d  given 
his  authority  for  this  strange  story,  the  i)ro- 
bability  of  which  is  not  at  all  strngthem-d 
by  wh.it  we  know  of  the  grand  mastir's 
character. 


SUBSEQUENT  HISTORY  OF  LA  VALETTE. 


439 


since  fully  proved.    Here  he  resolved  to  build  his  capital,  to  surround  it  with 
fortitications,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  enlarge  and  strengthen  those  of  bt. 

But  his  treasury  was  low.  He  prepared  a  plan  of  his  improvements,  which 
he  sent  to  the  dirterent  European  princes,  re(jue3ting  their  co-opeiation  and 
urcing  the  importance  to  them  all  of  maintaining  Malta  as  the^est  bulwark 
aoainst  the  infidel.  His  plan  met  with  general  approbation.  Most  of  the 
sovereigns  responded  to  his  appeal  by  liberal  con tributions,-and  among  thein 
the  French  king,  notwitlistanding  his  friendly  relations  with  the  sultan.  To 
these  funds  the  members  of  the  order  freely  added  whatever  each  could  raise 
by  his  own  credit.  This  amount  was  still  further  swelled  by  the  proceeds  of 
prizes  brought  into  port  by  the  Maltese  cruisers,-an  mexhaustible  source 

^  Funds"being  thus  provided,  the  work  went  forward  apace.  On  the  twenty- 
eighth  of  March,  1566,  the  grand  master,  clad  in  his  robes  of  ceremony  and 
in  the  presence  of  a  vast  concourse  of  knights  and  inhabitants,  laid  the  hrst 
stone  of  the  new  capital.  It  was  carved  with  his  own  arms;  and  a  Latin 
Sription  recorded  the  name  of  "  Valetta,"  which  the  city  was  to  bear  m 
honour  of  its  founder."  More  than  eight  thousand  men  were  employed  on 
the  work ;  and  a  bull  of  Pius  the  Fifth  enjmned  that  their  labours  slioild  not 
^suspended  on  f  ete-days.'«  It  seemed  to  be  regarded  as  a  Christian  duty  to 
p?ov  dffor  the  restoration  of  Malta.^^  La  Valette  superintended  the  opera- 
tions in  person.  He  was  ever  to  be  seen  on  the  spot  aniong  the  workmen. 
There  he  took  his  meals,  discussed  affairs  of  state  with  his  council,  and  even 
cave  audience  to  envoys  from  abroad.*"  „,i,:^v, 

^  In  the  midst  of  these  quiet  occupations,  there  were  some  occurrences  which 
distracted  the  attention  and  ^reatfy  disturbed  the  tranquillity  of  La  Valette. 
One  of  these  was  the  disor&rly  conduct  of  some  of  the  younger  knights 
Another  was  the  dispute  in  which  he  was  involved  with  the  pope,  who,  in  the 
usual  encroaching  spirit  of  the  Vatican,  had  appropriated  to  himself  the 
nomination  to  certain  benefices  belonging  to  the  order.  .  j,      -  a     .r.A 

These  unpleasant  affairs  weighed  heavily  on  the  grand  master's  mmd;  a"d 
he  often  sought  to  relieve  his  spirits  by  the  diversion  of  hawking,  of  which  he 
was  extremely  fond.  While  engaged  in  this  sport,  on  a  hot  day  in  July,  he 
received  a  stroke  of  the  sun.  He  was  immediately  taken  to  11  Borgo.  A 
fever  set  in  ;  and  it  soon  became  apparent  that  his  frame,  enfeebled  by  his 
unparalleled  fatigues  and  hardships,  was  rapidly  sinking  under  it.  Before 
dying  he  called  around  his  bed  some  of  the  brethren  to  whom  the  management 
of  aff-airs  was  chieffy  committed,  and  gave  them  his  counsel  in  respect  to  the 
best  method  of  carrying  out  his  plans.  He  especially  enjoined  on  them  to 
maintain  a  spirit  of'unity  among  themselves,  if  they  would  restore  the  order 


»»  It  was  common  for  the  Maltese  cities, 
after  the  Spanish  and  Italian  fashion,  to  have 
characteristic  **pith  ts  attached  to  their  names. 
La  Valette  gave  the  new  capital  the  title  of 
"  UmUlima,"—"  most  humble,"— intimatmg 
that  humility  wns  a  virtue  of  highest  price 
with  the  fraternity  of  St.  John.  See  Bot-ge- 
lin.  Ancient  and  Modern  Malta,  vol.  i.  p.  29. 

"•  "  Plus  de  huit  mille  ouvriers  y  furent 
employes;  et  afin  d'avancer  plus  aisement 
les  travaux,  le  P.pe  Pie  V.  comn.anda  qu  on 
V  travaillfit  sans  discontinuer.meme  les  jimre 
de  Fetes."     Helyot,  Hist,  des  Ordres  reli- 

^'^"  The  style  of  the  architecture  of  the  new 


capital  seems  to  have  been,  to  some  extent, 
formed  on  that  of  Rhodes,  though,  according 
to  Lord  Carlisle,  of  a  mor<;  ornate  and 
luxuriant  character  than  its  model :  "  I  traced 
much  of  the  military  architecture  of  Rhodes, 
which,  grave  nnd  severe  there,  has  here  both 
swelled  into  gr  at  amplitude  and  blossomed 
into  copious  efflorescence  ;  it  is  much  the 
same  relation  as  Henry  VII. 's  Chapel  bears 
to  a  bit  of  liiirham  C.'.th'<lral."  (Diary  m 
Tuikish  and  Greek  Waters,  p.  200.)  The 
account  of  Malta  is  not  the  least  attractive 

f.rtion  of   this  charming  work,   to    which 
eltofi's  notes  have  given  additional  value. 
'••  Vertot,  Knights  of  Majta,  vol.  iii.  p.  42. 


440 


SIEGE  OF  MALTA. 


to  its  ancient  rrospeiity  and  grandeur.  By  his  testament,  he  liberated  his 
slaves,  some  fifty  in  number  ;  and  he  obtained  the  consent  of  his  brethren  to 
bequeath  a  sum  snrticient  to  endow  a  chapel  he  had  hmlt  in  Valetta  to  com- 
memorate his  victory  over  the  infidels.  It  was  dedicated  to  the  Blessed 
\  ir-in  ;  and  in  this  chapel  he  desired  that  his  body  migbt  be  laid.  Waving 
completed  these  arrangements,  he  expired  on  the  twenty-hrst  of  August,  lot>». 
La  Valette's  dying  commands  were  punctually  executed  by  Ins  brethren. 
The  coffin  enclosing  bis  remains  was  placed  on  board  of  the  admn-als  galley, 
which,  with  four  others  that  escorted  it,  was  shrouded  m  black.  I  hey  bore 
the  household  of  the  deceased,  and  the  members  of  the  order.  Ihe  banners 
taken  by  him  in  battle  with  the  Moslems  were  suspended  from  the  sterns  ot 
the  vessels,  and  trailed  through  the  water.  The  procession,  on  landing,  took 
its  way  through  the  streets  of  the  embryo  capital,  where  the  sounds  of  labour 
were  now  hiShed,  to  the  chapel  of  Our  Lady  of  \ictory.  The  funeral 
obsequies  were  there  performed  with  all  solemnity ;  and  the  remains  of  the 
hero  were  consigned  to  the  tomb,  amidst  the  tears  of  the  multitude,  who  had 
gathered  from  all  parts  of  the  island,  to  pay  this  sad  tribute  of  respect  to  his 

memoiT."  ,       .    ,  ,  .    ,  _^,^ 

The  traveller  who  visits  Malta  at  the  present  day  finds  no  object  more 
interesting  than  the  stately  cathedral  of  Valetta,  still  rich  in  historical 
memorials  and  in  monuments  of  art,  of  which  even  French  rapacity  could  not 
despoil  it.  As  he  descends  into  its  crypts  and  wanders  through  its  sub- 
terranean recesses,  he  sees  the  niche  where  still  repo?e  the  remains  of  La 
Valette,  surrounded  by  the  brave  chivalry  who  fought,  side  by  side  with  him, 
the  battles  of  the  Faith.  And  surely  no  more  fitting  place  could  be  found  tor 
his  repose  than  the  heart  of  the  noble  capital  wliich  may  be  said  to  have  been 

created  by  his  genius."  .,..,,,  x    ^u  •       ^* 

The  Knishts  of  St.  John  continued,  in  the  mam,  faithful  to  the  maxims  ot 
La  Valette' and  to  the  principles  of  their  institution.  For  niore  than  two 
centuries  after  his  death,  their  sword  was  ever  raised  against  the  inhdel. 
Their  gallevs  still  returned  to  port  freighted  with  the  spoils  of  the  barbarian. 
They  steadily  continued  to  advance  in  power  and  opulence  ;  and  while  empires 
rose  and  crumbled  around  them,  this  little  brotherhood  of  warlike  monks, 
after  a  lapse  of  more  than  seven  centuries  from  its  foundation,  still  main- 
tained a  separate  and  independent  existence.  i-  i  x^ 

In  the  long  perspective  of  their  annals  there  was  no  event  which  they  con- 
tinued to  hold  in  so  much  honour  as  the  defence  of  >Lalta  by  La  v  alette. 
The  eighth  of  September— the  day  of  the  nativity  of  the  Virgin— continued 
to  the  last  to  be  celebrated  as  their  proudest  anniversary.  On  that  day  the 
whole  body  of  the  knights,  and  the  people  of  the  capital,  walked  m  so.emn 
procession,  with  the  grand  master  at  their  head,  to  the  church  of  St.  John. 
A  kniaht,  wearing  the  helmet  and  mailed  armour  of  the  ancient  time,  bore  on 
high  the  victorious  standard  of  the  order.  A  page  by  his  side  carried  the 
superb  sword  and  poniard  presented  by  Philip  the  Second.  As  the  procession 
passed  into  the  church,  and  the  standard  was  laid  at  the  foot  of  the  altar,  it 
was  announcpfl  by  flourishes  of  trumpets  and  by  peals  of  artilery  from  the 
fortresses.    The  services  were  performed  by  the  prior  of  St.  John  s ;  and. 


"  Verti  t  Knights  of  Malta,  vol.  iii.  pp. 
42-4«.— Boi  geliii,  Ancit-nt  and  Modern  Malta, 
vol.  i.  pp.  127-142. 

"*  All  interesting  description  of  this  cathe- 
dral, wt  11  styled  the  Westminster  Abbey  of 
Malta,  may  l)e  found  in  Bigelow's  Travels  in 
Sici  y  and  Malta  (p.   190),— a  work  full  of 


instruction,  in  which  the  writer,  allowing 
himself  a  wider  range  than  that  of  the  fashion- 
able tourist,  takes  a  comprehensive  survey  of 
the  resources  of  the  countries  he  has  visited, 
while  he  criticises  their  present  condition  by 
an  enligUteneJ  comparison  with  the  past. 


^ 


f 


\ 


i 


'"'^sfffe. 


DON   CARLOS. 


DON    CARLOS. 


DON  CARLOS. 


441 


.hile  the  Gospel  wa.  read,  the  sr^-^^Z''^,^!ofttcr<Z%"'tZ 

token  that  the  knights  were  «^«' J^^. !?if  of  u  Viv'ette  was  exhibited  to 

Z  SeTUIhrh^S  "^l  «4'of  reverent  on  his  n.jesUc 

nSlts,'  ^  on  those  of  *«  saWouj^oU^^^^^^^  ,^„,^       ^    ^ 

But  all  this  is  changed.    The  Chribtians,  ins^a^^^  6^^^  ^  ^^^ 

the  Turk,  now  rally  in  his  "Jefe^f-  B^'^'he  objatf  for  which  the  Knights 
infidel.  The  age  o  chivalry  haj  P^f^-  .|^|  ^S  to  exist ;  and  it  was 
Hospitallers  were  instituted  ''a^*  •°"S  s"  cy  eas^  ^  j^  ^^g^j^    -j-he 

fittiL  that  the  .mstitution  "^'«^f'-,r,t1:me  wanderers  in  foreign  lands. 


^' 


CHAPTER  VI. 

DON  CARLOS. 

1567,  1568. 

Wb  must  now.after  a  long  ab^nce,  -1^^^^^^^^ 

events  were  taking  place  .of  the  highest  »mp^^^  jg,„ibed  in  the  pre- 

the  monarchy.    At  the.  time  * "«"  S^^,^^^^^  not  less  tragic,  if  we 

ceding  Book  were  If'^'"^ J"  ,*''l»^e  Sc™^„^  "^'^  P*'*"^  °LtH 

,„ay  trust  t«  Pop"'*^™™''" %  J  T>m  cTrlos  prince  of  Astnrias,  and  that 

noiiarch.    I  al  ude  to  the  death  of  Don  J;'*™^,  H™    g,,     The  relations  in 

0  Xua  of  Valois,  P^iiP'^ /"^eU  otte  he rCttoely  fate,  and  the 
which  the  two  parties  ^tood  to  c^h  other   tne^  j^^^^^    ^^^^^^^ 

uivstery  in  which  it  was  enveloped,  have  conspirm  ;  ;„„,  of  the  cause  of 

ou  character  of  Philip  to  ^g?tnt  o^r  hem  K^  W"'"  ''^  ■"•*•  ^^ 
their  death.  The  n>yste'^\^*''''^/',^"f  Xonkle"  For  that  very  reason,  it  has 
dissipated  by  the  re^.Y*es  »f 'fffl^^^^^^  be  thought  t«  have 

nroved  an  nexhaustible  theme  tor  ncno".  ""^j  romance.  It  has  been  found 
[^ssed  from  the  domain  of  history  "^  t^^^of  romance^^^^^^^  literature  of 
l.pecially  suited  to  the  purposes  ««,  the  d™m ,  a^ia  ^^        •      ^^ich 

Isabella.* 


»'  ••T.or;au'on   commence   rEvanple,   le 

Grand-Se  la  prend  de.  mains  du  Page  et 

\x   tient  toute   droite    |)endant   le   terns  ae 

•Vvftncile     C'est  la  seul-  occasion  od  Ion 

liLu 'Ule  nSe'a  I'Eglise."   Helyot.H«t.  dea 

'^^?/^BoIsi^^XSn^aSd'^ernM 
vol  ri  35 -The  good  knipbt  dwells  with 
Lt  AaJ'ncy  on  thePcularsof  a  cerem^^^^^ 
!n  which  he  had  often  borne  a  part  hinifteii. 
It  rw:alled  to  his  mind  the  glorious  days  of 
in  o^cr  wWcb  he  fondly  hoped  might  one 


day  be  rrstored  to  Its  primitive  lustre. 

'  Alfieil  Schiller,  and,  in  our  day.  Lord 
Tn^H7Ru8sell  have,  each  according  to  his  own 
concept^  exhibited  the  poetic  aspect  of 
?Se  Itory  to  the  eyes  of  their  countrymen. 
Th/Silian  dramatist  Montalvan  in  his 
"Pri'ncioe  Don  Carlos,"  written  l.efore  the 
JaZ  of  the  seventeenth  century,  shows 
mo  e  de^rence  to  historicaccuracy.as  well  aa 
The  repuution  of  Isabella,  l.y  not  mix  ng 
i'r  up'n^  any  way  with  the  fortune,  of  the 
prince  of  Asturia*. 


442 


DON  CARLOS. 


The  time  for  discussing  so  dark  and  intricate  a  subject  had  not  arrived  while 
the  Spanish  archives  were  jealously  locked  up  even  froin  ^^^tive  scholar.  But 
now  that  happily  a  more  liberal  system  has  prevailed,  and  access  has  been 
^i^VtTthe  d'^^^^^  repositories  of  the  secrets  of  the  Spanish  sovereigns  the 
time  seems  to  have  come  for  investigating  this  mysterious  story  And  if  1 
cannot  boast  that  I  have  been  al>le  to  dispe  \he  doubts  that  have  so  long 
gathered  around  the  subject,  I  may  at  least  flatter  myself  that  with  the 
materials  at  my  command,  I  have  the  means  of  placing  the  reader  m  a  better 
point  of  view  than  has  yet  been  enjoyed  for  surveying  the  whole  ground  and 

niin^rr^nn'the  eighth  of^July,  1545.  Hi.  mother  Maiy  c^ 
Portuiral,  then  only  eighteen  years  of  age,  died  a  few  days  after  giving  birth  to 
her  i  hated  child.  ^  Thus  deprived  from  the  cradle  of  a  inother's  watclfifid  care, 
e  experienced  almost  as  little  of  his  father's  ;  for  until  Carlos  was  fourteen 
years  old  Philip  was  absent  most  of  the  time,  either  in  the  Low  Countues  or 
in  Enjjland.  The  care  of  the  child  was  intrusted  during  the  greater  part  of 
this  period  to  Philip's  sister,  the  Regent  Joanna -an  excellent  ^oman,  but 
who,  induced  probably  by  the  feeble  constitution  of  Carlos  is  said  to  have 
shown  too  much  indillgeiice  to  the  boy,  being  more  soiicitous  to  secure  his 
bodily  health  than  to  form  his  character.  In  our  easy  faith  ^  the  miracles 
claimed  for  education,  it  sometimes  happens  that  we  charge  on  t^ie  pareiit  or 
the  preceptor  the  defects  that  may  be  more  reasonably  referred  to  the  vicious 

constitution  of  the  child.  .      ,   ,  r  u-    •    4.,„«+;/^«  fr^  -h^t^a 

As  Carlos  grew  older,  Philip  committed  the  care  of  his  instruction  to  Hono- 
rato  Juan,  a^ member  of  the  emi  eroi's  household  He  was  a  well-trained 
scholar,  and  a  man  of  piety  as  well  as  learning ;  and  soon  f/^er  assuming  the 
task  of  the  prince's  preceptor  he  embraced  the  rehgious  profession  The  corre- 
spondence o^f  Honorato  iiian  with  Philip,  then  in  Flanders,  attords  a  view  o^ 
the  proficiency  of  Carlos  when  eleven  or  twelve  years  old.  The  ^ontentment 
which  the  king  evinces  in  the  eariier  letters  dimmishesas  we  advance ;  and 
anxious  doubt^  are  expressed,  as  he  gathers  the  unwelcome  information  from 
his  tutor  of  his  pupil's  inditference  to  his  studies. 

In  the  year  1556,  Charles  the  Fifth  stopped  some  time  at  Valladohd,  on  his 
way  to  his  cloistered  retreat  at  Yuste.*  He  there  saw  his  F.^^dso",  and  took 
careful  note  of  the  boy,  the  heir  to  the  vast  dominions  which  he  had  himself 
so  recently  relinquished.  He  told  over  his  campaiLrns  to  Carlos,  and  how  he 
had  tied  at  Innsbruck,  where  he  barely  escaped  falling  into  the  handj.  of  the 
enemy.  Carlos,  who  listened  eageriy,  interrupted  his  grandfather,  exclaiming, 
"  I  never  would  have  tied  1 "    Charles  endeavoured  to  explain  the  necessity  ol 


•  This    corresixjtidence    is    printed    in    a 
curious  volume,  of  the  greatest  rarity,  en- 


titled, Elegies  de  Don  Honorato  Juan  (Va- 
lencia, 1659),  p.  60,  et  seq. 


*  [On  hearing  of  the  emperor's  arrival  in 
Castilft.  his  grandson  had  sliown  an  extreme 
desire  to  S'-e  bicn,  and,  not  being  pt- rniitted  to 
go  and  meet  him,  had  sent  one  of  his  atten- 
ilants  with  a  short  letter,  written,  as  his 
governor,  Don  Garcia  de  I'oledo,  states,  with- 
out asRlstance  from  any  one,—**  sin  ayud.irse 
de  na«lle."  It  has  been  printed  in  fac-simile 
by  M.  (Jrtchard.  and  both  the  expressions  and 
tiie  handwriting— the  latter  singularly  legible 
and  in  no  respect  resembling  a  schoolboy's 

g(  raw! seem  to  disprove  the  notion  that  Don 

Carlos  was  naturally  defKitive  in  intelligence 
«Dd  Incapable  of  Instruction.    {"  S.  C.  C.  Ms 


Yo  e  sabido  que  V.  M'  estii  en  salvamento,  y 

e  liolgado  dello  infinitameiitc,  tanto  que  no  lo 

puedo  mas  encarecer.    Snplico  &  V.  M'  me 

haga  saber  si  e  de  salir  ti  recebir  (L  V  M«,  y 

adonde.     Av  va  don   Pedro  IMmentel,  gentil- 

h'.mbre  de  mi  cainiara  y  mi  embixa-lor,  al 

qual  suplico  H  V.  M»  mando  lo  que  en  esto  so 

ha  de  h.»z<r  pa'a  que  el  me  lo  escriva.    Beso 

las  man.s  «le  V.  M'.     Kn  VHlladolid.  2  de 

otubre.      Muy   humilde  hijo  de   V.   Mt.   El 

Ptincipe.")     The    accents   and  punctuation 

have  been  added  by  M.  Gaibard.  without  the 

necrpsity  for  any  change  In  the  orthography. 

-Ed.] 


HIS  EDUCATION  AND  CHARACTER. 


443 


the  case  ;  but  the  {-y.^r^^j-^'ho  iVrthiHiff  nSe"of  £ 
amusing  and  indeed  deaghtn^^^  ^^^^^^  ^j  his  grandson - 

the  monastery.  ««>  ^^^^/^f  t^,  ^^rfpondenVfs  still  preserved  which  he 
of  his  sceptre,    ^t  Siraanci^  the  corre  f  ^  ^^  ^^^^  „f  ^^      „ho  held 

carried  on  with  Don  Garcia  de  loieao,  a  urou  functionary's 

the  post  olayo,  o^f^'Ten  Cart'  was  Twelve  y^rs  old,  we  have  a  brk 
Scir^fS  SstSo"':f%he1rinc7s  tUsoiewhat  c«rioas,as  showing 
the  outlines  of  a  royal  education  m  that  day.  ^     ^_ 

to  learn  to  control  his  passions,     ^t  f  ev  en  *ie  aine^  billiards, 

self  with  his  companions  by  playing  at  '^I'^'^'xI'l^^^  repast 

or  in  fencing,  an.!  occasional fy  riding     f  *  ^^^^^^^^^  was^fine 

r  Zrfnt^Jm^  tfhe^Ven  n^^^^^^^^  half-past  nine,  having 

strolled  m  the  helds.  ^n  ine  eveim  «  i^^i  ^^  ^^^ 

gone  through  the  prayers  of  his  rosary  he  ^eni  lo      ^         certainly  a  primi- 
6e  usually  made  but  one  nap  of  it  till  ^he  moimng     il  j  ^^^ 

tive  way  of  life,  m  which  P^^^^^J^Sr  jn  ^^^^^^^        as  the  monastic  lile 
of  the  body  than  of  ^he  mmd,andas  reg^.^  ^^  .^^^.^^^^  ^^ 

of  his  grand  ather  at  ^"ste   Jet  D^^^  p^pji  ,,ot  merely  in  his 

Lfs/^^t^of  tlo^setl|,fs»^^  the  prin.', 

-^fe?tf?^«iSHlSj^;^a£thS^ 

pinneror  to  al  ow  Carlos  to  visit  him  at  '^'J^^?'/^"^""^  ,"  g    Rnt  thk  <;«<Tcres- 

iiiSdTKt;«  ^ih°«iSuit.o  ^:A  x. 


'  »  Eeli  in  collera  reiterb  con  maraviglia  et 
ri80  di  S  M  et  de'  circumstanti,  che  iiiai  ckU 
Bo^  iria  Vuggito."     Relatione  di  Badoaro. 

^^■"Reprehendio  al  Principe  su  nieto  su 
rv>ca  mesura  i  mucha  desenboltura  con  que 
???artrataba  con  su  tia,  I  encomendola  su 
^rJt;cion  diziendo  era  en  lo  q  mas  podia 
S^r  a  'todos."    Cabrera.  Filipe  Segundo. 

"H-  H-NTatVende  ad  altro  che  a  leggirli  gli 
officii  di  M.  Tullio  per  acquetare  quel  troppo 
wSenti  desiderii."  kelati.ne  di  B*«i"*'-0' JJ^ 
•  "  En  lo  del  estudio  esta  poco  aprovechado, 
noraue  lo  haze  de  mala  gana  y  an>y  mesmo 
K",^8  exercicios  de  Jugar  y  esgremyr,  que 


para  todo  es  menester  premya."  Carta  de 
Garcia  de  Toledo  al  Emperador,  27  de  Agosto, 

^^^  »  Hasta  agora  no  se  que  los  medicos  ayan 
tratado  de  dar  ninguna  cosa  al  printipe  para 
la  c.lera,  ny  yo  lo  cousintiera  hazer,  sm  dar 
primero  quenU  dello  a  vuestra  magestad. 

^''"'^•'Deseo  mucho  que  V.  M.  fuese  servido 
que  el  principe  diese  una  bu.  lU  por  alia  para 
velle  por  que  entendidos  los  in.pedinientos 
iue  en  su  2dad  tiene  mandasse  V.  M.  lo  que 
fuera  ae  la  borden  con  que  yo  le  sirvo  se  del  a 
miKlar."  D.l  misino  al  niismo,  13  de  Abiil. 
156%  MS. 


444 


DON  CARLOS. 


HIS  EDUCATION  AND  CHARACTER. 


445 


disposed  to  do  penance  himself  by  receiving  so  troublesome  an  inmate  m  his 
family.  The  emperor's  own  death,  which  occurred  shortly  after  this,  spared 
him  the  misery  of  witnessing  the  disastrous  career  of  his  giandson. 

The  reports  of  the  Venetian  ministers— those  precious  documents  that  con- 
tain so  much  instruction  in  respect  to  matters  both  of  public  and  domestic 
interest— make  occasional  allusions  to  the  prince  at  this  period.  Their  notices 
are  by  no  means  flattering.  They  describe  Carlos  as  of  a  reckless,  impatient 
temper,  fierce,  and  even  cruel,  in  "his  disposition,"^  and  so  arrogant  as  to  be  un- 
willing to  stand  with  his  head  uncovered,  for  any  long  time,  in  the  presence  of 
the  emperor  or  his  father.'*  Yet  this  harsh  picture  is  somewhat  redeemed  by 
other  traits  ;  for  he  was  generous,  though  to  a  degree  of  prodigality,— giving 
away  his  trinkets  and  jewels,  even  his  clothes,  m  default  of  money.  He  had  a 
fearless  heart,  with  a  strong  passion  for  a  military  life.  He  was  far  from 
frivolous  in  his  tastes,  despising  buffoons,  and  saying  himself  so  many  good 
things  that  his  tutor  carefully  made  a  collection  of  them.*'  This  portrait  of  a 
youth  scarcely  fourteen  years  old  seems  as  highly  overcharged,  whether  for 
good  or  for  evil,  as  portraits  of  piinces  usually  are.* 

Yet  the  state  of  the  prince's  health  may  be  fairly  mentioned  in  extenuation 
of  his  defects,— at  least  of  his  infirmity  of  temper.  For  his  bilious  tempera- 
ment already  began  to  show  itself  in  the  form  of  intermittent  fever,  with 
which  he  continued  to  be  afflicted  for  the  remainder  of  his  life.  Under  this 
depressing  disorder  his  spirits  sank,  his  body  wasted  away,  and  his  strength 


•  So  cruel,  according  to  the  court  Kos>ip 
picked  up  by  B  doa- o,  tlitt,  wlien  hares  and 
other  game  wore  brought  to  him,  he  would 
occasionaUy  amuse  himself  by  roasting  them 
alive  ! — •'  Dimostru  havere  un  animo  fiero,  et 
tra  gli  t-ffettl  che  ei  raccontano  uno  e,  che  alia 
volte,  che  dalla  caccia  gli  viene  portato  o 
lepre  o  simile  animale,  si  diletta  di  vedirll 
arrostire  vivi."     Kelatione  de  Badoaro,  MS. 

"*  "Da  segno  di  dovere  essere  superbissimo, 
pprche  non  poteva  soffprire  di  stare  luniia- 
mente  ue  innanzi  al  padre  ne  avo  con  la  ber- 


*  [The  most  trustworthy  desciiption  of  the 
pprsun  and  character  of  Don  Carlos  is  pro- 
bably that  given  in  a  letter  of  the  baron  vun 
1  ietrichstein,  imperial  minister  at  the  court 
of  Madrid,  who  iiad  r^-ceivid  a  particular 
charge  to  inquire  into  the  habits  jiikI  uinral 
and  physical  qualities  of  the  prince.  This 
report,  written  in  June,  156t,  when  Carlos 
had  but  recently  recovered  from  one  of  his 
attacks  of  fever,  de.'^cribes  him  as  n<-t  dis- 
agreeable in  features,  tliough  exre^diugiy 
pale.  His  figure  was  not  only  bad  but  de- 
formed, one  shoulder  being  higher  and  one 
leg  longer  than  ttie  other,  with  a  sunk'n 
chest,  and  a  slight  hump  on  the  back.  His 
voice  was  thin, and  he  expnased  hisuself  with 
difflcuity,  though  not  unint* lligibly.  "He 
ppuke  to  me  several  times,  and,  according  to 
his  h«bit.  asked  me  many  questions,  which, 
hf.wever,  contrary  to  what  1  had  beon  led  to 
expect,  seemni  to  me  very  pertinent."  In 
r  gard  to  other  points  the  minister  was  un- 
able to  write  from  personal  observation.  He 
ba<i  received  the  usual  accounts  of  the  prince's 
viulent  and  obstinate  temper,  l-ut  tliought 
that  many  of  his  dJects  m-ght  be  attributed 


retta  in  mano,  et  chiama  il  padre  fratello,  et 
r  avo  padre."     Ibid. 

"  •*  I  )ice  a  tutti  i  prop-  siti  tante  cose  argute 
che  '1  suo  ministro  ne  raccolse  un  libretto." 
Ibid.  —  Another  contemi  orary  also  notices 
the  precocious  talents  of  the  boj',  as  shown 
in  his  sniait  sayings:  "  Dexo  de  contar  las 
gracias  que  tiene  en  d  chos  uiaravillosos  qne 
andan  por  btxra  de  todos  desparzidos.  d(  xo  de 
contar  lo  que  haze  para  piovar  lo  que  dize." 
Coid'TO,  I'roniptuario  de  Medallas.  ap.  C.ihtro, 
Historiade  los  Protestantes  h  spaColes,  ap.  32j$. 


to  ill  health,  or  might  have  been  corrected  by 
education,  as  he  was  said  to  have  an  e.\ct  llent 
memory  and  mucli  acuteuess,  the  evidences 
of  this'latter  quality  being  the  sliarp  sayings 
which  he  was  only  too  apt  lo  let  drop,  lie 
was  naturally  very  gluttonous,  but  had  been 
restricted  to  a  regimen,  being  allowed  only 
a  single  dish,  cousistinK  of  a  boiled  caixju 
beasumd  with  the  juice  of  a  leg  of  mutton. 
His  only  drink  was  water,  as  he  had  an  aver- 
sion to  wine.  "He  Is  extremely  devout 
{gotUforchtig).  and  a  great  lover  of  ju>tice 
and  of  truth  ;  he  cannot  ( ndure  falsehood,  or 
any  one  whom  he  has  ever  lound  guilty  of  it, 
while  he  n-jikej^niuch  of  men  who  are  wortliy, 
upright,  virtuous,  h<  nourable,  and  distin- 
guished. He  exacts  punctual  service,  and 
shows  favour  and  affection  to  those  fmrn 
whom  he  receives  it."  As  to  a  point  on 
wliich  the  emperor  was  very  solicitous  for 
information,— ''an  ad  procreandam  prolem 
aptus  vel  inapt  us  sit,"— no  one  could  speak 
wMh  cotifidence  ;  "  nemo  est  qui  a  liquid  certi 
bac  in  re  possit  afflrmare."  Koch,  Quellen 
znr  Geschichte  des  Kaisers  Maximilian  II.— 
Ei).] 


I 


I 


Med  to  such  a  degree  that  it  was  feared  he  might  not  reach  the  age  of 

manhooil.''         .  „  „,  ,:aMi  T^ahplla  of  France  came  to  Castile,  and  on  the 

In  the  bemnning  of  l»60Jl*'1i'^i,?;     bv  the  preiiminaries  of  the  treaty 

Rpcond  of  Fehruarv  was  united  to  rnilip.    r>y  ""'"ir'^i!      7,„j„,  .  i,,,.  Ma,v 

thought  of  the  unceremomous  n'a"^"  "''^„t'l'/Sve^^^^^^  could 

from  him  to  his  father     But  we  shouW  te  sbw^^^^^^  ^^^.^ 

SfWafa  ty  rftrt^^r  wh'i  had  so  few  personal  attractions 

*"ortrtwe1. t;"eco„d  of  the  same  month,  Carlos  was  f^rn^Uy  recogmz^  by 

the  cortes  of  Castile  as  lu^ir  »»  the  cmwn     On  t^^^ 

members  of  the  royal  family  »ere  present  H^ther^itn  ^     S^         j^^  „„  ^ 

the  representatives  of  the  ~'n"'»"^„ JJ'lPf  d*?  '    re^^^^^^  with  jewels, 

white  horse  superbly  caparisoned,  whi.e  h.sdr^sresp^^^^^^  j       ,, 

formed  a  ^/^'^fr^' n/'^he  cre.noiVwSrW^  a^^  feeUug.  When 
He  performed  his  part  of  the  «^f„^'°Sx,',"»\ria,  after  taking  the  oath, 
Joanna,  his  aunt,  and  his  uncle,  Don/»'"  .«*.t  ,Ta,id  he  would  not  allow  it, 
would  have  knelt,  according  to  c»stoi.L  to  kis^  h'J^handj^ne  wo  ^^ 

but  aflectionately  raised  and  fnib^^,^^.  *'^'^ance  the  prince  received  him  so 

-feVu^J'S^^^^^^^^^^ 

by  change  of  air,  Carlos  removed  to  Alca  a  de  Hena^^.  fa™°»» '°       „j,,    ^oth 
founded  by  the  great  Ximenes.    «« Jiad  for  hi  comi«mons  ^j^^  ^^ 
destined  to  a  conspicuous  part  >njhe  history  oi  me         ^    ^      ^^.e  other 
illegitimate  brother,  Don  John  of  Austria,  the  hero  oi  Juep         .  ^^^ 

was  the  prince's  cousin,  Alexander  *  f\"f4«' ^°"  ."'  7o"«a^^^        the  greatest 
TOS  now'in  the  course  of  traming  JJ^^i  'g^as  one  day  to  mak^^^  ^^^^  .^ 

captain  of  his  time.    The  thiee  boys  ;;^^re  nea'iy  oi  c        ^^.^ 

^&T£;'rc'ont^r^t  t^oTJr  UTsr^^^^^ 

^taX^d Ken  at  AlcaU  many  — s^bef- ^-^*  "o^^  Z^^ 
ti,  ^  tTet  It ;.'SJ;^  a  i^sht  of  sSs^rmade  a  misstep,  and  fell 


'■■'  "  T.P  pauvre  prince  est  si  ban  et  extenue, 
11  va  d'heure  a  heure  tmt  afToiblissant,  que 
e«»  plus  sages  de  ct^te  court  en  ont  b.en  petite 
esnerance"  L'fiveque  de  Limoges  au  Roi, 
lerwars  1559.  ap.  Negociations  relatives  au 
Reene  de  Francois  II  .  p  2H1. 

,^  «  Delante  de  la  Princesa  venia  don  Car- 
los a  su  juramento  con  m;.l  calor  de  quarta- 
raria  .n  un  cavallo  bianco  con  r.co  guami- 
miento  i  gualdrapa  de  oro  i  Pl^^a  bordado 
S're  te'a  de  oro  par.la.  como  el  vest^o  Palan 
con  muchos  botones  de  i»erla8  \  diamantes. 


Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  v.  cap.  1. 
'*  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.  .  ,     ,       j 

'^  Strada,  in  a  parallel  which  he  has  drawn 
of  the  royal  youths,  gives  the  I  aln.  to  Don 
John  of  Austria.  His  portrait  of  Carlos  is  as 
little  flattering  in  regarJ  to  his  person  as  to 
his  character:  -Carolus,  prater  colorem  et 
capillum,  ceteriim  corpore  mendosus:  quippe 
humero  katior,  et  tibia  «>ter&  I'.'^j;?^  ^^ 
nee  minus  dehonestamentum  ab  indole  f  roci 
et  coniumaci."  De  Bello  Belgico.  torn.  1.  p. 
609. 


446 


DON  CARLOS. 


HIS  EXTRAVAGANT  BEHAVIOUR. 


447 


18 


headlong  down  five  or  six  stairs  against  a  door  at  thebottorn  of  the  passage 
He  was  taken  up  senseless,  and  removed  to  his  chamber,  where  his  phy«"'^»f  \!J 
were  instantly  summoned,  and  the  necessary  remedies  applied.  »^  At  hrst  i. 
seemed  only  a  simple  contusion  on  the  head,  and  the  applications  of  the 
doctors  had  the  desired  effect.  But  soon  the  symptonis  became  '"Ofe  alarm- 
ing Fever  set  in.  He  was  attacked  by  erysinelas  ;  his  head  swelled  to  an 
enormous  size ;  he  became  totally  blind ;  and  tins  was  followed  by  dehnum 
It  now  appealed  that  the  skull  was  fractured.  The  royal  physicians  were 
called  m ;  and  after  a  stormy  consultation,  m  which  the  doctors  dirtered  as 
usual,  as  to  the  remedies  to  be  applied,  it  was  determined  to  trepan  the 
patient.  The  operation  was  carefully  performed  ;  a  part  of  the  bone  ot  ine 
skull  was  removed  ;  but  relief  was  not  obtained.*  ,       .  ^i.  * 

Meanwhile,  the  greatest  alarm  spread  through  the  country  at  the  prospect 
of  losing  the  heir-apparent.  Processions  were  everywhere  made  to  tlie 
churche?  prayers  were  put  up,  pilgrimages  were  yoweil,  and  the  discipline  w^ 
unsparingly  administered  by  the  fanatical  multitude,  who  hoped  by  self- 
inflicted  penance  to  avert  the  wrath  of  Heaven  from  the  land.    Yet  all  dia 

"VTI^ve  a  report  of  the  case  from  the  pen  of  Dr.  OHvares,  the  prince's  own 
physician.    Some  of  the  remedies  were  of  a  kind  that  would  look  strange 
enough  if  reported  by  a  medical  journal  of  our  own  day.    After  all  etlorts  of 
professional  skill  had  failed,  and  the  unguent  of  a  Moorish  doctor  famous 
among  the  people,  had  been  rubbed  on  the  body  without  success,  it  was  re- 
solved to  mkke  a  direct  appeal  to  Heaven     In  the  mona.stery  of  Jesus  Maria 
lay  the  bones  of  a  holy  Franciscan,  Fray  Die^o,  who  had  died  a  hundred  years 
before,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Fourth,  in  the  odour  of  sanctity.    King 
Philip  and  his  court  went  in  solemn  procession  to  the  church  ;  and  in  their 
presence  the  mouldering  remains  of  the  good  father,  still  sweet  to  the  nostrils, 
as  we  are  told,  were  taken  from  their  iron  cortin  and  transported  to  the  prince  s 
apartment.    They  were  there  laid  on  his  bed;  and  the  cloth  that  wrapped 
the  skull  of  the  dead  man  was  placed  on  the  forehead  of  Carlos       J^ortu- 
nately,  the  delirious  state  of  the  patient  prevented  the  sliock  that  might 
otherwise  have  been  given  to  his  senses.    That  very  night  the  friar  appeared 
to  Carlos  in  his  sleep.    He  was  mutfled  in  his  Franciscan  robe,  with  a  green 
girdle  about  his  waist,  and  a  cross  of  reeds  m  his  hand  ;  and  he  mildly  bade 
him  "be  of  good  cheer, for  that  he  would  certainlv  recover."    From  this  time, 
as  the  physician  who  reports  the  case  admits  the  patient  began  speedily  to 
mend     The  fever  subsided,  his  head  returned  to  its  natural  dimensions,  his 
eyes  were  restored  to  sight     At  the  end  of  something  less  than  two  months 
from  the  date  of  the  accident,  Carlos,  who  had  shown  a  marvellous  docility 
throughout  his  illness,"  was  enabled  to  walk  into  the  adjoining  apartment 

ydio  una  vuelta  Robre  todo  el  cuerpo,  y  af«( 
cayo  de  cuatro  6  cinco  escalones.  Dio  con 
la'cabeza  un  pran  goipe  en  \ina  pueru  cer- 
rada,  y  qupd6  ia  cabeza  abajo  y  loe  pies 
arriba,"  Relaci-.n  de  la  Enfermedad  del 
PHncipe  por  el  Doctor  Olivares,  Documentos 
iiie<lit<)9,  torn.  xv.  p.  554. 

'•  herreras,  Hist,  de  I'Espagne,  torn.  ix. 
p. 429. 

'*  Dr.  Olivares  bears  emphatic  testimony 


"  According  to  Gaibert,  the  French  am- 
ba.«»8a<lor,  Carlos  was  engaged  in  a  love  ad- 
venture when  he  met  with  his  fall,— having 
descended  this  dark  staTway  in  search  of  the 
young  daughter  of  the  porter  of  the  garden. 
See  Haumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  i.  p.  119. 

'^  "  Este  dia  despues  de  haber  comido  que- 
riendo  su  Alteza  bajar  por  una  escalera  escura 
y  de  roines  pasos  echo  el  pie  derecbo  en  racio. 


iJ 


.r.A  nml^raPP  hh  father  who  during  the  critical  period  of  his  son's  illness  had 
e^tibTsKi^rel^^^^^^^  the  rolicitude  natural  to  a  parent 

'''TheZiMeC^  was  of  course  referred  to  Fray  Diego."  An  accoimt 
nf  thP  mtracle  d iilv  authenticated,  was  transmitted  to  Bx)me  ;  and  the  holy 
^an  on  S  anr^icatfo  1  0^  received  the  honours  of  canonization  from 

Th.  Pontiff  T^e  cla  ms  of  the  new  saint  to  the  credit  of  achievmg  the  cure 
IprP^onfidentlv  asserted  by  the  Castilian  chroniclers  of  that  and  succeeding 

of  the  righteous,  the  recovery  of  the  pnnce  was  mainly  to  De  reierrea  lo  uk= 

''^ft.utTeSr.^  Carlos  does  not  seem  to  have  ten  so  complete  asja^ 
At:.^r\ere  is  good  reason  Ix,  J^^^^^'^^^t^.Z^^  \^ 

?jfeZXrnttiS3rs.l^"a.- 

....--     -_  ^u»_  o*.'.nrin<r  An    hpr  share 


to  this  virtue,  little  to  have  been  expected  in 
bb  patient:  '•  Lo  que  a  su  Falud  cumplia 
hizo  de  la  misma  suerte.  siendo  tan  obcdiente 
d  los  remedioH  que  a  todos  espantaba  que  por 
fuertes  y  recios  que  fuesen  nunca  los  reuso, 
antes  todo  el  tiempo  que  rstnvo  en  '^u  acuerdo 
el  roismo  los  pedia.  lo  cual  fue  grande  ayuda 
para  la  salud  que  Dios  le  dio."  Documentos 
ineditos,  torn.  xv.  p.  571. 

-"  Another  rival  appeared,  to  contest  the 
credit  of  the  cure  with  the  bones  of  Fray 
Pipco.  This  was  Our  Lady  of  Atocha.  the 
patroness  of  Madrid,  xx  hose  image,  held  m 
the  greatest  veneraiion  bv  Philip  the  Second, 
was  brought  to  the  chaml>er  of  Carlos  so<m 
after  the  skelet.^n  of  the  holy  fnar.  As  it 
^^a8  after  the  patient  had  decidedly  l)egun 
to  mend,  there  seen.s  to  be  the  less  reason 
for  the  chroniclers  of  Our  Lady  of  Atocha 


♦  [There  were  nine  physicians  and  sur- 
geons in  attendance  on  the  prince,  among 
them  the  celebrated  Vesalius,  who  seem:i,  by 


a  letter  from  the  court,  to  have  had  an  im- 
portant shiire  in  the  cure.  See  Gachard,  Don 
Carlos  et  Philippe  IL,  torn,  i.— Ed.j 


*  TAccording  to  a  letter  of  the  Florentine 
minister   who  had  his  information  from  an 
rye-^'tmss.  the  spectacle  of  the  father'^  grief 
was  even  more  aflecting  than  the  cnmlition 
of  the  son.     When,  however,  it  was  thought 
that  the  latter  had  only  a  few  hours  to  live, 
Philip  yielded  to  tiie  entreaties  of  his  coun- 
Bellors  that  he  should  leave  Alcala,  and  set 
uut  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  having  first 
giv.  n  directions  to  the  duke  of  Alva  and  the 
?our.t  of  Feria  in  r.gard  to  the  ma""er  of  con- 
ducting the   ..bseqnies.      See  Gachard,   Don 
Carlos  et  Philippe  II..  tom.  »■— ED.J 

+  [This  is  expre>6ly  stated  by  Cabrera ;  but 
M.  Gachard  considers  the  assertion  completely 
disproved  by  the  tenor  of  the  will  execu  ed 
by  Carlos  in  May,  1564,  a  document  whuh 
he  characterizes  as  full  of  sense  and  good 
feeling  and  breathing  the  noblest  and  most 
irenerous  sentiments,  while  its  interest  is  en- 
hanced by  its  being  "the  sole  monument 


maintaining,  as  they  sturdily  do,  her  share 
in  the  cure.  (Perada,  La  Madofia  de  Madrid 
(Valladolid.  1604).  p.  151.)  The  veneration 
for  the  patroness  of  Madrid  has  continued  to 
the  present  day.  A  late  journal  of  that  capi- 
tal  states  that  the  queen,  accompanied  by 
her  august  consort  and  the  princess  of 
Asturias,  went,  on  the  twentv -fourth  of 
March,  1854,  in  solemn  procession  to  the 
cliurch,  to  decorate  the  image  with  the  collar 
of  the  Golden  Fleece.  . 

•■"  "Con  todo  eso  tomando  propnamente  ei 
nombrc  de  milagro,  »  mi  juicio  no  1..  fue. 
Dorque  el  Prfncipe  se  euro  con  los  remedios 
naturales  v  ordinarios,  con  los  cnales  se  sue- 
len  curar  otros  de  la  misma  enfermedad  es- 
tando  tanto  y  mas  peligrosos."  Documentos 
ineditos,  tom.  xv.  p.  570. 


which  we  have  of  the  mind,  thoughts,  and 
character  of  Don  Carlos."  It  is  a  very  long 
instrument,  prepared,  under  the  prince  s  di- 
rections, by  Hernan  Suarez,  a  legist  of  Toledo, 
with  injunctions  to  keep  it  strictly  secret. 
The  most  noticeable  clauses  are  those  in  which 
the  testator  expresses  his  strong  affection  for 
his  former  tutor,  H-.norato  Juan,  his  desire 
that  Martin  do  Cordova  may  be  suitably  re- 
warded for  his  heroic  defence  of  MazaVquivir, 
and  ^is  intention  that  his  two  slaves  Diego 

and  Juan,  whom  he  »»*«,^'i^b^,^^J'*^®,  *"" 
Btructed  in  the  art  of  sculpture,  shall,  if  they 
conduct  themselves  well,  be  declared  free; 
but  if  their  characters  shall  prove  to  be  such 
that  liberty  would  not  be  an  advantjage  to 
them,  he  bequeaths  one  to  the  bishop  or 
Osma  (Honorato  Juan)  and  the  other  to  the 
marquis  of  Tavara,  with  an  injunction  for 
their  good  treatment.— Ed.] 


<tritfHiMiw»aiu»wr- 


448 


DON  CARLOS. 


him,  Phi'ip  remarked,  with  a  sigh,  to  the  French  minister,  St.  Siilpice,  **that 
he  lioped  his  repeated  warnings  might  restrain  the  prince,  for  the  future,  from 
making  such  fatal  inroads  on  his  health."  "  But  the  unfortunate  young  man 
profited  as  little  by  such  warnings  as  by  his  own  experience.  Persons  about 
the  court  at  this  period  have  left  us  many  stories  of  his  mad  humours,  which 
formed  the  current  scandal  at  Madrid.  BrantOme,  who  was  there  in  1564, 
says  that  Carlos  would  natrol  the  streets  with  a  number  of  young  nobles  of  the 
same  lawless  habits  witn  himself,  assaulting  the  passengers  with  drawn  swords, 
kissing  the  women,  and  insulting  even  ladies  of  the  highest  rank  with  the 
most  opprobrious  epithets.*' 

It  was  the  fashion  for  the  young  gallants  of  the  court  to  wear  very  large 
boots.  Carlos  had  his  made  even  larger  than  usual,  to  acconnnodate  a  pair 
of  small  pistols.  Philip,  in  order  to  prevent  the  mischievous  practice,  ordered 
his  son's  boots  to  be  made  of  smaller  dimensions.  But  when  the  bootmaker 
brought  them  to  the  palace,  Carlos,  in  a  rage,  gave  him  a  beating,  and  then, 
ordering  the  leather  to  be  cut  in  pieces  and  stewed,  he  forced  the  nnlucky 
mechanic  to  swallow  this  unsavoury  fricassee — as  much  as  he  could  get  down 
of  it— on  the  spot.** 

On  one  occasion  he  made  a  violent  assault  on  his  governor,  Don  Garcia  de 
Toledo,  for  some  sliglit  cause  of  offence.  On  another,  he  would  have  thrown 
his  chamberlain,  Don  Alonzo  de  Cordova,  out  of  the  window.  These  noble- 
men complained  to  Philii),  and  besought  him  to  release  them  from  a  service 
where  they  were  exposed  to  affronts  which  they  could  not  resent.  The  king 
consented,  transferring  them  to  his  own  service,  and  appointed  Ruy  Gomez 
de  Silva,  prince  of  Eboli,  his  favourite  minister,  the  governor  of  Carlos." 

But  the  prince  was  no  resnecter  of  persons.  Cardinal  Espinosa,  president 
of  the  Council  of  Castile,  ana  afterwards  grand  inquisitor,  banished  a  player 
named  Cisneros  from  the  i»alace,  where  he  was  to  have  performed  that  night 
for  the  prince's  diversion.  It  was  probably  by  Philip's  orders.  But,  however 
that  may  be,  Carlos,  meeting  the  cardinal,  seized  him  roughly  by  the  collar, 
and,  laymg  his  hand  on  his  poniard,  exclaimed,  "  You  scurvy  priest,  do  you 
dare  to  prevent  Cisneros  from  playing  before  me  ?  By  the  life  of  my  father, 
I  will  kill  you  ! "  **    The  trembling  prelate,*  throwing  himself  on  his  knees, 


"  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  i.  p.  13*2. 

*'*  "  II  aymoit  fort  a  ribler  le  pave,  et  faire 
a  coups  d'espee.  fust  de  jour,  fu»t  de  nuit, 
car  il  avoit  avec  luy  dix  ou  douze  enfans 
d'honneur  des  plus  grandes  maisuns  d'Es- 
pagne.  .  .  .  Qiiaiid  il  aUoit  par  les  rues  quel- 
que  belle  dame,  et  fn-t  elle  dt-s  plus  grandes 
du  pays,  il  la  prenoit  et  la  baisoit  par  force 
devant  tout  le  munde ;  il  I'appelloit  putuin, 
bagasse,  chienne,  et  force  autres  injures  lour 
disuit-il."    Braniume,  d^uvres,  torn,  i  p.  323. 

'*  "  Di6  un  Ixjfeton  a  [>on  Pedro  Manuel,  i 
gitisadas  i  picadas  en  monudus  pie^as  hizo 
ct)nier  las  votas  al  menestral."  Cabrera, 
Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vli.  cap.  22.— De  Foix,  a 


French  architect  employed  on  the  F^scorial  at 
this  time,  informed  the  historian  De  Th"U 
of  the  prince's  habit  of  weaiing  extremely 
large  leggings,  or  boots,  for  the  purpose  men- 
tioned in  tlie  text :  "  Nam  tt  scloppetulos 
binos  summa  arte  fabricates  caligis,  quae 
amplis.sin]a>  de  more  gentis  in  usu  sunt,  eum 
gc>tare  holitum  resciverat."  (Historian  sni 
Temi)ori8,  lib.  41.)  I  cite  the  original  Latin, 
as  the  word  caligce  ha.s  Ix^en  wrongly  ren- 
dereil  by  the  French  translator  into  culottes.^ 

"'  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vii.  cap.  22. 

'"  "Curilla  vosos  atreveis  a  u:i,  nodexando 
venir  u  servirme  Cisneros.'  por  vida  de  ml 

fdre  que  i>s  tengo  de    matar."     Cabrera, 
ilipe  Segundo,  lib.  vii.  cap.  22. 


•  [Kspinosa  was  not  at  this  time  either  a 
bishop  or  a  cardinal.  He  received  the  hat 
and  was  appointed  to  the  bee  of  Siguenz<i  in 
the  spring  of  156h,  during  the  imprisonment 
of  Don  Carlos.  Gachard,  Don  Carlos  et  Phi- 
lippe II.,  torn.  i. — Ed.] 

t  [De  Castro  (Hi'-t.  de  los  Protestantes 
Eflpafiulcs)   considers    the   story   of    Carlos 


having  treated  the  bootmaker  in  the  manner 
described  a-s  a  calumny  invented  by  his 
father's  ministers.  It  may  seem  a  more  pro- 
b.tble  supposition  that  it  was  a  popular  ex- 
aggeration of  some  incident  characteristic 
enough  of  an  irrititble  and  exacting  but  not 
actually  frenzied  nature.  The  extravagances 
of  language  related,  >\  itb  more  or  less  truth. 


I 


1 

t 


HIS  DISPOSITION. 


449 


was  too  happy  to  escape  with  his  life  from  the  hands  of  the  infuriated  prince. 
Whether  the  latter  had  his  way  in  the  end,  in  regard  to  the  comedian,  is^not 
stated.    But  the  stutf  of  which  a  grand  inquisitor  is  made  is  not  apt  to  be  ol 

*  A^more^whimsical  anecdote  is  told  us  by  Nobili,  the  Tuscan  ambassador 
then  resident  at  the  court.  Carlos,  having  need  of  money,  requested  a  mer- 
chant, named  Grimaldo,  to  advance  him  the  sum  of  fifteen  hundred  ducats. 
The  money-lender  readily  consented,  thanking  the  prince  for  the  favour  done 
him,  and  adding,  in  the  grandiloquent  vein  of  the  Castilian,  that  all  he  had 
was  at  his  disposal."  »^  Carlos  took  him  at  his  word,  and  forthwith  demanded 
a  hundred  thousand  ducats.  In  vain  poor  Grimaldo,  astounded  by  the  re- 
quest, protested  that  "it  would  min  his  credit;  that  what  he  had  said  was 
onlv  words  of  comphment."  Carlos  replied,  "  he  had  no  right  to  bandy  com- 
pliments with  princes ;  and,  if  he  did  not  in  four-and-twenty  hours  pay  the 
money  to  the  last  real,  he  and  his  family  would  have  cause  to  rue  if  It  was 
not  till  after  much  negotiation  that  Ruy  Gomez  succeeded  m  prevailing  on 
the  prince  to  be  content  with  the  more  modest  sum  of  sixty  thousaiid  ducats, 
which  was  accordingly  furnished  by  the  unfortunate  merchant."  The  money 
thus  gained,  according  to  Nobih,  was  squandered  as  suddenly  as  it  was  got. 

Thire  are,  happily,  some  touches  of  light  to  relieve  the  shadows  with  which 
the  portrait  is  charged.  Tiepolo,  who  was  ambassador  from  Venice  at  the 
court  of  Madrid  in  1567,  when  Carlos  was  twenty-two  years  old,  gives  us 
some  account  of  the  prince.  He  admits  his  arrogant  and  fiery  temper,  but 
commends  his  love  of  truth,  and,  what  we  should  hardly  have  expected,  the 
^nestness  with  which  he  engaged  in  his  devotions.  He  was  exceed^^^^ 
charitable,  asking,  "  who  would  give,  if  princes  did  not  1  He  was  splen- 
difin  his  way  of  living,  making  the  most  liberal  recompense  not  only  to  his 
own  servants,^but  to  the  king's,  who  were  greatly  attached  to  him.»o  He  was 
ambitSiis  of  taking  part  in  the  conduct  o?  public  aftrars  and  was  sorely  dis- 
contented when  excluded  from  them-as  seems  to  have  been  usually  the  case 
—by  his  father." 


«'I1  qnal  Niccolo  lo  fece  subito  et  co 
parole  dl  Compliment©  rende  gratie  a  sua 
AUezza  offerendoli  sempre  tutto  quel  che  per 
lui  si  poteva."  Lettera  di  Nobili,  Ambas- 
ciatore  dei  Granduca  di  Toscagna  al  Re  Phi- 
lippo,  24  di  Luglio,  1567.  MS. 

^'  ••  Ci  si  messe  di  mezzo  Ruigomes  et  moiti 
altri  ne  si  e  mai  possuto  quietar'  fin  tanto  che 
Niccolo  uo'  li  ha  prestato  seesantamila  scudi 
CO'  sua  polizza  senza  altro  assegniamento. 
Lettera  dl  Nohili,  MS. 

"  "  Mostra  di  esser  molto  religjoso  solici- 
tando  come  fa  le  prediciie  et  divini  officii,  anzl 
in  questo  si  pu6  dir  che  eccede  l'  honesto,  et 
puol  dire.  Chi  debbe  far  Elemosine,  se  "on  la 
danno  i  Prencipi  ? "  Relatione  di  Tiepolo,  MS. 


by  Brantomc,  might  be  similarly  explained. 
"  Whatever  he  has  on  his  heart,"  writes  the 
imperial  minister,  "he  utters  without  re- 
serve, indifferent  as  to  whom  it  hits.  -t^^-Ji 

*  [Some  apparent  inconsistencies  in  the 
character  of  Yk>n  Carlos  are  perhaps  best 
established  by  the  extracts  from  his  account- 
books  published  in  the  Coleccion  de  Docu- 
mentos  ineditos  para  la  Hist,  de  Espafia,  torn, 
xxvii.  In  these  we  find  him  paying  fur  the 
maintenance   and    education   of   abandoned 


'**  "fe  splendetissimo  in  tutte  le  cose  et 
massime  nel  beneficiar  chi  lo  serve :  II  che  fa 
cosi  larganiente  che  necessita  ad  amarlo  anco 
i  fcervitori  del  Padre."    Ibid.,  MS. 

3»  "i:  curioso  nel  intendere  i  negozii  del 
slato,  ne  i  quali  s'inirometterebbe  volontieri, 
et  procura  di  saper  quello  che  tratta  il  Padre, 
et  che  egli  asconde  gli  fa  grande  offesa. 
Ibid.— (iranvelle,  in  one  of  bis  letters,  notices 
witli  approbation  this  trait  in  the  character 
of  Carlos :  "  Many  are  pleased  with  the  prince, 
others  not.  I  think  him  modest,  and  inclined 
to  employ  himself,  which,  for  the  heir  of  such 
large  dominions,  is  in  the  highest  degree 
necessary."  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seven- 
teenth Centuries,  vol.  i.  p.  128.* 


children  and  discharging  the  obligations  of  an 
imprisoned  debtor,  while  on  another  occasion 
he  gives  an  alms  of  one  hundred  reals  to 
Damian  Martin,  "  father  of  the  girls  beaten 
by  order  of  his  highness."  Perhaps  the  worst 
story  told  of  him  is  that  of  his  having  one  day 
shut  himself  up  in  his  stables  and  inflicted 
serious  injuries  on  more  than  a  score  of  horses. 
The  strongest  evidence  for  this  seems  to  be  an 
allusion  to  it  in  a  Utter  of  Hernan  Suarez, 
afterwards  cited.— Ei>.] 

2  a 


I 


Si 


HIS  DISPOSITION. 


451 


450  DON  CARLOS. 

It  was  certainly  to  the  prince's  credit  that  he  was  able  to  inspire  those  who 
aDDroIcLd^  u  m^^^^  with  stroixg  feelings  of  personal  attachment. 

ITongthle  were  his  aunt  Joanna,  the  regent  and  the  ;i"een  Isabe  la^^w^^^^ 
^^ardW  him  with  an  interest  justified  by  the  connection,  was  desirous  ot 
SSn  arried  to  her  own  sister.  His  aunt  Mary  and  Her  husband  the 
EmS^^^^  also  held  Carlos  whom  they  had  known  m  «irlyday^^^ 

iu  L  kindest  remembrance,  and  wished  to  secure  his  hand  for  their  eid^^ 
dau<Thter  A  still  more  honourable  testimony  is  borne  by  the  re  ations  in 
wh teh  he  sto^d  to  his  preceptor,  Honorato  Juan,  who,  at  the  prince's  sohcita- 
0  fhad  be^i  raised  ?o  tli  bishopric  of  Osma^  ^^^l^:;?:fd^^Hfoce'se' 
kpiit  this  ffood  man  near  his  own  person.  But  he  was  detained  in  his  dioce&e  , 
Li    the  le^^^^^^  time  to  time 'addressed  to  him  by  his  ^ormeXV^^^^e 

ever  mav  be  thought  of  them  as  pieces  of  composition,  do  honour  to  the 
?,rince's  heart  "  Mv  best  friend  in  this  life,"  he  attectionately  wntes  at  the 
clo  e  of  them;  "  I  \v^ll  do  all  that  you  desire."  «  Unfortunately,  this  g(^ 
Sd  and  coinsellor  died  in  1566.  ^By  his  will,  he  remiested  C^^os  to  select 
for  himself  any  article  among  his  effects  that  he  preferred.  He  even  gave 
him  3ori?y^to  change  the' terms  of  the  i»t^\^?f  "^..^^rsing^S^^ 
disposition  of  his  property  that  he  thought  right ! "  It  ^^  ^"\^^|!P;^^^ 
of  confidence  in  tL  testator,  unless  we  are  to  ^eceiveit  merely  as  a  bm^^^^ 
c  )mpliment,-somewhat  perilous,  as  the  case  of  Gnmaldo  proves,  with  a 
Derson  who  interpreted  compliments  as  literally  as  Carlos.  ,„  «„oi; 

^  From  all  this,  there  would  seem  to  have  been  the  germs  of  generous  quali- 
ties iTthe  prince's  nature,  which,  under  a  happier  culture  J^^^hf  ^^^^^^^^^^ 
turned  to  some  account.  But  he  was  placed  in  that  lofty^  station  wh^ch  ^ 
posed  him  to  the  influence  of  parasites,  who  flattered  his  pnde,  and  corruptea 
his  heart,  by  ministering  to  his  pleasures.  From  the  eminence  which  he 
Srcup^d,^even  the  smallest  errors  and  eccentricities  became  visi^^^^^^^  the 
worid  and  the  objects  of  unsparing  criticisoi.  Somewhat  resenibling  h  s 
M  er  fn  person,  hi  was  different  from  him  both  in  his  good  q^aliU^.^^^^^^^ 
defects,  so  that  a  complete  barrier  was  raised  betvveen  them.  ^^^J^^her  Party 
could  comprehend  the  other  ;  and  the  father  was  thus  destitute  of  the  m^ns 
which  he  might  else  have  had  of  exerting  an  influence  over  the  son.  i  tie 
p    ice's  L^  way  of  life,  his  perpetua!  lapses  from  decoruni  or,  t^  speak 

more  properl^?  his  reckless  defiance  of  decency  outraged  h^s  father,  so  pimc 
tilious  in  his  own  observance  of  the  outward  decencies  of  life.    He  may  weii 
havTdwel?  on  such  excesses  of  Carlos  with  pain ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  if 
?he  Vince's  more  honourable  desire  to  mingle  in  pubic  flairs  was  to  th^^^^^^ 
of  Ailip,  who  was  too  tenacious  of  power  wilfmgly  to  delegate  it,  beyo  a 
what  w^'  absolutely  necessary  to  his  own  ministers     The  con^^^^^^^^^ 
unhappily,  furnished  him  with  a  plausible  ground  for  distrusting  his  capacity 

%hui"dSrusted,  if  not  held  in  PO^Hive  aversion  by  his  father  ;exd^^^^^^ 
from  any  share  in  the  business  of  the  state,  as  well  as  from  a  military '^^e* 
which  would  seem  to  have  been  well  suited  to  his  disposition  ;  f  J'^omided  by 
Philip's  ministers,  whom  Carlos,  with  too  much  reason,  regarded  as  spies  on 
hi^  ac^tions,-the  inhappy  youn^  man  save  himself  up  to  a  rec^^^^^^^^^^ 
life,  equally  ruinous  to  his  constitution  and  to  hLs  character ;  until  the  people, 


"  Mi  mayor  amigo  que  tengo  en  esta 
vida,  que  hare  lo  que  vos  nie  pidieredea." 
Elogios  de  Honorato  Juan,  p.  66.— The  lant 
•words,  it  is  true,  may  l)e  considered  as  little 
more  than  a  Ca8tilian  form  of  epistolary 
courtesy. 


"  "Su  Alteza  aflada,  y  quite  todo  lo  que  le 
pareciere  de  mi  testamento,  y  este  miCodicilo, 
que  aquello  que  su  Alteza  mandare  lo  doy,  y 
quiero  que  sea  Un  valido  como  si  estuvjesse 
expressado  en  est'>  mi  Codicilo,  o  en  el  testa- 
meuto."    Ibid.,  p.  73. 


1 


11 


it 


who  had  hailed  with  delight  the  prospect  of  a  native-born  pnnce,  now  felt 
a  reasonable  apprehension  as  to  his  capacity  for  government 

But,  while  thus  an  object  of  distrust  at  home,  abroad  niore  than  one 
sovereign  coveted  an  alliance  with  the  heir  of  the  Spanish  monarchy.  Catherine 
de  Medicis  would  gladly  have  secured  his  hand  for  a  younger  sister  of  IsaMa, 
in  which  project  she  was  entirely  favoured  by  the  queen  This  was  in  15^; 
b^it  Philip,  in  his  usual  procrastinating  spirit,  only  replied  «  They  must  reflect 
iiDon  it "  »*  He  looked  with  a  more  favourable  eye  on  the  proposals  warmly 
pressed  by  the  emperor  and  empress  of  Germany,  who.  as  we  bave  f  «„  stdl 
cherished  a  kindly  remembrance  of  Carlos,  and  wished  his  union  with  their 
damrhter  Anne.  That  princess,  who  was  a  year  younger  than  her  cousin, 
Sd  Sparas  her  native  land,  having.been  born  there  during  the  regency 
of  Maximilian.  But  although  the  parties  were  of  suitable  age,  and  Philip 
acquiesced  in  the  proposals  for  their  marriage,  his  want  of  confidence  m  his 
son  f  we  may  crJ^it  the  historians,  still  moved  him  to  defer  the  celebration 
of  it  »•  Anne  did  indeed  live  to  mount  the  throne  of  Castile,  but  as  the  wife, 
not  of  cX,  but  of  Philip,  after  the  death  of  Isabella.  Thus,  by  a  singular 
fatality,  the  two  orincesses  who  had  been  destined  for  the  son  were  each  of 

'XTvoll^^^^^  movement  in  the  Netheriands  was  at  this  time  the  great 
subject  that  engagid  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards ;  and  Caorlos  is  reported 

"  "Cosl  come  sono    allegri   i   Spagnuoli  "  Raumer.  Sixt^^nth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 

«l'h*vpr  ner  loro  Sig«  un  Re  naturale :  cosi        tunes,  vol.  i.  P-  13-J.  

euJno  mdto  in  dul  qual  debbe  esser  il  suo  -  Herrera.  Histona  general,  torn.  i.  p.  680. 

governo."    Relatione  dl  Tiepolo,  MS.  


*  rOf  the  different  matrimonial  designs  of 
which  Don  Carlos,  as  heir  to  the  greatest 
monarchy  of  Europe,  was  the  object,  the  most 
amusing  was  the  suit  vigorously  prosecuted 
ou  her  own  behalf  by  his  aunt,  the  princess 
J  nana,   who.   having  miased   the   throne  of 
Portugal,  aspired  to  that  of  Spam  as  the  fittest 
compeuj^ation,   and  rejected   with   contempt 
offere  from  several  of  the  Italian  prmces.   The 
nearness  of  blood  could  be  no  obstacle  m  a 
family  whici),  aided  by  papal  dispensations, 
was  accustomed  to  carry  intermarriage    to 
nearly  the  same  extent  as  the  Peruvian  Incas ; 
while  her  ten  years'  seniority  to  her  nephew 
seemed,  probably,  to  the  princess  herself  an 
additional  recommendation,  as  insuring  a  con- 
tinuance  of  the  care  and  solicitude  she  had 
bestowed  upon   his  infancy,  and   which  she 
mav  have  thought  him  likely  always  to  need 
The  Spanish  naton  took  the  name  view,  and 
the  cortes  of  Castile  petitioned  Philip  to  effect 
the  marriage.    Carlos,  however,  held  different 
sentiments,  which  he  expressed  with  his  usual 
bluntness,  not  only  declaring  in  private  Ins 
determination  not  to  wed  the  princess,  but 
presenting  himself  l)efore  the  cortes  and  rating 
it  for  having  dared  to  meddle  in  the  matter, 
as  well  as  fur  having  requested  his  father  not 
to  take  him  to  the  Netherlands.    A  proposal 
to  which  he  showed  himself  better  inclined 

was  started  originally  by  the  Guises,  who,  on 
the  death  of  Francis  II.  of  France,  conceived 
the  idea  of  forming  what  was  thought  a  still 

more  sple-idid  connection  for  th<ir  'll;tav,P 

uiece.    Catherine  de  Medicis  set  herself  diU- 


gently  to  countermining   this  project, —  in 
every  way  inimical  to  her  interests,— and  suc- 
ceeded by  threats  in  extorting  from  the  Cardi- 
nal of  Lorraine  a  promise  to  desist  from  pur- 
suing   it.      It  was  however,   revived  after 
Mary's  arrival  in  Scotland,  her  subjects  being 
favourable  to  an  alliance  which  offered  the 
strongest  counterpoise  to  the  power  of  Eng- 
land,— a  patriotic  consideration  that  led  the 
lieformers  to  stifle  the  motives  which  might 
have  been  expected  to  rouse  their  strenuous 
opposition.     A  like  consideration  might  have 
led  Philip  to  regard  the  match  with  favour  it 
he  had  not— in  contrast  to  his  own  fath<'r  and 
to  fathers  in  general— wished  to  postpone  the 
marriage  of  his  son  until  assured  of  tlie  lattf  r  s 
fitness  to  render  himself  an  agreeable  husband. 
Such,  at  least,  was  the  excuse  he  alleged  for 
delaying  an  acceptance  of  the  emperor's  offer, 
which  Carlos,  on  the  other  hand,  was  eager  to 
accept.     He  had  obtained  a  portrait  of  the 
princess  Anne,  and  fancied  himself  deeply  in 
love  with  her.     Being  asked  on  one  wcasion 
by  the  queen  where  his  thoughts  were,  he 
answered,    "Three   hundred     leagues   from 
here  "    *♦  Where,  then  ? "  she  asked,  smiling. 
"With  my  cousin,"  be  replied.    This  un- 
gallant  answer,  reported  in  a  letter  of  the 
French  minister,  seems  a  sufficient  refutation 
of  his  pretended  love  for  his  step-mother, 
though  her  kindness  and  compassion  for  liim, 
and  the  reverence  with  whicli  it  was  repaid, 
are  well  established.    See  Gachord,  Don  Carlos 
et  Philippe  XL.  passim.— Ed.] 


d 


452 


DON  CARLOS. 


to  have  taken  a  lively  interest  in  it.    According  to  Antonio  Perez,  the  Fleminffs 
then  at  the  court  made  positive  overtures  to  the  pnnce  to  head  the  revolt. 
Strada  speaks  of  Bergen  and  Montigiiy,  then  at  Madrid,  as  the  channel  o 
communication  through  which  Carlos  engaged  to  settle  the  affairs  of  that 
distracted  country."    That  a  person  of  his  ardent  temper  should  have  felt 
svmpathy  with  a  people  thus  bravely  struggling  for  its  liberties,  is  not  impro- 
l^blV;   nor  wouli  one  with  whom  "  to  thiiik  and  to  speak  vj^  the  same 
thing""  be  at  all  unlikely  to  express  himself  on  the  subject  with  much  more 
freedom  than  discretion.    And  it  may  have  been  in  allusion  to  this  that  his 
almoner,  Suarez,  in  a  lettor  without  dato,  implores  the  nnnce  "  to  abandon  his 
dancenuw  designs,  the  illusion  .  f  the  Evil  One,  which  cannot  fai    to  bring 
mischief  to  himself  and  disquiet  to  the  monarchy."  "    The  letter  concludes  with 
a  homily,  in  which  the  good  doctor  impresses  on  the  prince  the  necessity  of 
filial  obedience,  by  numerous  examples,  from  sacred  and  profane  story,  of  the 
sad  end  of  those  who  had  impiously  rejected  the  counsels  of  their  parents. 

But,  although  it  is  true  that  this  hypothesis  would  explain  much  that  is 
eniLnnatical  in  the  subsequent  history  of  Carlos,  I  must  confess  1  have  met 
with  no  confirmation  of  it  in  the  correspondence  of  those  who  had  the  direction 
of  affairs  in  the  Low  Countries,  nor  in  the  charges  alleged  against  Montigny 
himself, -where  an  attempt  to  suborn  the  heir-apparent,  one  might  fVV^J^^^ 
would  have  been  paraded  as  the  most  heinous  offence.  Still,  that  (  arios 
regarded  himself  as  the  proper  person  to  be  intrusted  with  the  mission  to  the 
Netherlands  is  evident  from  his  treatment  of  Alva  when  that  nobleman  was 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  army.  •        *^ 

On  tliat  occasion,  as  the  duke  came  to  pay  his  respects  to  him  previous  to 
his  departure,  the  prince  fiercely  said,  "  You  are  not  to  go  to  FJanders  ;  1  wiU 
ffo  there  myself."  Alva  endeavoured  to  pacify  him,  saying  that  it  was  too 
dangerous  a  mission  for  the  heir  to  the  throne ;  that  he  wa^  going  to  quiet 
the  troubles  of  the  country  and  prepare  it  for  the  coming  of  the  king,  wiien 
the  prince  could  accompany  his  father,  if  his  presence  could  be  spared  m 
Castile.  But  this  explanation  served  only  to  irritato  Carlos  the  ^i^ore  ;  and, 
drawing  his  dagger,  he  turned  suddenly  on  the  duke,  exclaiming, '  You  shall  not 
go ;  if  you  do,  i  will  kill  you."  A  struggle  ensued,-an  awkward  one  for  Alva, 
as  to  have  injured  the  heir  apparent  might  have  been  construed  into  treason. 
Fortunately,  being  much  the  stronger  of  the  two,  he  grappled  with  Carlos,  and 
held  him  tight,  while  the  latter  exhausted  his  strength  in  ineffectual  struggles 
to  escape.  But  no  sooner  was  the  prince  released  tlian  he  turned  again,  with 
the  fury  of  a  madman,  on  the  duke,  who  again  closed  with  him,  when  the 


'^  Raumer  (Sixteenti'  and  S^^venteenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  i.  p.  153),  who  cites  a  manuscript 
letter  of  Antonio  Perez  to  the  councillt>r  Du 
Vuire,  exUnt  in  the  Royal  Library  of  Pans. 
A  passage  in  a  letter  to  Carlos  from  his 
almoner,  Doctor  Hernan  Suarez  de  Toledo, 
has  been  interpreted  as  alluding  to  his  ititer- 
cuurse  with  the  deputies  from  Flanders: 
"  Tambieu  he  lloradu,  no  haber  parecido  bien 
que  V.  A.  hablase  a  los  procuradores,  como 
diceu  que  lo  hizo,  no  se  lo  que  fue,  pero 
que  cumple  mucho  hacer  los  hombres  sua 
negocJos  propios,  con  consejo  ageno,  por  que 
los  muy  diestros  nunca  flan  del  suyo."  The 
I'tter,  which  is  without  date,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  arcliiepiscopal  library  of  lolcdo. 

»'  De  liello  Bf'lgico,  torn.  i.  p.  376. 

•-  "E  priucipe,"  writes  the  nuncio,  "che 


quello,  che  lia  in  cuore,  ha  in  bocca."    Lettera 
del  Nunzio  alCardinale  Alessandrini,  Giugno, 

1566,  MS. 

-io  <i  Q,je  eran  de  grandisimo  enpafio,  y  error 
peligrosisimo,  inventado  y  bupcado  todo  por 
el  demonio,  para  dar  travajo  a  V.  A.  y  pensar 
da.  le  a  to<lus,  y  para  desasogear,  y  aun  inquie- 
tar  la  grandeza  de  la  monarquia."  Carta  de 
Hernan  Suarez  al  Pi  I'ncipc,  MS. 

"  The  intimate  relations  of  Doctor  Suarez 
w  ith  Carlos  exposed  him  to  suspicions  in  re- 
gard to  his  loyalty  or  his  orthodoxy,— we 
are  not  told  which,— that  might  have  cost  him 
his  life,  had  not  this  letter,  found  among  the 
prince's  papers  afler  his  death,  provt  d  a  suf- 
ficient voucher  for  the  doctor's  innocence. 
Soto,  AnoUciones  a  la  Uistoria  de  Talabera, 
MS. 


n 


k 


PROJECT  OF  FLIGHT. 


453 


to  his  own  apartment."  minktpr  was  re^^arded  by  Philip  as  an 

8uch  an  outrage  on  the  Pf  so^/^^^^^S^^^^^^^^^ 
indignity  to  himself.    It  widened  t|^«  ^^^f^^^'f^t  w^^    Uving  in  the  same 

and  son  ;  and  so  great  was  l^f^fJ'^fZnkJ^^^  o^ther."    Much 

palace,  they  seem  to  have  \^ad  "o  comnmmcati^^^^^  ^^^^.^  ^^ 

^S^X^r^'Zlt^r^i^  k^^'^KtU  .eports  of  his  pro- 

ceedings.  ,    ,      . ,      .  .„  ^^  +i,?«crc   xehpn  Carlos  came  to  the  fatal 

Sncff  wa.  the  deplorable  state  c^fttogs,  when  Lar  o       ^  .^.^^ 

determination  to  escape  f™"^, !"'«  ^;\'^t7;^^^^^^^^  known  ;  some  say  to 

to  some  foreign  land,-to  ™„^^"""y™ 'T.t-r  on  the  whole,  seems  the 

Kttt'a.^t^thl^c^^^^^^^^^^^^  -*  •>-  P~<^ 

bride.'and  Wends  who  7"'^  "^.f'^*^  ^trey^'h^^  proposed  to  raise  them 

irfea^'ht  ^^^UfS^trSntW.n.s  of  his 

character  and  his  utter  ^»»™"f  X^"^'' Vogress,  a  circumstance  occurred 

But,  while  these  negotiations  were  m  P™Sf^^' '^,  i^im  the  shelter 

exhibi'ting  the  conduct  of  Cajlos  in  such  ^W*^,' tSXid,  an  apulude 

^^^rl  ^<^^' ot'iLt^^r!^^:^^  P-e»t  at  the  scene,  which 

that  "he  desired  to  kill  a  "'^"^  *:™S„^^„ho  thtTan  was-to  his  uncle. 


"  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  yH.cap.  13. 
-Strada,  De  Bello  Beljrico.  \<>°»- ;•  J:  ^Iji^. 
Vanderbammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria  (.Ma 

^^"^3'  S2;  ^of  Forquevaulx,  January  19th 
156S,a^  Raumer,  SixU-enth  and  Seventeenth 
Centuries,  vol.  i.  p-  S5-  . 

•  rHis  intention,  as  stated  in  the  letters 
subject  to  Spain^  J  flv  to  Portugal,  which, 
SpVpretended  change  of  purpose  as  to  h:8 


**  "  Avia  muchos  dias,  que  el  Pr(ncipe  mi 
Sefior  andaba  inquieto  sin  poder  sosegar,  y 
dSa!  qSe  avia  de  matar  a  un  bombre  con 
oS  eT  aba  mal,  y  de  este  dio  parte  al  Seftor 
r^n  Juan  pcro  sin  declara.le  quien  fuese. 
K  li  SL  y  Muert*  del  I'rincipe  Don 
Carlos,  MS. 

own  visit  to  the  Netherlands,  after  having 
exnrelsly  promised  to  take  his  son  with 
bK  may  be  inferred  that  the  latter  country 
wS'the  prince's  real  destination,  as  also  that 
he^oped^o  receive  aid  from  the  emperor,- 
whShad  been  appealed  to  by  the  Flem  jh 
nobles  and  who  was  eager  to  receive  Carlos 
;: ts  sot'ln-law.  Such  a  P^f  ct  w- ^^  '^ 
wild  than  It  may  now  appear    Sinking  ex 

M  Gachard  has  pointed  as  a  somewhat  analo- 
gous case'-were  still  fresh  in  the  recollection 
of  the  world.— Ed. J 


li 


d 


HIS  ARREST. 


455 


454 


DON  CARLOS. 


annear  toffether  and  take  the  sacrament  in  public.  Carlos,  in  order  to  prepare 
fm^^thL  on  thtpi^^^^^  evening  went  to  the  church  of  St.  Jerome, to  confess 
and  revive  aL^^^^^^^  the  confessor,  when  he  heard  the  strange  avowal 

ofl^'S^rot  ^p^^^^^^^  refused  to  grant  absolution.  ^^^Hos  jpM  U^^^^^^ 
otW  ecclesiastic,  but  with  as  little  success.  In  vani  he  endeavoured  to  argue 
?he  ^se     They^^^^^^^^  l">"  to  send  for  more  learned  divnies  and  take 

SeiroSnioii  iPe  did  so  forthwith  ;  and  no  less  than  fourteen  monks  from 
tKvent'^of  Our  Lady  of  Atocha,  and  two  from,  another  quarter,  were 
bimXt  S^r  to  settle  this  strange  point  of  casuistry.  Greatly  shocked, 
thPV  were  unanimous  in  their  opinion  that,  under  the  circumstances,  absolution 
Suld  not  liTS  Carlos  next  inquired  whether  he  might  not  he  allowed 
rreceive^i  miconsecrated  wafer,  which  would  obviate  the  ^^^"^^1  that  his 
omitting  to  take  the  sacrament  would  uifalhbly  occasion  in  the  couit  ihe 
reverend  l^^^^  were  thrown  into  fresh  consternation  by  this  proposal.  The 
S  of  AtX  who  was  among  the  number,  wishing  to  draw  from  Carlos 
tl  e  narnfoT^ Ws  enemy,  told  hint  that  this  intelligence,  might  possibly  have 
"iXeteon%he^^^^^^  The  pnnce  re^^^^ 

father  was  the  person,  and  that  he  wished  to  have  his  hfe  !  ine  prior 

S  mMn^ui  ed^if  any  one  was  to  aid  him  in  the  designs  against  his  father 
Bi^^b  Ca  K  his  former  declamtion  ;  and  two  hours  after  midnight 

Sie  conclave  broke  up,  in  unspeakable  dismay.  A  messenger  was  despatched 
to  th^^c^^^^^^^^^^  ^he  king  then  was,  to  acquaint  him  with  the  whole 

^'^Su^^h  is  the  report  of  the  ayuda  de  cdmara,  who  says  he  was  in  attendance 
on  the  nrince  thkt  night.  The  authority  is  better  for  some  parts  of  the  story 
?ha!i  foHthers^Thl^  is  nothing  very  improbable  in  the  supposmon  tha^ 
;"arlos-whose  thoudits,  as  we  have  seen,  lay  very  near  the  surface-should 
have  talked  S  the  wild  W  reported  of  him,  to  his  attendants.  But  that  he 
Sid  ImveTepeated  to  others  what  had  been  drawn  from  him  so  cunningly 
bvThe  prioror  that  this  appalling  secret  should  have  been  whispered  witEin 
Sr  K  [te  attenda^^^^  to  believe.    It  "matters  htle  however^ 

since  whichever  way  we  take  the  story,  it  savours  so  much  of  do>viir  ght 
SJs  in  the  prin(^  as  in  a  manner  to  relieve  him  from  moral  responsibility 
B7the  middle  of  January,  15(58,  the  prince's  agent  had  returned,  bringing 
Tvith  h  m  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  ducats.  It  was  not  more  than  a  fourth 
of  the  amount  he  had  demanded.  But  it  answered  for  the  present,  and  the 
rLSr  he  proposed  to  have  sent  after  him  in  bills  of  exchange."    Having 

Completed  his^^re^ations,  he  communicated  his  {."^"^^^'jf^^f  .^^^Xr'a?^^^ 
John,  and  besought  him  to  accompany  him  m  his  flight.    But  the  latter,  after 
fruitlessly  expostulating  with  his  kinsman  on  the  foHy  of  his  proceed^^ 
Madrid  for  the  Escorial,  where  he  doubtless  reported  the  aftair  to  the  king, 

%n  ""thTseventeenth,  Carlos  sent  an  order  to  Don  Ramon  de  Tassis  the 
director-general  of  the  posts,  to  have  eight  horses  in  readiness  for  hmi  that 
evening.  Tassis,  suspecting  all  was  not  right,  returned  an  answer  that  the 
horses  were  out.     On  the  prince  repeating  his  orders  m  a  more  peremptory 


4(  .«  p^ro  el  Prior  le  engafio,  con  persuadirle 
dixese  cual  fuese  el  hombre,  por  que  seria 
pos-ible  poder  dispensar  coiiforme  a  la  satls- 
faccion,  que  S.  A.  pudiese  toraai.  y  entnncos 
dixo,  que  era  el  Rey  su  Padre  con  quien  estaba 
TOjil,  y  le  ha*  ia  de  matar."  De  la  Prision  y 
Muerie  dil  Principe  Dou  Carlos,  MS. 

-•  Ibid. 


•'  "  Ya  avia  llegado  de  SevillaGarci  Alvare* 
Osorio  con  ciento  y  cincuenU  mil  escudos  de 
lo8  8t  iscientos  mil  que  le  avia  embiado  a 
buscar  y  proveer :  y  que  assi  se  apercibiease 
para  partir  en  la  noche  slguiente  pues  la  resU 
le  remitirian  en  polizaa  en  saUendo  de  la 
Corte."  Vandcrhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 
fol.  40. 


1 


\ 


tnanner,  the  postmaster  sent  all  the  horses  out,  and  proceeded  himself  in  all 

^'"TheViI);  wa^^^^^^^^  in  taking  his  measures.^  Some  days  previous,  « this 
very  reSus  prince,"  ?ays  the  papal  nuncio,  ''  according  to  his  w;ont,  had 
rluLd  Srs  to  be  put  up,  in  the  ditierent  monasteries,  for  the  guidance  of 
Heav Wan  a'lafro  great  moment."  «  Such  prayers  mi^t  have  served 
as  a  warning  to  Carlos.  But  it  was  too  late  for  warnings  Jhihp  now  pro- 
c^eT  without  ^ss  of  time,  to  Madrid,  where  those  who  beheld  him  m  the 
a^ienceX^^^^^^^^^  morning  of  the  eighteenth  saw  no  sign  of  the  coming 

s"n  the  serenity  of  his  coufnance.-  That  mornmg  he  at^^^^^^^^^  ^n 
in  public,  with  the  members  of  the  royal  family,  .^^ter  the  services  uon 
John  visited  Carlos  in  his  apartment,  when  the  P"'^^^^  f  h^f  "^\^^^^^^  ^^Jh 
demanded  of  his  uncle  the  subject  of  his  conversation  with  the  kn^  ^ 
EsroriaL  Don  John  evaded  the  questions  as  well  as  he  could,  till  L-arios, 
h^ted  bv  his  Suspicions,  drew  his  sword  and  attacked  his  uncle,  who,  retreat^ 
h^,  withU  ba^^^^^^^^^^  door,  called  loudly  on  the  prince  to  desist,  and  t^^^^^ 
h  mself  into  a  posture  of  defence.  The  noise  made  by  the  ^^jmi^^  fortunate  y 
drew  the  notice  of  the  attendants,  who,  rushing  in  enabled  Don  John  to 
rptrpat  and  Carlos  withdrew  in  sullen  silence  to  his  chamber.  ,  ,,     , 

'The  prhfce^l  "eem^  had  for  some  time  felt  himdf  i"^^"^^  >"  h'^>*«J^| 
mlace  He  slept  with  as  many  precautions  as  a  highwayman^  with  his  sword 
TXi^^^  bv  his  side,  and  i  loaded  musket  within  reach,  rea4y  at  any 
n?omSracW»  For  farther  security,  he  had  caused  an  ingenious  artisan 
rStruct  a  Si  in  such  a  way  that  b/ means  of  pulleys  he  could  fasten  or 
^nfa  ten  the  door  of  his  chamfcer  while  in  bed.  ^".th  such  precautions  it 
would  te  a  perilous  thing  to  invade  the  slumbers  of  a  desperate  man  like 
Carlos  But'^hUip  was  aware  of  the  difficulties;  and  he  order^l  the  me- 
Sc  to  derange  ?he  machinery  so  that  it  should  not  work  ;  and  th^s  the 
rtoor  was  left  without  the  usual  means  of  secunng  it."  the  rest  is  tola  dt 
The  al^a  ^  cTrmra  above  mentioned,  who  was  on  duty  that  night  and 

th.  d.  J«f  p"«Uto  Sill,  lo  the  l.«l  ol  th.  1.4  ~"«i  ■  ""i  •»! 


^'Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 
fol.  40.— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vii. 

*^*'^>'*  "Sono  molti  giomi  cbe  stando  11  R6 
fuori  comando  segretamente  cbe  bi  facesse 
fare  oratioui  in  alcuni  monaBtern,  accionostro 
Signore  Dio  inilrizzasse  bene  et  felicemente 
un  grand  negotio.  cbe  si  ,li  offer.va.  Ques  o 
e  co8tuu.edique8to  Prencipe  veramente  molto 
r.lieioso.  quando  11  occorre  Qualche  cosa  da 
^^%iire.  Che  sia  importante."  Lettera  del 
Nunzio,  24  di  Gennaio,  1568,  MS. 

»»  "On  the  next  day,  whfn  I  was  present  at 
the  audience,  he  appeared  ^'^Jh  as  good  a 
countenance  as  usual,  although  he  wa^  already 
determined  in  the  same  night  to  lay  hands  on 
his  son.  and  no  longer  to  put  up  «»th  or  con- 
ceal his  foUies  and  more  than  youthlul  ex- 


travaeances."  Letter  of  Fourqnevaul x,  Feb- 
ruary 5th,  1568,  ap.  Rann.er,  Sixteenth  and 
Seventeenth  Centuries,  vol.  i.  p.  138. 

»'  Letter  of  Fourquevaulx,  ubi  supra.— 
Relacion  del  Ayuda  de  Camara,  MS. 

»^  Relacion  del  Ayuda  de  Camara,  M»--— 
Lettera  di  Nobili,  Gennaio  21,  1568,  MS.-lJ|e 
Thou,  taking  his  account  from  the  architect 
Louis  de  Foix,  has  provided  Carlos  with  still 
more  formidable  means  of  defence:  'Oe 
Prince  inquiet  ne  dormoit  point,  qu  il  n  eut 
Bous  son  chevet  deux  epees  nues  et  deux 
pistolets  chargez.  II  avoit  encore  dans  sa 
garderobe  deux  arquebuses  avec  de  la  poudre 
et  des  ba'.les,  toujours  prPtes  a  tirer.  Uisi. 
universelle,  torn.  v.  p.  439. 

»^  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


456 


DON  CARLOS 


CAUSES  OF  HIS  IMPRISONMENT. 


457 


dagger  which  lay  there,  as  well  as  a  musket  loaded  with  ^Y^^i-alls  Carlos, 
ro^ed  by  the  noise,  started  up,  and  demanded  who  was  there  lie  duke, 
having  got  possession  of  the  weapons,  rephed,  '^  It  is  the  counci  of.state. 
Car  os^  on  hearing  this,  leaped  from  his  bed,  and,  uttering  loud  cries  and 
menack  endeavo^  to  seize  his  arms.  At  this  moment,  Philip,  who  had 
WentVd^^^^^^^^^  his  entrance  till  the  weapons  were  mastered,  came  forward, 
and  S  his  son  return  to  bed  and  remain  quiet.  The  pnnce  exclaimed, 
"  WhWt  d^s  your  majesty  want  of  me ? »     "You  will  soon  learn,"  said  his 

faSer^nd  at'the  sam^  tiL^  ordered  the  ^^Ttn  hL^%l'?h?fS 
secured  and  the  keys  of  the  latter  to  be  delivered  to  hun.  All  the  furiiitu.e 
?f  the  rion  rwith  wfcich  Carlos  could  commit  any  7^^  ^"^«;  ?^«?,tj;^?"f,^^^^^ 
were  removed.**  The  king,  then  turning  to  Feria.  told  him  that  he  com- 
niittedThe  prince  to  his  es^cial  charge,  and  thathe  must  guard  him  wel ." 
Addressing  next  the  other  nobles,  he  Sirected  them  "  to  serve  the  prince  with 
Si  propT^^^^^^  but  to  execute  none  of  his  orders  without  hi-^t  reporting 
them  to  himself ;  finally,  to  guard  him  faithfully,  under  penalty  of  bemg  held 

""'luhTsewords  Carlos  exclaimed,  "Your  majesty  had  better  kill  me^than 
keep  me  a  prisoner.  It  will  be  a  great  scandal  to  the  kingdom.  If  you  do  not 
kiK,  I  will  make  away  with  myself."  "  You  will  do  no  such  tinng,"  said 
^le  king  "for  that  would  be  the  act  of  a  madman."  "  Your  majesty,  re- 
plied Carios,  "  treats  me  so  ill  that  you  force  me  to  this  extremity  I  am  not 
mad  but  YOU  drive  me  to  despair!""  Other  words  passed  between  the 
monkrch'a^^^^       son,  whose  voice  was  so  broken  by  sobs  as  to  be  scarcely 

^""Having  completed  his  arrangements,  Philip,  after  f  curing  a  coffer  which 
contained  the  prince's  papers,  withdrew  from  the  apartment.  That  night,  the 
Tkfof  Feria,^  couSt  of  Lerma,  and  Don  RodnVo  de  Mendoza,  elSest  s^ 
of  Ruy  Gomez^  remained  in  the  prince's  chamber.  Two  lords,  out  of  six  nanied 
for  the  purpose,  performed  the  same  duty  in  rotation  each  succeedmg  night. 
From  respect  to  the  prince,  none  of  them  were  allowed  to  wear  their  swords  m 
his  presence.  His  m^t  was  cut  up  before  it  was  brought  into  his  chamber  ^ 
he  was  allowed  no  knife  at  his  meals.  The  pnnce's  attendants  were  all  dis- 
missed,  and  most  of  them  afterwards  provided  for  in  the  service  of  the  king 
A  guard  of  twelve  halberdiers  was  stationed  in  the  passages  leading  to  the 
tower  in  which  the  apartment  of  Carlos  was  situated.  Thus  all  communica- 
tion from  without  was  cut  off ;  and,  as  he  ^^ils  unable  to  look  from  his  strongly 
barricaded  windows,  the  unhappy  prisoner  from  that  time  remained  as  dead  to 
the  worid  as  if  he  had  been  buried  in  the  deepest  dungeon  of  Simancas. 

The  following  day,  the  king  called  the  members  of  his  ditierent  councils 
together,  and  inforiiied  them  of  the  arrest  of  his  son,  declaring  that  nothing 
but  his  duty  to  God,  and  the  welfare  of  the  monarchy,  could  have  moved  him 
to  such  an  act.  The  teais,  according  to  one  present,  hUed  his  eyes  as  he  made 
this  avowal.'^ 


**  "Cosi  S.  Mt»  f&:e  levare  tutte  I'arml,  et 
tuttl  i  ferri  sino  a  gli  alari  di  quella  camera, 
et  conficcare  le  finestre."  Lettera  di  NoWU, 
Gennaio  21,  1568,  -MS. 

»^  "  Aqui  al<;o  el  principe  grandes  bozes 
diziendo.  mateme  Vra  M^  y  no  me  prenda 
porque  es  grande  escandalo  para  el  reyno  y 
sino  yo  me  matare,  al  qual  respondio  el  rey 
que  no  \o  hiciere  que  era  cosa  de  loco,  y  « I 
principe  respondio  no  lo  hare  como  loco  sino 
como  deeesperado  pues  Vra  M*i  me  trata  tan 


mal 


'  Relacion  del  Ayuda  de  Camara,  MS. 
•  Erasi  di  gia  tomato  nel  letto  il  Principe 
usando  niolte  parole  fuor  di  proposito:  le 
quali  non  furno  aevortlite  come  dette  quasi 
singhiozzando."  Lettera  di  Nobili,  Gennaio 
25,  1568,  MS. 

"  "  Y  &  cada  uno  de  por  sf  con  lagiimas 
(Begun  me  ha  certificado  quien  lo  vi6)  lesdaha 
cueiiia  de  la  prission  del  Principe  8U  hijo." 
Relacion  del  Ayuda  de  Camara,  MS. 


\ 


He  then  summoned  his  council  of  state,  and  commenced  a  Process  against 
♦ho^^rLn^rpr     His  affliction  did  not  prevent  him  from  bemg  present  all  the 

extraordinary  proceeding  by  the  ayuda  de  carmra. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS, 
of  Carlos.  ^^^ 

The  arrest  of  Don  Carios  caused  a  great  sensation  throughout  the  country, 

much'JiJcreased  by  the  ^ ^terio;^%r  ""t^'l^e^^^^^^^^^  med^ 

wihiPQt  rnnionrs  were  afloat  as  to  the  cause,    bome  saia  tne  prince  ikui  meui 

S  ed  a  desKa^^^^^^      father's  life  ;  others  that  he  had  conspired  a^X* 
that  of  Riiv  Gomez.    Some  said  that  he  was  plotting  rebellion,  and  had  taken 

their  in-port,  ;ta|ng  the  f^t  oytea^^^^^^^  g^^^  the  same  day 

irs^lSS^ttet^rprincl;'^  courts  of  Europe*    These,  though  s^ngu- 


»•  "  Martes  veinte  de  Enero  de  1568,  Uamo 

S    M    i  8U  c&mara  &  los  de  el  Cunsejo  de 

Estado,  y  estubieion  en  ella  desde  la  una  de  la 

UMe  asta  la8  nueve  de  la  n..che.  no  se  ^be 

que  se  tratase,  el  Rey  hace  'nf«r«?«S,'«"' ^Z" 

retario  de  ella  es  Oyos,  hallase  el  Rey  pres- 

^nte  al  exanien  de  los  testigo.,  ay  ew^npto 

^i  un  feme  en  alto."    Relacion  del  Ayuda 

Tcamara.  MS -I  have  two  copies  of  th« 

Interestinjr  MS.,  one  fn>m  Madrid,  the  other 

K   the^  liDrary   of  Sir  Tuomas  Philhps. 

Uorente's  translation  of  the  entire  document. 

in  hi"  Histoire  de  I'lnquieition  (torn.  li..  pp. 

151-158),  cannot  claim  the  merit  of  scrupulous 


'  "Uno8  le  llamaban  prudente,  otros  se- 
vero.  porque  su  risa  i  cuchillo  eran  confines. 
Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  viii.  cap.  22.— 
These  remarkable  words  seem  to  escape  from 
Cabrera,  as  if  he  were  noticing  only  an  ordi- 
nery  trait  of  character.  „     j     , 

»  "Mirabanse  los  mas  cuenios  sellando  la 
boca  con  el  dedo  i  el  silencio."  Cabrera, 
Filipe  Segnndo,  lib.  vli.  cap.  22. 

^  *«  In  questo  meio  e  prohibito  di  mandar 
corriero  nessuno,  volendo  essere  Sua  Maesta 
il  primo  &  dar  alii   Prencipi  quest    aviso. 
Lettera  del  Nunzio,  Gennaio  21,  1568,  Mb. 


.  rTh»e  letter,  .re  d..«i  the  mh  mi  .be  218t.  .nd  th<«e  U.  .be  grandee.,  .be  mumol- 
palities,  etc.,  the  22ud.— Ei>] 


458  DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS. 

larly  vague  and  mysterious  in  their  languase   were  "J^e  P':f?"f"*  f'* 

me  to  resort  to  a  otRer  means  before  proceeding  to  extremity.  But  allairs 
We  at  len  Vh  coL  to^^^^^^  a  pass  thatf  to  fulfil  tlie  duty  which,  as  a  Christian 
S  1  owTborto  GcKi  and  to  my  reilm,  I  have  been  coi«pl  ed  to  place  my 
Fonin'strict  confinement.  Thus  have  I  been  willing  to  sacrifice  to  Go(f  my  ov^ n 
flP  h  and  blSd  S  his  service  and  the  welfare  of  my  people  to  all 

humarconsto^^  I  will  only  add  that  this  determhiation  Las  not  been 

St  abourby  any  mi^^conduct  on  the  part  of  mv  son,  or  by  any  want  of 
re^eft  to  me  •  nor  is  this  treatment  of  him  intended  by  way  of  chastisement, 
for  that  however  just  the  grounds  of  it,  would  have  its  time  and  its  hmit.* 
Neithef  havri  resirted  to  it  as  an  expedient  for  reforming  his  disorderly 
liff  The  proceedh^^^  rests  altogether^  another  foundation ;  and  the 
rLc^V  /  7>roS  one  either^/ tiyiie  or  exi^rience,  but  is  of  the  greatest 
mTme^^^fhave  already  remarked,  to  satisfy  my  obligations  to  God  and  my 

^iKe"  same  obscure  strain  Philip  addressed  Zufiiga,  ^s  ambassador  at  the 
mnal  court  -saying  that, "  although  the  disobedience  which  Carlos  had  shoNvn 
th?ou4  fife  wSmcient  to  justify  any  demonstiation  o  severity,  vet  it  was 
not  tht  but  the  stern  pressure  of  necessity,  that  could  alone  have  ctiven  him 
to  deal  in  this  way  with  his  first-born,  his  only  son. 

est.*  negoclo  otro  principle  y  raron,  cnyo  re- 
medio  no  consiste  en  tiempo,  ni  medios ;  y 
que  68  de  mayor  imporuncia  y  consideracion 
para  satisfacer  yo  i  la  dicha  obligacion  que 
tengo  k  l>los  nuestro  seflor  y  &  los  dicho8  mia 
Reynos."  Traslado  de  la  Carta  de  su  ma- 
eeslad  k  la  Reyna  de  Portugal,  MS. 

'  ••  Pues  auuque  es  verdad  que  en  el  discurso 
de  8U  vida  y  trato  haya  habido  ocasion  de 
alguna  desobt^liencia  6  desacato  que  pudieran 
justificar  qualquiera  deniosiracion,  esto  no  me 
obligaria  i  llegar  a  tan  esirecho  puiito.  La 
necesidad  y  conveniencla  ban  producido  las 
causas  que  me  ban  movido  muy  urgentes  y 
preclsas  con  ml  bijo  primogenito  y  solo. 
Carta  del  Rey  A  eu  Embajadur  en  Roma,  22  de 
Enero,  1568,  MS.* 


*  "En  fin  yo  he  querido  hacor  en  esta 
parte  sacrificio  k  Dios  de  mi  propia  carne  y 
saugre  y  preferir  su  servicio  y  el  bien  y  bene- 
ficio  publico  a  las  otras  consideraciones  hu- 
manas."  Traslado  de  la  Carta  que  au  ma- 
gestad  escrivio  a  la  Reyna  de  Portugal  sobre 
la  prision  del  Principe  bu  hijo,  20  de  Ei.ero, 

1568,  MS.  .  ^       . 

'  "  Solo  me  ha  parecido  ahora  advertir  que 
el  fundamento  de  esta  ml  determinacion  no 
dcpende  de  culpa,  ni  inovediencia,  ni  desa- 
cato, ni  es  enderezada  ji  castlgo,  que  auiique 
para  eate  havia  la  muy  suficiento  materia, 
pudiera  tener  su  tiempo  y  su  termmu.      Ibid. 

«  "  Ni  tampoco  lo  he  tomado  por  medio, 
teniendo  esperanza  que  por  este  camino  so 
reformarau  sus  excesos  y  desordenes.    Tiene 

*  [Of  the  other  letters  written  by  Philip  at 
this  time,  one  to  the  duke  of  Alva,  dated  the 
2:ird,  begins  with  the  remark,  '•  You  are  so  weU 
acquainted  with  the  character  and  disposition 
of  the  prince  my  son,  and  with  his  mode  ot 
acting,  that  it  will  not  be  necessary  to  enlarge 
much  upon  the  matter  to  you  in  order  to 
justify  what  has  been  done,  or  that  you  may 
understand  the  end  which  is  proposed."  He 
then  speaks  of  things  having  gone  so  far  since 
Alva's  departure,  and  of  particular  and  im- 
portant acts  carried  to  such  an  extent  ("in- 
tervenido  actos  tan  particulares  y  de  taiita 
consideracion,  y  llegidose  d  tales  terminos   ), 


as  to  make  necessary  the  course  pursued. 
After  the  usual  account  of  the  motives,  as  not 
proceeding  from  any  personal  outrage  to  him- 
self, he  charges  Alva  not  to  communicate  to 
any  one  the  ground  of  the  busines-,  or  the  end 
to  which  it  is  directed.  I  n  a  later  letter,  dated 
April  6th,  Philip  declines  to  give  a  more 
explicir  declaration,  as  the  duke  had  recom- 
mended, of  tl»e  causes  which  had  determined 
his  action.  For  Alva's  own  satisfaction,  he 
says,  this  cannot  be  necessary,  since  bis 
knowledge  of  the  prince's  nature,  condition, 
and  conduct  would  enable  him.  with  the  inti- 
mations already  given,  to  iuler  the  ground  and 


CAUSES  OF  HIS  IMPRISONMENT. 


459 


i 


This  ambiguous  langiiage-implTing  that  the  impnsonment  of  Carlos  was 
not  o«»sione?  by  his  Swn  n.isconduct,  and  yet  that  the  interests  of  rehsion 
and  the  ity  of  the  state  both  demanded  his  perpetual  imprisonment-may 
b^  thouS^^tt^  intimate  that  the  cause  referred  to  could  W  no  other  than 
h?sa.aty     This  was  plainly  stated  by  the  prince  of  El)oh,  in  a  communication 
Xch  by  the  king-r  order,  he  made  to  the  French  m»>!«^r,  Borquevaulx 
Thrking,  Gomez  laid,  had  for  three  years  past  perceived  that  the  prince  s 
hpnrt  w^sthe  weakest  part  of  him,  and  that  he  was  at  no  time  m  complete 
«^seSn  of  hisSer&ng.    fie  had  been  silent  on  the  matter,  trusting 
tlmtttme  would  brmg  some  amendment.    But  it  had  only  made  thm^  worse ; 
and  he  ^w  wiTh  sorilw  that  to  commit  the  sceptre  to  his  son's  hands  won  d 
he  to  briu"  inevitable  misery  on  his  subjects  and  rum  on  the  state.    With 
unspeakabfe  anguish,  he  had  therefore  resolved,  after  long  dehberation,  to 

P%'is'rK'isTnSS  and  veir  different  from  Philip's  own  desnatches, 
wherfit  strikes^  as  strange,  if  insanity  were  the  true  ground  of  the 
^^^sHhat  ifluld"  e  covered'up  mider  sucb  va^^^^^^^^ 

with  the  declaration,  moreover,  usually  made  m  l''^'«"«^J?' t'^'^ne  niSht  £ 
f  imp  he  would  explain  the  matter  more  fully  to  the  parties.  One  mignt  nave 
tm.JSTS  the  simple  plea  of  insanity  would  have  been  directly  ^.ven,  as 
f  Snl  tL  best  anolo'v  for  the  son,  and  at  the  same  time  vindicating  the 
at  er  to  imS  a  who  e.  "me  restraint  upon  his  person.*  But,  in  point  of 
fact  the  eSve  rigour  of  the  confinement,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  see 
lt!™irpd  much  more  of  the  punishment  dealt  out  to  some  high  oHender  than  of 
the  tr^tiS  of  an  unfortunate  lunatic.  Neither  is  it  proUle  that  a  crimi- 
nal proce"  would  have  been  instituted  against  one  who  by  his  very  mfirm.ty 

feVaS^rz"u"jfi^a^,!rrd-i^^ 

th'^rcorwMchh'eS  liven  of  the  transaction,  desired  a  further  explana- 
i-„n  „nf  f rom  Ms  maiesty  '  This,  from  such  a  source,  was  nearly  equiva  ent 
t"al  inrd.'"ForPh^lip  had'a  Pe-U-  reverence  to  Pius  the  FjfU. 
JviP  nonp  of  the  Inoui^ition,  who  was  a  pontitf  after  his  own  heart     ^"^  «^"  « 


"  Letter  of  Fourquevaulx,  ap.  Raumer,  Six- 
teenth and  Seventeenth  Centuries,  vol.  i.  p. 

" ' "  Querrla  el  Papa  saber  por  carta  de  V.  M. 


la  verdad."    Carta  de  Zufiiga  al  Rey,  28  de 
Abril,  1568,  MS. 
•"  Lorea.  Vida  de  Pio  Quinto  (ValladoUd, 

1713),  p.  131. 


the  object,  and  to  underetand  that  as  the  one 
could  not  be  removed  by  »°y/™P«,L^7,!J: 
pe.lient,  so  the  other  was  intended  to  be  a  true 
knd  complete  reme-y,  and  to  o'^v.ate  the  m  s- 
chiefs  that  would  otherwise  ensue  both  during 
the  king's  lifetime  and  after  his  decease.    As 
to  the  opinion  of  the  world,  it  was  "^^t  deemed 
adv4sab  e  to  publish  any  further  statement  at 
present  with  the  view  of  rectifying  that  bi, 
ks  it  was  probable  that  the  heretics  and  rebels 
tould  se?k  to  strengthen    thek  ^l^J^_ 
alleging  that  Carlos  was  suspected  of  a  defec- 
U.m  from  the  faith,  or  of  treasonable  designs 
Alva  was,  in  this  case,  to  endeavour  to  stine 


such  rumours,  both  as  injurious  to  the  prince  s 
honour  and  as  utterly  at  variance  with  the 
truth,  and  devoid  of  all  foundation.  Oachant. 
Don  Carlos  et  Hhilippe  II.,  tom.  ii.,  Appendice 

^■^ntian  hardly  be  doubted  that  Philip 
wished  this  plea  to  be  inferred  from  the  lan- 
guage of  his  letters,  while  there  were  obvious 
Tea^ns  why  he  should  not  publicly  state  it 
in  direct  terms.  His  own  expressions,  on 
occasions  mentioned  in  subsequent  "otf  .Jf® 
v.ry  similar  to  those  of  Kuy  (iomez  in  the 
conversation  referred  to  In  the  text.— bD.J 


4C0  DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS. 

cipher  *  with  the  recommendation  that  it  should  be  submitted  to  Granvelle, 
then  in  Rome,  if  his  holiness  could  not  interpret  it"    This  letter  is  doubtless 

in  the  Vatican.t  „,     , .       .         ■,-  ^  ^      t^     ^i,  *. 

The  other  document  is  the  process.  The  king,  immediately  after  the  arrest 
of  his  son,  appointed  a  special  commission  to  try  him  It  consisted  of  Car- 
dinal Espinosa,  the  prince  of  Eboli,and  a  royal  councillor,  Bribiesca  de  JVIuna- 
toiies,  wlio  was  appointed  to  prepare  the  indictment.  The  writings  containing 
the  memorable  process  instituted  by  Philip's  ancestor,  John  the  becond  of 
Aragon,  against  his  amiable  and  unfortunate  son,  who  also  bore  the  name  of 
Carlos,  had  been  obtained  from  the  archives  of  Barcelona.  They  were  trans- 
lated from  the  Catalan  into  Oastilian,  and  served  for  the  ominous  model  for 
the  present  proceedings,  which  took  the  form  of  a  trial  for  high  treason.  In 
coiulucting  this  singular  prosecution,  it  does  not  appear  that  any  counsel  or 
evidence  appeared  on  behalf  of  the  prisoner,  although  a  formidable  amount  of 
testimony,  it  would  seem,  was  collected  on  the  other  side.  But,  m  truth,  w'e 
know  little  of  the  proceedings.  There  is  no  proof  that  any  but  the  monarch, 
and  the  secret  tribunal  that  presided  over  the  trial,— if  so  it  can  be  called,— 
ever  saw  the  papers.  In  159-2,  according  to  the  historian  Cabrera  they  were 
deposited,  by  Philip's  orders,  in  a  green  box,  strongly  secured,  in  the  Archives 
of  Simancas,'^— where,  as  we  have  no  later  information,  they  may  still  remain, 
to  reward  the  labomrs  of  some  future  antiquary." 

'•  "  Estan  en  el  archive  de  Slmancas,  donde 
en  el  ano  mil  1  quinientos  i  noventu  i  dos  los 
metio  don  Cristoval  de  Mora  de  su  Camara 
en  un  cofrecillo  verde  en  que  se  conservan." 
Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vii.  aip.  22. 

'  ^  It  is  currently  reported,  as  1  am  informed, 
among  the  scholars  of  Madrid  that  in  182K 
Ferdinand  the  S<'venth  caused  the  papers  con- 
taining the  original  process  of  Carlos,  with 


CAUSES  OF  HIS  IMPRISONMENT. 


461 


"  In  the  Archives  of  Simancas  is  a  depart- 
ment known  as  the  Patrvnato,  or  family 
papers,  consisting  of  very  curiou.s  documents, 
of  so  private  a  nature  as  to  render  them  y&r- 
ticularly  difficult  of  access.  In  this  depart- 
ment is  deposited  the  correspondence  of 
Zufiiga,  which,  with  other  documents  in  the 
same  collection,  has  furnished  me  with  some 
pertinent  extracts. 


•  [This  is  a  misUke :  the  pope  had  little 
acquaintance  with  Spanish,  and  Zuniga,  in 
handing  him  the  letter,  requesV'd  him,  if  he 
wished  to  have  it  translated  into  Italian,  to 
employ  Granvelle  for  this  purpose,  which  was 

done.— Ed.]  ,,    ^    ,_     . 

f  [This  letter,  which,  ns  M.  Gachard  re- 
marks, was  exjiected,  from  the  terms  in  wliich 
it  is  mentioned  by  Philip  himself,  writing  to 
Zufiiga,  to  "  raise  ull  the  veils."  has  come  to 
light,  through  the  discovery  that  a  Latin 
translation  of  it  had  been  published  (or  rather 
buried)  in  the  twenty-third  volume  of  the 
Annales ecclesiastici of  Laderchi  ( Rome,  1733, 
fol.),  that  historian  having  found  the  original 
among  the  papers  of  Cardinal  Alessandrino, 
secretary  of  state  to  Pius  V.  It  bears  the  date 
of  May  13th.  Aft  r  Hsser  ing  his  readi-.e«8  to 
repose  unlimited  confidence  in  his  holiness, 
as  in  a  true  parent,  Philip  proceeds  to  give 
what  he  calls  a  clearer  account  of  theproce.  d- 
ing.  from  which  there  would  be  no  difficulty 
In  understanding  its  cause  and  object.  He 
had  often  meditated,  he  says,  on  the  burden 
which  God  had  imposed  upon  him  in  com- 
mitting to  him  the  rule  and  administration 
of  80  many  states  and  kingdoms,  that  he 
might  maintain  them  In  order  and  peace,  in 
couformiiy  to  the  orth>xiox  faith  and  obeill- 


ence  to  the  holy  see,  and  transmit  them,  after 
his  brief  course,  in  security  and  peace  to  his 
successor,  on  whom  their  further  preservation 
would  depend ;  but  in  punishment  for  his  sins 
it  had  pleased  God  thai  his  son  sliould  have 
so  many  and  so  great  defects,  partly  of  intel- 
lect, partly  of  natural  character,  as  to  be 
destitute  of  all  fitness  for  the  post;  and  as 
all  other  remedies  and  ex|>€dient8  had  proved 
vain,  it  had  been  found  necessary  at  last,  in 
view  of  the  grave  inconveniences  to  be  appre- 
hended if  the  succession  were  to  devolve  upon 
him,  to  incarcerate  him,  and  then  to  deliberate 
fun  her,  in  accordance  with  circumstances, 
how  the  king's  end  could  be  attained  without 
his  incurring  blame.  This  luminous  exposi- 
tion is  followed  by  an  earnest  entreaty  that 
the  pope  will  not  divulge  any  of  the  particu- 
lars contained  in  it,  and  with  the  reiterated 
declaration  that  the  prince  had  not  been  guilty 
of  rebellion  or  heresy.  In  presenting  this 
letter  Ztiiiiga  w  as  ordered,  if  the  pope  should 
make  further  inquiries  to  excuse  himself  fiom 
entering  into  details.  IMus,  however,  who 
was  a  person  of  few  words  when  not  forced 
into  discussion,  contented  himself  with  some 
expressions  of  condolence.  Gachar.l,  Don 
Carlos  et  Philippe  II.,  torn.  11.— Ed.J 


I 


In  default  of  these  documents,  we  must  resort  to  conjecture  for  the  solution 
of  this  difficult  problem  ;  and  there  are  several  circumstances  which  may 
assist  us  in  arriving  at  a  conclusion.  Among  the  foreign  ministers  at  that 
time  at  the  court  of  Madrid,  none  took  more  pains  to  come  at  the  truth  of  this 
aiair— as  his  letters  abundantly  prove— than  the  papal  nuncio,  Castaneo, 
archbishop  of  Ko::sano.  He  was  a  shrewd,  sagacious  prelate,  whose  position 
and  credit  at  the  court  gave  hiin  the  best  opportunities  for  information.  J5y 
Philip's  command.  Cardinal  Espinosa  gave  the  nuncio  the  mual  explanation 
of  the  grounds  on  which  Carlos  had  been  arrested.  "It  is  a  strange  story, 
said  the  nuncio,  "that  which  we  everywhere  hear,  of  the  prince s  plot  against 
his  father's  life."  "  It  would  be  of  little  moment,"  replied  the  cardinal,  if 
the  danger  to  the  king  were  all ;  as  it  would  be  easy  to  protect  his  i>erson. 
But  the  present  case  is  worse,— if  worse  can  be ;  and  the  king,  who  has  seen 
the  bad  course  which  his  son  has  taken  for  these  two  years  past,  has  yamly 
tried  to  remedy  it ;  till,  finding  himself  unable  to  exercise  any  control  over 
the  hair-brained  young  man,  he  has  been  forced  to  this  expedient.'' 
Now,  in  the  judgment  of  a  grand  inquisitor,  it  would  probably  be  thougnt 


some  other  documents,  to  be  taken  from 
JSimancas  ;  but  whither  they  were  removed  is 
not  known.  Nor  since  that  monarch's  death 
have  any  tidings  been  heard  of  them.* 

'*  ♦•Ripose  che  questo  saria  el  manco,  per- 
c^  e  se  non  fosse  sta'o  altro  iiericolo  che  della 
persona  del  Ke  si  saria  guardata,  et  rimediato 


i 


*  [A  rumour  was  long  current  in  Spain  that 
a  ceitain  box  at  Simancas  contained  the  so- 
called  "process"  of  D«>n  Cat  los.     Ibis  box 
was  opened,  during  the  Frencti  occupation,  by 
order  of  Gtneral  Kellermann,  and  was  found 
to  contain  the  process  of  Don   Rodrigo  de 
Calderon,  maiquis  of  Siete  Iglesias.  who  was 
condemned  and  executed  in  1 621 .     M.  Gachard 
deduces  the  conclusion  that  all  the  reports 
relating  to  the  deposit  or  removal  of  the  papers 
were  equally  unfounded.    He  doubts,  indeed, 
whftlier  such  pa|»ers  ever  existed,  contending 
that  no  regular  process,  with  the  object  of  dis- 
inheriting the  h(ir  apparent,  could  have  been 
Instituted  by  a  mere  commission,  and  that  at 
the  most  the  business  intrusted  to  Ruy  Gomez 
and  his  associatps  was  to  collect  facts  and  lake 
evidence  on  which  to  base  a  formal  indict- 
ment, or  acte  d'accusation.    Rut  the  posuive 
Btiitements  of  so  well-informed  and  careful  a 
writer  as  Cabrera  are  not  to  be  lightly  set 
aside.    The  foreign  ministers  at  the  court  all 
speak,  in  their  earlier  letters,  of  the  intention 
to  institute  a  piocrss ;  and  the  papal  nuncio, 
in  a  despatch  of  March  2nd,  after  saying  that 
the  affair  of  the  prltice  was  no  longer  talked 
of  at  the  court,  and  that  it  was  not  known 
that  any  charges  against  him  had  yet  been 
put  in  writing,  adds  that  it  was  nevertheless 
pr.  bable  that  this  was  being  done  secretly. 
Thut  a  sentence  obtained  in  this  manner  would 
have  been,  as  M.  Gachard  remarks,  contrary 
to  "the  most  elementary  notions  of  justice  as 
woll  as  to  the  fundamental  laws  of  Castile, 
affords  no  proof  that  the  meth<Kl  would  have 
seemed  unsatisfactory  to  Philip,  who  was  a 


altramente,  ma  che  ci  era  peggio,  si  peggio  pu5 
essere,  al  che  sua  Maesta  ha  cercato  per  ogni 
via  di  rimediare  due  anni  continui,  perche  ve- 
deva  pigliarli  la  mala  via,  ma  non  ha  mai 
potuto  fermare  ne  regolare  questo  cervelio,  fin 
che  e  bisf^gnato  arrivare  a  questo."  Lettera 
del  Nunzi'o.  Gennaio  24,  156»,  MS. 


stickler  for  forms,  but  not  for  legality,  mncb 
less  justice,  in  the  «'xecution  of  his  own  pur- 
poses.    So  far  as  probabilities  are  concerned, 
the  only  question  is  whether,  in  the  present 
instance,  such  a  method  would  have  subserved 
his  end,  whiih  was,  as  the  whole  array  of 
evidence  shows  and  as  M.  Gachard  irresistibly 
argues,  to  deprive  Carlos  of  the  succession. 
But  to  attain  this  end  by  strictly  I'  gal  means 
would  have  been  all  but  impossible.    The 
assent  of  the  cortes  of  Castile,  which  had 
sworn  allegiance  to  Carlos,  would  have  been 
requisite,  and  perhaps  the  sanction  of  a  papal 
dispensation  relieving  tliem  from  their  oaths. 
Thf  latter  might  have  been  easily  obtained  by 
a  monarch  whose  power  was  the  great  bulwark 
of  the  Church  ;  but  the  cortes,  much  as  it  was 
in  the  habit  of  yielding  to  encroachments  on 
popular  iights,'had  a  stronger  regard  for  the 
riglit  of  8ucce^Bion  to  the  throne,  which  in- 
volved the  sarredness  of  all  other  rights  and 
the  unity  of  the  nation.    The  fact  that  Carlos 
was  an  onlv  son,  however  it  might  weigh  with 
Philip,  would  itself  have  been  an  insuperable 
objection  with  the  great  body  of  his  Bubjects. 
Merely  to  have  mooted  the  matter  \n  public 
would  have  let  loose  a  storm  of  discussion 
and  opposition  which  the  king  had  froin  the 
first  taken  every  precaution  to  avoid.    Yet  it 
was  necessary  that  the  acts  of  so  "prudent 
a  monarch  should  be  provided  in  case  of  need 
with  the  pretence  of  a  justification;  and  It 
can  hardly  be  doubte<l  that  this  mockery  of  a 
prosecution  was  carried   through  with  tbe 
same  punctilious  observances  as  had  charac- 
terized the  case  of  Montigny.— Ed.] 


462 


DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS. 


HIS  RIGOROUS  CONFINEMENT. 


463 


that  heresy,  or  any  leaning  to  heresy,  was  a  crime  of  even  a  deeper  dye  than 
parricide.  The  cardinal's  discourse  made  this  impression  on  the  nuncio,  who 
straightway  began  to  cast  about  for  proofs  of  apostasy  m  Don  Carios.  lUe 
Tus(»n  minister  also  notices  in  his  letters  the  suspicions  that  Carlos  was  not 
a  good  Catholic.'*  A  confirmation  of  this  view  of  the  matter  may  be  gathered 
from  the  remarks  of  Pius  the  Fifth  on  Philip's  letter  in  cipher,  above  noticed. 
"His  hoUness,"  writes  the  Spanish  ambassador,  "greatly  lauds  the  course 
taken  by  your  maje  ty;  for  he  feels  that  the  preservation  of  Christianity 
dei^ends  on  your  living  many  years,  and  on  your  havmg  a  successor  who  will 

tread  in  your  footsteps."  ^"  ,     ,    .,   i.  i..        r  • 

But,  though  all  this  seems  to  intimate  pretty  clearly  that  the  religious 
defection  of  Carios  was  a  predominant  motive  for  his  imprisonment,  it  is  not 
easy  to  believe  that  a  person  of  his  wayward  and  volatile  mind  could  have 
formed  any  settled  opinions  in  matters  of  faith,  or  that  his  position  would  have 
allowed  the  Reformers  such  access  to  his  person  as  to  have  greatly  exposed 
him  to  the  influence  of  their  doctrines.    Yet  it  is  quite  possible  that  he  may 
have  taken  an  interest  in  those  political  movements  abroad  which  m  the  end 
wt.e  directed  against  the  Church.      I  allude  te  the  troubles  m  the  Low 
Countries,  which  he  is  said  to  have  looked  upon  with  no  unfriendly  eye.    It  is 
true,  there  is  no  proof  of  this,  so  far  as  I  am  aware,  in  the  correspondence  ot 
the  Flemish  leaders.     Nor  is  there  any  reason  to  suppose  that  Carlos  entered 
directly  into  a  correspondence  with  them  himself,  or  indeed  committed  him- 
self  by  any  overt  act  in  support  of  the  cause."    But  this  was  not  necessary 
for  his  condemnation :  it  would  have  been  miite  enough  that  he  had  felt  a 
sympathy  for  the  distresses  of  the  people.    Prom  the  residence  of  l!i^mont, 
Bergen,  and  Montigny  at  the  court,  he  had  obvious  means  of  communication 
with  those  nobles,  who  may  naturally  have  sought  te  interest  hini  in  behalf  of 
their  countrymen.    The  sympathy  readily  kindled  in  the  ardent  bosom  of  the 
youn^  prince  would  be  as  readily  expressed.     That  he  did  feel  such  a  sympathy 
may  "perhaps  be  inferred  by  his  strange  conduct  to  Alva  on  the  eve  of  his 
departure  for  the  Netheriands.*    But  the  people  of  that  country  were  re- 
garded at  Madrid  as  in  actual  rebellion  against  the  crown.    The  reformed 
doctrines  which  they  avowed  gave  to  the  movement  the  character  of  a  religious 
revolution.    For  a  Spaniard  to  countenance  it  in  any  way  was  at  once  to  prove 
himself  false  both  to  his  sovereign  and  his  faith.     In  such  a  light,  we  may  be 
quite  sure,  it  would  be  viewed  both  by  Phihp  and  his  minister,  the  grand 
inquisitor.    Nor  would  it  be  thought  any  paUiation  of  the  crime  that  the 
offender  was  heir  to  the  monarchy." 


'»  "Non  lascerd  per5  di  dirle,  ch'  io  ho 
ritratto  et  dl  luogo  ragionevole,  che  si  sospetta 
del  Prencipe  di  poco  Cattolico  :  ct  quello,  che 
lo  fa  credere,  e  die  fin'  adesso  non  li  han  fatto 
dir  messa."    Lettera  di  Nobili,  Gennaio  25, 

1568,  MS.  ^       ^ 

i«  •♦  El  Papa  alaba  mucho  la  detennlnacion 
de  V.  M.  porque  entiende  que  la  consprvacion 
de  la  Christiandad  depend*^  de  que  Dlos  de  & 
V.  M.  muchos  aflos  de  vida  y  que  despuea 
tenga  tal  succjor  que  sepa  seguir  sua  pisa^laa." 


Carta  de  Zufilga,  Junio  25,  166S,  MS. 

"  Letl  has  been  more  fortunate  in  discover- 
ing a  letter  from  Don  Carlos  to  Count  Egmont, 
found  among  the  papers  of  that  no''leman  at 
the  time  of  his  arrest.  (ViU  di  Filippo  II., 
torn  i.  p.  543.)  The  historian  is  too  discreet 
to  vouch  for  the  authenticity  of  the  docu- 
ment, whch  indeed  would  require  a  better 
voucher  than  I^eti  to  obtain  our  confidence. 

"*  De  Castro  labours  hard  to  prove  tiiat  Don 
Carlos    was   a  I'rotestant.     If   he    fails   to 


*  [His  conduct  to  Alva  is  suCRciently  ex- 
plained by  the  fact  that  the  appointment  of 
the  latter  had  dashed  his  own  hopes  of  going 
to  the  Netherlands,  as  the  representative  of 
the  crown,— a  position  to  which  lie  probably 
considered  himself  entitled  when  it  became 


certain  that  Philip  was  not  going  in  porson. 
A  pretence  was  made  of  givlnp  him  a  share  in 
the  domestic  administration,  by  way  of  con- 
soling him  for  the  disappointment;  but  it 
was  soon  a*^andoned,  on  the  plea— very  pos- 
sibly a  well-founded  one— that  he  threw  all 


As  to  a  design  on  his  father's  life,  Philip,  both  in  his  foreign  despatehes  and 
in  the  communications  made  by  his  order  to  the  resident  ministers  at  Madnd, 
whollv  ac%i  tted  ^^^^^  of  so  horrible  a  charge.  •»  ^  If  it  had  any  foundation  in 
rruth^Sght  suppose  that  Philip,  instead  of  denying  would  have  paraded 
it  XSg  anXious  apology  for  sub  ecting  him  to  so  rigorous  a  con- 
finement It  Is  certain,  if  Carios  had  really  entertained  so  monstrous  a 
dS  he  might  easily  have  found  an  opportumty  to  execute  it  That 
PhZ  would  have  been  silent  in  respect  to  his  son's  JY^'^lf  ^y.  ^^*^^^^« 
Netherlands  may  well  be  believed.  The  great  champion  of  Catholicism  woidd 
SallylrS        publishing  to  the  world  that  the  taint  of  heresy  mfected 

^' BTw^hateVer  may  have  been  the  motives  which  determined  the  conduct  of 
PhiUn  one  Stnnot  but  suspect  that  a  deep-rooted  aversion  to  his  son  lay  at 
fhe  bottom  S  them  The  dissimilarity  of  their  natures  placed  the  two  parties, 
from  the  first,  in  false  relations  to  each'  other.  The  heedless  excesses  of  youth 
were  regarded  with  a  pitiless  eye  by  the  parent,  who,  m  his  own  indulgences, 
It  least  d'dno^^^^^  the  veil  of  decorum.    The  fiery  temper  of  Carios, 

kritated  by  Tlon^^^^^^  system  of  distrust,  exclusion,  and  emonnageat 

Si  broL  outfnto  such  senseless  extravagances  as  belong  to  t\e  debatable 
Z?nd  of  insanity  And  this  ground  afforded,  as  already  intimated,  a  plau- 
S  foothirto  the  father  for  proceeding  to  extremities  against  the  son.* 


esUbllsh  the  fact,  he  must  be  allowed  to  have 
shown  that  the  prince's  conduct  was  such  as 
to  suggest  great  doubts  of  his  orthodoxy, 
among  those  v>ho  approached  the  nearest  to 
him.  See  Historia  de  los  Protestantes  Jvspar 
fioles,  p  319,  et  seq. 

"•  "Sua  Maesta  ha  dato  ordme,  che  nelle 


the  afTiirs  intrusted   to  him  into    disorder. 
Gachard,  Don  Carlos  et  Philippe  II.,  torn.  ii. 

•  [The  silence  or  denial  of  Philip  in  regard 
to  eith<  r  of  tbe  causes  mentioned  would  be  of 
little  weight,  if  there  were  motives  for  con- 
cealment ;  and  such  motives  obviously  existed 
in  regard  to  the  accusation  of  a  design  agamst 
his  life  on  the  part  of  his  son,  as  well  as  in 
reeard  to  the  imputaUon  of  heresy.    The  two 
charges   wen-,    in    fact,    closely    connected 
Both    if  put  forward,  would,  as  he  himself 
remarks  in  letters  already  cited,  have  been 
accepted  by  the  "heretics   and  rebels      as 
tending  to  strengthen  their  party.     But  m  his 
disclosures  to  Alva  and  to  the  pope,  which 
they  were  to  bury  in  their  own  bosoms,  Fbilip 
may  be  believed  to  have  written  the  truth,  so 
far  at  least  as  negations  were  concerned  ;  and 
in  those  letters,  as  has  been  seen,  he  contra- 
dicts both  allegations,  not  only  as  dishonour- 
able and  injurious,  but  as  utterly  groundless. 

"t'rM.  Gachard,  referring  to  those  letters  of 
Philip  which  he  considers  as  "  lifting  a  corner 
of  the  veil,"  expresses  the  opinion  that  an 
attentive  consideration  of  the  hints  and  denials 
they  contain  will  lead  to  the  conviction  that 
"the  projected  flight  of  Don  Carlos  was  the 
real  and  Immediate  cause  of  his  arrest.  The 
immediate'  cause,  or  pretext,  it  may  possibly 
have  been  ;  though  there  is  not  the  remotest 


lettere,  che  si  scrivono  a  tutti  li  Prencipl  et 
Regni,  si  dica,  che  la  voce  ch'  e  uscita  ch 
1'  Prencipe  havesse  cercato  di  offendere  la  Real 
persona  sua  propria  e  falsa,  et  questo  mede- 
simo  fa  dire  a  bocca  da  Ruy  Gomez  all'  Im- 
basciatori."  Lettera  del  Sunzio,  Gennaio  27, 
1508,  MS. 


apparent  allusion  to  it  in  any  of    Philips 
letters,  and  the  theory   would    seem  to  be 
directly  contradicted   by  the  explicit  state- 
ment, in  more  than  one  of  th.m,  that  the 
important  step  had  not  been  determined  by 
the  faults  of  the  prince,  or  adopteil  as  a  means 
either  of  punishment  or  of  reformation,  since 
in  that  case  recourse  would  have  been  had  to 
a  different  mode  of  procedure.    (See,  in  par- 
ticular, letter  to  Alva  of  April  6th.)    But 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  measure 
had  been  decided  upon   long  before  Carlos 
conceived  his  project  of  esciipe.    Philip  him- 
self speaks  of  it  repeatedly  as  the  result  of 
long   deliberation.      The    French    minister, 
Fourquevaulx,  had  written  to  Charles  IX.  on 
August  21st,  1567,  that  Philip  was  so  much 
displeased  with  the  conduct  of  his  son  that, 
if  it  were  not  for  the  Ulk  it  would  occasion, 
it  was  thought  he  would  shut  him  up  in  a 
tower     In  a  note  announcing  the  arrest  to 
Catherine  de  Medicis.  the  ambassador  recalls 
the  fact  that  he  had  made  the  same  statement 
to  her,  and  had  also  mentioned  a  remark  made 
to  him  by  Ruy  Gomez  some  days  before  the 
queen's  last  accouchement,  to  the  effect  that 
an  important  resolution  was  depending  on 
the  sex  of  tbe  child  to  which  she  was  about 
to  give  birth.    The  Venetian  minister  asserts, 
in  a  letter  of  February  nth,  that  the  king 
had  been  thinking  of  the  matter  for  three 
years ;  and  this  is  confirmed  by  the  account 


4G4 


DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS. 


Whatever  were  the  offences  of  Carlos,  those  who  had  the  best  opportunities  for 
observation  soon  became  satisfied  that  it  was  intended  never  to  allow  hira  to 
regain  his  liberty  or  to  ascend  the  throne  of  his  ancestors.'*  On  the  second 
of  March,  a  code  of  resrulations  was  prepared  by  Philip  relative  to  the  treat- 
ment of  the  prince,  which  may  give  some  idea  of  the  rigour  pf  his  confinement. 
He  was  given  in  especial  charge  to  Ruy  Gomez,  who  was  placed  at  the  head  of 
the  establishment ;  and  it  was  from  him  that  every  person  employed  about 
Carlos  was  to  receive  his  commission.  Six  other  nobles  were  appointed  both 
to  guard  the  prince  and  render  him  service.  Two  of  the  number  were  to 
remain  in  his  apartment  every  night,— the  one  watching  while  the  other 
slept ;  reminding  us  of  an  ingenious  punishment  among  the  Chinese,  where  a 
criminal  is  obliged  to  be  everywhere  followed  by  an  attendant,  whose  business 
it  is  to  keep  an  unceasing  watch  upon  the  offender,  that,  wherever  he  turns, 
he  may  still  find  the  same  eye  riveted  upon  him  !  *. 

»°  "Si  tien  per  fermo  die  privaranno  il  ranno  mai."  Lettera del  Nunzio,  Febraio  14, 
Prencipe  deUa  successione,  et  non  lo  Ubera-        1568,  MS. 


HIS  RIGOROUS  CONFINEMENT. 


4G5 


given  to  Fourquevaulx  by  Ruy  Gomez  by  the 
king's  order  {ante,  p.  459).     It  is  far  more 
likely,  therefore,  that  the  projected  flight  was 
itself  a  result  of  the  prince's  knowledge  of 
this  design,  than  the  cause  of  its  bt-ing  carried 
out.     But  the  real  cause  is  apparent  enough 
from  the  king's  letters,  the  mysterious  tone  of 
which  seems  to  have  been  adopted  only  to 
hide  the  fact  that  there  we  e  no  particular 
acts  which  he  could   allege  as  a  sufficient 
justification  of  the  purpose  he  so  clearly  in- 
timated never  to  release  his  son  or  allow  him 
to  succeed  to  the  throne.     It  is  true  that  in 
his  fir^t  letter  to  Alva  he  spoke  of  "  particular 
and  import.mt  acts;  '  but  when  the  duke 
asked  for  details  he  was  told  that  he  might 
easily  infer  the  causes  from  his  general  know- 
ledge of   the  prince.     On  the  other  hand, 
Philip  states  rej-eatedly  and  explicitly  that 
his  act  Hnd  purpose  were  grounded  on  defects 
of  intellect  and  character  in  the  prince  which 
it  had  been  fotnid  impossible  to  correct,  and 
which  rendered  him  unfit  to  rule.    The  only 
question,  therefore,  that  remains  to  be  solved 
is,  whether  Philip's  opinion  of  his  son's  in- 
capacity was  a  correct  and  Impartial  one. 
The  notion  that  Carlos  was  insane  or  imbecile 
is  utterly  untenable.      Persons  who    knew 
him  well  have  recorded  their  opinion  that  his 
extravagancies  and  eccentricities  were    the 
results  of  youthful  folly  and  a  bad  education, 
and  that  he  wa.s  endowed  w  ith  high  qualities 
both  of  intellect  and  of  heart.     His  confessor, 
Fray  Diego  de  Chaves,  in  a  conversation  with 
the  imperial  minister  during  the  imprison- 
ment of  Carlos,  spoke  of  the  defects  of  his 
character   as    attributable    to    an  obstinacy 
which  had  never  been  corrected  by  proper 
discipline,  but  added  that  he  had  many  great 
virtues,  and  might  be  expected,  if  the  present 
correction  were  followed  by  amendment,  to 
become  a  good  and  virtuous  prince.    Bran- 
t6me  expre!«e8  the  belief  that  if  he  hatl  lived 
to  get  rid  of  his  youthful  wildness  he  would 
have  turned  out  a  very  great  prince,  a  soldier, 
and  a  stat3>man.    The  Italian  letter-writers. 


including  the  papal  nuncio,  state  that  both 
the  grandees  and  the  people  had  the  highest 
hopes  of  him  and  looked  forward  to  his  acces- 
sion as  destined  to  inaugurate  a  new  system 
of  govenment,  under  which  the  great  nobles 
would  recover  their  ancient  influence  and  the 
nation  its  liberties.  Whether  these  two  re- 
sults were  compatible  may  be  doubted ;  but 
the  existence  of  such  aniicipations  and  the 
facts  on  which  they  were  grounded  furnish 
probably  the  best  key  to  Philip's  views  and 
course  of  action.  The  good  and  bad  qualities 
of  Don  Carlos  were  alike  perilous  to  the  con- 
tinuance of  that  policy  of  repression  on  which 
Philip  considered  the  security  of  the  throne 
and  of  the  monarchy  as  depending.  To  his 
ministers,  the  members  of  that  consulta  which 
formed  bin  only  advisers,  the  danger  must 
have  seemed  still  more  personal.  On  the 
whole,  the  popular  verdict  that  Carlos  owed 
his  fate  to  the  fears  and  jealousy  of  the  king 
and  his  ministers  is  the  one  that  accords  best 
with  all  the  evid  nee  which  has  yet  been 
brought  to  light.— Ed.] 

•  [Frescott  has  omitted  to  mention  that  on 
the  25th  of  January  the  prince  had  been  re- 
moved from  his  own  chamber,  which  was  in 
an  entresol,  to  a  small  room  on  tiie  same 
floor,  situated  In  a  tower,  which  had  but  one 
entrance  and  one  window,  the  latter  so  barred 
OS  to  admit  light  only  through  the  upper 
part.  An  opening  was  made  in  the  partition- 
wall,  to  aimit  of  liia  hearing  mass  when  cele- 
brates! in  an  adjoining  apartment,  but  a 
wooden  barrier  prevented  bis  exit  by  this 
passage.  It  was  then  that  the  regulations 
were  adopted  which  are  mentioned  in  the 
text ;  though  they  were  not  reduced  to  writ- 
ing until  the  date  there  assigned  to  ihem. 
When  these  dispositions  and  the  change  of 
his  attendants  were  announced  to  him  by 
Ruy  Gomez,  Carlos  asked  if  Don  Rodrigo  de 
Mendoza,  who  had  been  in  bis  service  only  a 
short  time,  but  to  whom  he  was  strongly 
attached,  and  whose  character  is  said  to  have 
Justified  his  preference,  was  also  to  leave 


ii 


During  the  day  it  was  the  duty  of  these  nohles  to  remain  with  Carlos  and 
lighten  by  their  conversation  the  gloom  of  his  captivity.  But  they  were  not 
to  talk  on  matters  relating  to  the  government,  above  all  to  the  prince's  im- 
prisonment, on  which  topic,  if  he  addressed  them,  they  were  to  remain  obdu- 
rately silent.  They  were  to  bring  no  messages  to  him,  and  bear  none  from  him 
to  the  world  without ;  and  they  were  to  maintain  inviolable  secrecy  in  regard 
to  all  that  passed  within  the  walls  of  the  palace,  unless  when  otherwise  per- 
mitted by  the  king.  Carlos  was  provided  with  a  breviary  and  some  other 
books  of  devotion  ;  and  no  works  except  those  of  a  devotional  character  were 
to  be  allowed  him.*'  This  last  regulation  seems  to  intimate  the  existence  of 
certain  heretical  tendencies  in  Carlos,  which  it  was  necessary  to  counteract  by 
books  of  an  opposite  character,— unless  it  might  be  considered  as  an  ominous 
preparation  for  his  approaching  end.  Besides  the  six  nobles,  no  one  was 
allowed  to  enter  the  apartment  but  the  prince's  nhysician,  his  barbero,  or 
gentleman  of  the  chamber,  and  his  valet.  The  last  was  taken  from  the 
monteros,  or  body-guard  of  the  king."  There  were  seven  others  of  this  faith- 
ful corps  who  were  attached  to  the  establishment,  and  whose  duty  it  was  to 
bring  the  dishes  for  his  table  to  an  outer  hall,  whence  they  were  taken  by  the 
montero  in  waiting  to  the  prince's  chamber.  A  guard  of  twelve  halberdiers 
was  also  stationed  in  the  passages  leading  to  the  apartment,  to  intercept  all 
communication  from  without.  Every  person  employed  in  the  service,  from  the 
highest  noble  to  the  meanest  official,  made  solemn  oath,  before  the  prince  of 
Eboli,  to  conform  to  the  regulations.  On  this  nobleman  rested  the  whole 
responsibihty  of  enforcing  obedience  to  the  rules,  and  of  providing  for  the 
security  of  Carlos.  The  better  to  effect  this,  he  was  commanded  to  remove  to 
the  palace,  where  apartments  were  assigned  to  him  and  the  princess  his  wife, 
adjoining  those  of  his  prisoner.  The  arrangement  may  have  been  commended 
by  other  considerations  to  Philip,  whose  intimacy  with  the  princess  I  shall 
have  occasion  to  notice  hereafter."  t»,  .,•  » 

The  regulations,  severe  as  they  were,  were  executed  to  the  letter.  Fhihp  s 
aunt,  the  queen  of  Portugal,  wrote  in  earnest  terms  to  the  king,  kindly  ottering 
herself  to  remain  with  her  grandson  in  his  confinement  and  take  charge  of 
him  like  a  mother  in  his  affliction.**  "  But  they  were  very  wilhng,"  writes  the 
French  minister,  "  to  spare  her  the  trouble."  "  The  emperor  and  empress 
wrote  to  express  the  hope  that  the  confinement  of  Carlos  would  work  an 


"  "  Para  rezarse  le  diesen  las  Oras,  Brevl- 
ario  i  Rosario  que  pidiese,  i  libros  solamente 
de  buena  dotrina  i  devocion,  si  quisiese  leer  y 
oir."  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vii.  cap. 
22. 

"  The  montero  was  one  of  the  body-guard 
of  the  king  for  the  night.  The  right  of  filling 
this  corps  was  an  ancient  privilege  accorded 
to  the  inhabitants  of  a  certain  district  named 
Espinosa  de  los  Monteros.  Llorente,  Histoire 
de  rinquisition,  torn.  iii.  p.  163. 

"  The  regulations  are  given  in  extenso  by 
Cabrera  (Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vii.  capv  22); 
and  the  rigour  with  which  they  were  enforced 
is  attested  by  the  concurrent  reports  of  the 
foreign  ministers  at  the  court.  In  one  respect, 
however,  they  seem  to  have  been  relaxed,  if, 


as  Nobili  sUtes,  the  prince  was  allowed  to 
recreate  himself  with  the  perusal  of  Spanish 
law-books,  which  he  may  have  consulted  with 
reference  to  his  own  case :  "  Ha  domandato, 
che  li  siano  letti  li  statuti,  et  le  leggi  di  Spagna : 
ne'  quali  spende  molto  studio.  Scrive  assal 
di  sua  mano,  et  subito  scritto  lo  -straccia." 
Lettera  di  Nobili.  Giugno  8,  1568.  MS. 

'*  "  Per  questa  causa  dunque  il  Re  et  Reglna 
vechia  di  quel  regno  hanno  raandato  qui  un 
ambasciatore  a  far  offitio  col  Re  cattolico  per 
il  Prencipe.  dolersi  del  caso,  offerirsi  di  venire 
ia  Regina  propria  a  governarlo  como  madre." 
Lettera  del  Nunzio,  Marzo  2,  1568,  MS. 

-■■  Rauiuer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  ii.  p.  141. 


him.  Being  answered  in  the  afiBrmative,  he 
took  the  young  nobleman  in  his  arms,  and, 
embracin--'  him  closely,  with  tears  in  his  eyes, 
assured  him  of  bis  aflection  and  of  his  desire 


that  he  might  one  day  be  in  a  condition  to 
give  proofs  of  it.  Gachard,  Don  Carlos  et 
Philippe  II.,  torn,  ii.— Ed.J 

2  H 


430  DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS. 

amendment  in  his  conduct,  and  that  he  would  soon  be  liberated.  Several 
letters  pa^d  between  the  courts,  until  Philip  closed  the  correspondence  by 
declaring  that  his  son's  marriage  with  the  prnicess  Anne  could  never  take 
place,  and  that  he  would  never  be  liberated.^" 

Philips  queen,  Isabella,  and  his  sister  Joanna,  who  seem  to  haj  t)e^^^^ 
deeply  artlicted  by  the  course  taken  with  the  prnice,  made  inertectual  attempts 
to  be  allowed  to  visit  him  in  his  confinement ;  and  when  Don  John  of  Austria 
came  to  the  palace  dressed  in  a  mourning  suit,  to  testify  his  grief  on  the  occa- 
sion, Phihp  coldly  rebuked  his  brother,  and  ordered  him  to  change  his  mourn- 

"^leveraf  oTthrSeaUowns  were  prepared  to  send  their  delegates  to  condo!e 
with  the  monarch  under  his  affliction.  But  Philip  gave  them  to  understand 
that  he  had  only  acted  for  the  good  of  the  nation  and  that  their  condolence  on 
the  occasion  would  be  supertiuous.^  When  the  deputies  of  Aragon,  Catalonia, 
and  Valencia  were  on  their  way  to  court  with  instructions  to  inquire  into 
the  cause  of  the  prince's  imprisonment  and  to  urge  his  speedy  liberation,  they 
received,  on  the  way,  so  decided  an  intimation  of  the  royal  displeasure  that 
they  thought  it  prudent  to  turn  back,  without  venturing  to  enter  the  capital. 

I'n  short,  it  so^n  came  to  be  understood  that  the  attair  of  Don  Carlos  ^as 
a  subject  not  to  be  talked  about.  By  degrees  it  seemed  to  pass  out  of  mens 
minds, 
subject 

he  had  been  dead  these  ten  years.         ^^^ 1 --:-- r'    i       u'      «..^  fi,^ 

among  those  of  the  royal  family,  in  the  prayers  said  in  the  churches.  But  the 
king  prohibited  the  clergy  from  alluding  to  Carlos  in  their  discourses.  IS  or 
did  anv  one  venture,  says  the  same  authority,  to  criticise  the  conduct  of  the 
king  ' "  So  complete  is  the  ascendency  which  Philip's  wisdom  has  given  hiin 
over 'his  subjects,  that,  willing  or  unwilling,  all  promptly  obey  him  ;  and,  if 
they  do  not  love  him,  they  at  least  apnear  to  do  so. 

Among  the  articles  removed  from  the  prince's  chamber  was  a  coffer,  as  the 
reader  may  remember,  containing  his  private  papers  Among  these  were  a 
number  of  letters  intended  for  distribution  after  his  departure  from  the 
country.  One  was  addressed  to  his  father,  in  which  Carios  avowed  that  the 
cause  of  his  flight  was  the  harsh  treatment  he  had  experienced  from  the  king. 


*»  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  ii.  pp.  146,  14H.  ^      .  . 

•'  "  Keyna  y  IMnceaa  Uoran  :  Don  Juan  va 
cada  noche  4  Palacio,  y  una  fue  rauy  llano, 
como  de  lute,  y  el  Rf.y  le  rinio,  y  raando  no 
andubiesse  de  aquel  modo,  sino  couio  eolia 
de  antes."    Relacion  del  Ayuda  de  Cumara, 

MS.  .  .     , 

"  "  Sua  Maesta  ha  fatto  intendre  a  tutte  le 
cltta  del  Reyno,  che  non  mandino  huomini  o 
Imbasciator  nessuno,  ne  per  dolersi,  ne  per 
cerimonia,  ne  per  altro ;  et  pare  che  habbia  a 
caro,  che  neasuno  glie  ne  parli,  K  cosi  ogn* 
huomo  tace."  Lettera  del  Nunzio,  Febraio 
14,  1568.  MS. 

■"  Letter  of  Fonrquevaulx,  April  13,  ln68, 
ap.  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  li.  p.  143.— A  letter  of  rondolonce 
from  the  municipality  of  Murcia  was  conceived 
in  Buch  a  loyal  an<l  politic  vein  as  was  alto- 
gether unexceptionable.  "  We  cannot  reflect," 
it  says.  "  without  emotion,  on  our  good  fortune 
in  having  a  sovereign  so  just,  and  so  devoted 


to  the  weal  of  his  subjects,  as  to  sacrifice  to 
this  every  other  consideration,  even  the  tender 
attachment  which  he  has  for  his  own  off- 
spring." This,  which  might  seem  irony  to 
some,  was  received  by  the  king,  as  it  was 
doubt  le>8  intended,  in  perfect  good  faith.  His 
endorsement,  in  his  own  handwriting,  on  ihe 
cover,  shows  the  style  in  which  he  liked  to 
be  approached  by  his  loving  subjects  :  "This 
letter  is  written  with  prudence  and  discretion.' 
A  translation  of  the  letter,  dated  February 
16th,  1568,  is  in  Llorente,  Histoire  de  I'ln- 
quisition,  torn.  iii.  p.  161. 

^">  Letter  of   Fonrquevaulx,  ap.    Raumer, 
Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Centuries. 
"  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

"  "Quella  per  il  Re  conteneva  specincata- 
monte  niolti  agravil,  che  in  m..lti  anni  pre- 
tendi,  che  li  siano  statti  fatti  da  Sua  Maesta, 
et  diceva  ch'  egli  se  n'  anduva  fuori  delli  suol 
Regni  per  no  poter  sopportare  tanti  «gravii, 
che  li  faceva."  IjCtte'-a  del  Nunzio,  Marzo  2, 
1568,  MS. 


HIS  RIGOROUS  CONFINEMENT. 


467 


Other  letters,  addressed  to  different  nobles  and  to.«^^"^«/ *^^^^^^^^ 

made  a  similar  statement;  and,  after  reminding  them  of  the  oaU^^^^^^ 

taken  to  him  as  successor  to  the  crown,  he  proinised  to  graiit  them  vari^^^^ 

immunities  when  the  scentre  should  come  into  ^^s  hanf .»   ^  ith  th^^^^^^ 

was  also  found  one  of  t\ie  most  singular  iinport.    ^ , contained  a  list  ot  all 

those  persons  whom  he  deemed  frienS  y  or  ^«;"^^^a^  ^o  ^imse^     At  ^^^^^ 

of  the  former  class  stood  the  name  of  his  step-mother  l^^^ella,  and  ot  his 

uncle,  Don  John  of  Austna,-both  of  them  '^«  f  1^^^,^/,;" ^to  th^^^^^^ 
affection.    On  the  catalogue  of  his  enemies,  ''to  be  pursued  to  the  death, 

were  the  names  of  the  kmg  his  father,  the  F"^^f,  ^"^^^1^  stm^i^^^ 
Cardinal  Espinosa,  the  duke  of  Alva,  and  ot>ers^  Sucli  is  the  str^^^^^^ 
arponnt  of  the  contents  of  the  cofter  given  to  his  court  by  the  papal  nuncio. 
Smperrw^^^^  were  submitted  to  the  judges  who  conducted  the 

prc^ess^  ff  doubtless,  an  important  part  of.  the  testimony  against 

thrprince  It  may  have  been  from  one  of  the  parties  concerned  that  the 
minr^o  gathered  Enformation.  Yet  no  member  of  that  tribunal  would  have 
vS5  to  Sose  its  secrets  without  authority  from  Philip,  who  may  possibly 
We  c^s^nted  ^^^^^^  Tblication  of  facts  that  would  serve  to  vindicate  his 
^uL  If  thl^^^^^^  are  faithfully. reported,  they  must  be  allowed  to  furnish 
some  evidence  of  a  disordered  mind  in  Carlos.  r^.  r^..,^.  fi^^ 

pSer '£  he  sho'uld  become  *« -ea^iXt^uch^P^^^^^^^ 

Philip,  however,  was  not  induced  by  his  fears  to  nnti^ate  m  ^uy   ^ 

^^j1ArilZZ^n<::ZTA^:'S^ou  fro.  ?..  Faith, 


»  Lettera  del  Nunzio,  Marzo  2,  156«,  MS 
"  "  Vi  e  ancora  una  lista,  dove  scnyeva  dl 
sua  mano  gli  amici,  et  li  nemici  puoi,  li  quali 
diceva  di  havere  a  perseguitare  sempre  fino 
alia  morte,  tra  li  quali  il  pnmo  e™^^'"'""'^ 
Re  suo  padre,  di  poi  Rui  G.>n.ez  et  |a  mogl'^; 
il  Presidente,  il  Duca  d'Alba,  et  certi  altn. 

*'«""  No  salio  el  Rey  de  Ma<lrid,  ni  aun  a 
Aranjuez  ni  a  San  Lorengo  a  ver  su  fabnca, 
fan  itento  al  negocio  del  Pnncipe  estaba 
I   808p.cboso  a  las  murmuraciones  de    sua 


pueblos  fleles  i  reverentes,  que  ruidos  estra- 
ordinarios  en  su  Palacio  le  hazian  niirar  s 
eran  tumultos  para  nacar  a  su  Alteza  de  su 
camara."    Cabrera.  Filipe  Segundo,  hb.  viu. 

*^^'  "Onde  fd  chiamato  il  ccnfessore  ft  il 
medico,  ma  egli  seguiUndo  nella  sua  dispera- 
tione  non  vols»  ascoltare  ne  I'linno  ne  I  altro 
Lettera  del  Nunzio,  MS.-My  ^'Py^^^^f  *J 
letter,  perhaps  through  the  madvertence  of 
the  transcriber,  is  without  dMe. 


438 


DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS. 


gave  great  alarm  to  Philip,  who  would  not  willingly  see  the  soul  thus  perish 
with  the  budy.^'  In  this  emergency  he  employed  Suarez,  the  piince's  almoner, 
who  once  had  some  intiuence  over  his  master,  to  addiess  him  a  letter  of  ex- 
postulation. The  letter  has  been  preserved,  and  is  too  remai'kable  to  be 
passed  by  in  silence. 

Suarez  begins  with  reminding  Carlos  that  his  rash  conduct  had  left  him  with- 
out partisans  or  friends.  The  etlect  of  his  present  course,  instead  of  mending 
his  condition,  could  only  serve  to  make  it  worse.  "  What  will  the  world  say, ' 
continues  the  ecclesiastic,  "  when  it  shall  learn  that  you  now  refuse  to  confess, 
— when,  too,  it  shall  discover  other  dreadful  things  of  which  you  have  been 
guilty,  some  of  which  are  of  such  a  nature  that,  did  they  concern  any  other 
tlian  your  highness,  the  Ho^y  Office  would  be  led  to  inauire  whether  ihe 
author  of  them  were  in  truth  a  Christian  ?  "  It  is  in  the  bitterness  and 
anguish  of  my  heart  that  I  must  declare  to  your  highness  that  you  are  not 
only  in  danger  of  forfeiting  your  worldly  estate,  but,  what  is  worse,  your  own 
souL"  And  he  concludes  by  imploring  Carlos,  as  the  only  remedy,  to  return 
to  his  obedience  to  God,and*to  the  king,  who  is  His  representative  on  earth. 

But  the  admonitions  of  the  honest  almoner  had  as  little  ettect  on  the 
unhappy  youth  as  the  prayers  of  his  attendants.  The  mental  excitement 
under  which  he  laboured,  combined  with  the  want  of  air  and  exercise, 
produced  its  natural  effect  on  his  health.  Every  day  he  became  more  and  more 
emaciated  ;  while  the  fever  which  had  so  long  preyed  on  his  constitution  now 
burned  in  his  veins  with  greater  fury  than  ever.  To  allay  the  intolerable 
heat,  he  resorted  to  such  desperate  expedients  as  seemed  to  intimate,  says 
the  Papal  nuncio,  that  if  debarred  from  laying  violent  hands  on  himself  he 
would  accomplish  the  same  end  in  a  slower  way,  but  not  less  sure.  He  deluged 
the  floor  with  water,  not  a  little  to  the  inconvenience  of  the  companions  of  his 
prison,  and  walked  about  for  hours,  half  naked,  with  bare  feet,  on  the  cold 
pavement."  He  caused  a  warming-pan  filled  with  ice  and  snow  to  be  in- 
troduced several  times  in  a  night  into  his  bed,  and  let  it  remain  there  for 
hours  together.*"  As  if  this  were  not  enough,  he  would  gulp  down  such 
draughts  of  snow-water  as  distance  any  achievement  on  record  in  the  annals 
of  hydropathy.  He  pursued  the  same  mad  course  in  respect  to  what  he  ate. 
He  would  abstain  from  food  an  incredible  number  of  days,*'  and  then,  indulg- 
ing in  proportion  to  liis  former  abstinence,  would  devour  a  pasty  of  four 


»7  «« ^g  volendo  in  alcun  modo  curare  ne  il 
corpo  ne  1'  aiiiii>a,  la  qual  cosa  faceva  stare  il 
lie  Pt  gli  altri  con  molto  dispiacere,  vedendoli 
niaHsinia  di  continue crescere  il  male  et  mancar 
la  virtu."    Lettera  del  Nunzio,  MS. 

M  fi  yph  y  A.,  que  hardn  y  dirfin  todos 
•quando  se  entienda  que  no  se  confiesa,  y  se 
vayan  descubrietido  otras  cosas  terribles,  que 
le  son  tanto,  que  llegan  &  que  el  Santo  Oficio 
tuviera  mucha  entrada  en  otro  para  saber  si 
*ra  cristiano  6  no."  Carta  de  Hernan  Suarez 
de  Toledo  al  Prfncipe,  Marzo  18,  1568,  MS.* 

*'  "  Spogliarsi  nudo,  et  solo  con  una  robba 
di  taffeta  su  le  carni  Biar  quasi  di  continuo 
ad  una  finestra,  dove  tirava  vento,  caminare 
con  li  piedi  discalzi  per  la  camai  a  que  tuttavia 
laceva  stare  adacquata  tanto  cbe  sempre  ci  era 


r  acqua  per  tntto."    Lettera  del  Nunzio,  MS. 

*°  "  Fursi  raffredare  ogni  notte  due  o  tre 
volti  il  letto  con  uno  Pcal<ialetto  i)i**no  di  neve, 
et  tenerlo  le  notte  Intiere  nel  letto."     Ibid. 

*'  Thne  days,  according  to  one  authority, 
(lettera  di  Nobili  di  30  di  Luglio,  1568,  MS.) 
Another  swells  the  number  to  nine  days  (Carta 
de  Gomez  Manrique,  MS.);  and  a  third— one 
of  Philip's  cabinet  ministers— has  the  assur- 
ance to  prolong  the  prince's  fast  to  eleven 
days,  in  which  he  allows  him,  however,  an 
unlimited  quantity  of  cold  water  :  "Ansi  se 
deterniino  de  no  coraery  en  esiadeterminacion 
pa9>aron  onzo  dins  sin  que  bastaeen  persua- 
siones  ni  otras  diligencias  a  qu<»  tomase  cosa 
bevida  ni  que  fuesa  para  salud  sino  aqua  fria." 
Carta  de  Francisco  de  Erasso,  MS. 


*  [The  apparent  significance  of  this  passage 
Is  much  weakened  by  the  fact  that  the  circum- 
Btauces  under  which  the  letter  was  written 


make  it  extremely  doubtful  whether  it  was 
not  intended  to  serve  the  purp«)6e  of  tiie 
prince's  enemies  and  pretended  judges.— En.] 


11 


HIS  LAST  MOMENTS. 


469 


partridges,  with  all  the  paste,  at  a  sitting,  washing  it  down  with  three  gallons 
or  more  of  iced  water  !  " 

No  constitution  could  long  withstand  such  violent  assaults  as  the?e.  The 
constitution  of  Carlos  gradually  sank  under  them.  His  stomach,  debilitated 
by  long  inaction,  refused  to  perform  the  extraordinary  tasks  that  were 
imposed  on  it.  He  was  attacked  by  incessant  vomiting ;  dysentery  set  in  ; 
and  his  strength  rapidly  failed.  The  physician,  Olivares,  who  alone  saw  the 
patient,  consulted  witn  his  brethren  in  the  apartments  of  Ruy  Gomez.*' 
Their  remedies  failed  to  restore  the  exhausted  energies  of  nature ;  and  it  was 
soon  evident  that  the  days  of  Carlos  were  numbered. 

To  no  one  could  such  an  announcement  have  given  less  concern  than  to 
Carlos ;  for  he  had  impatiently  looked  to  death  as  to  his  release.    From  this 


*"  "Doppo  essere  stato  tre  giorni  senza 
mungiare  molto  fantastico  et  bizzaro  mangi5 
un  pasticcio  fredolodi  quatri  perdici  con  tutta 
la  pasta :  et  il  medesimo  giorno  bevve  tre- 
cento once  d'aqqua  fredda."  Lettera  di  Nobili, 
Luglio  30,  1568,  MS.— Yet  Carlos  might  have 
found  warrant  for  his  proceedings,  in  ngard 
to  the  use  of  snow  and  iced  water.  In  the  pre- 
scriptions of  more  than  one  doctor  of  his  time. 
De  Castro— who  displays  much  ingenuity,  and 
a  careful  study  of  authorities,  in  his  discussion 
of  this  portion  of  Philip's  history — quotes  the 
writings  of  two  of  these  worthies,  one  of  whom 


tells  us  that  the  use  of  snow  bad  increased 
to  such  an  extent  that  not  only  was  it  recom- 
mended to  patients  in  their  drink,  but  also  to 
cool  their  sheets ;  and  he  forthwith  prescribes 
a  warming  pan,  to  be  used  in  the  same  way 
as  it  was  by  Ciirlos.  Historia  de  los  Protes- 
tantes  Egpafioles,  p.  37o.* 

"  "Visitabale  el  Doctor  Olivares  Proto- 
medico  i  salia  a  consultar  con  siis  conpaneros 
enpresenciadelluiGomezdeSilvalacuracion, 
curso  i  accidentes  de  la  enfermedad."  Cabrera, 
Filipe  Seguudo,  lib.  vii.  cap.  22. 


*  [In  the  paragraph  to  which  the  above  note 
Is  appended,  the  author  has  mixed  up  details 
which  belong  to  different  periods,  and  which 
It  is  essential  to  keep  distinct.  The  long 
abstinence  from  food,  evincing  an  actual  in- 
tention of  suicide, — proceeding,  as  M.  Gachard 
remarks,  from  a  natural  despair  when  the 
unhappy  victim  could  no  longer  feel  any  doubt 
as  to  the  fate  reserved  for  him,— occurred  in 
February.  The  king,  when  informed  of  It, 
coolly  remarked  that  liis  son  would  eat  when 
he  was  hungry.  The  prediction  proved  cor- 
rect, and,  instead  of  being  injured  by  his  long 
fast,  the  health  of  Carlos  seemed  to  be  im- 

E roved  by  it.  His  mood  was  also  changed : 
e  confessed  and  received  the  eucharist, — a 
state  of  things  which  led  to  hopes  that  his 
liberation  would  shortly  take  place.  Philip, 
however,  in  a  letter  to  his  sister,  the  empress, 
wrote  that  il  was  a  mistake  to  infer  from  the 
prince's  having  been  allowed  to  receive  the 
communion  that  there  was  no  defect  in  his 
understanding:  in  such  cases  there  were  mo- 
ments when  the  intellect  was  more  sane  than 
at  others,  and.  moreover,  one's  mind  might  be 
sufficiently  sound  for  the  right  perforinanc* 
of  private  and  personal  acts  and  yet  be  alto- 
gether defective  in  matters  pertaining  to 
government  and  public  affairs.  The  incident 
bad,  therefore,  he  said,  made  no  change  in  his 
Intention.  At  what  time  Carlos  had  recourse 
to  the  hygiene  of  ice  and  snow  (for  there  is 
no  pretext  that  these  were  employed  with  a 
direct  intention  of  harming  himself)  is  some- 
what uncertain.  The  practice  is  mentioned. 
In  what  may  be  called  th-'  official  reports,  as 
the  direct  cause  of  his  illness  and  death.    M. 


Gachard  says  it  would  be  easy  not  only  to  add 
to  the  evidence  De  Castro  has  adduced  of  the 
common  use  of  these  remedies,  but  to  prove 
that  Carlos  had  been  in  the  habit  of  empl<  'y- 
ing  them  long  before  his  confinement.    But 
he  very  properly  refuses  to  allow  any  weight 
to  a  relation  of  facts  coming  from  so  suspicious 
a  source;  and,  even  if  its  correctness  were 
established,  it  would,  as  he  justly  argues, 
leave  the  rosponsibility  on  the  king  himself. 
It  was,  in  fact,  an  outrage  to  common  sense 
to  chaise  any  such  excesses,  or  their  results, 
on  a  prisoner  who  was  under  incessant  surveil- 
lance day  and  night,  and  who  was  not  per- 
mitted to  cut  his  own  food.     "Who,"  asks 
M.  Gachard,  "  procured  for  him  the  iced  watt  r 
which  he  used  so  immoderately,  and  the  ice 
which  he  placed  in  his  bed.'    Did  not  Ruy 
Gomez,  Vdme  damnee  du  rot,  if  1  may  Le 
pardoned  the  expression,  preside  over  all  the 
details  of  the  regimen  to  which  the  grandson 
of  Charles  the  Fifth  was  subjected  ? "     The 
weakness  of  the  apology  put  forth  in  a  circu- 
lar to  the  foreign  ministers— pretending  that 
the  consequences  were  not  anticipated,  and 
that  if  restrained  from  these  acts  the  prince 
would  have  committed   others  "  still  more 
fatal "(!)— needs  no  remark.     With  regard 
to  the  last  and  most  important  of  the  excesses 
attribntf>d  to  Carlos,  his  devouring  a  pasty  of 
four  partridges, — not,  as  Prescott  seems  to 
intimate,  on  several  occasions,  but  on  one 
only,  and  this  immediately  before  his  final 
illness,  —  a  further  mention  of  the  circum- 
stances will  be  made  in  a  sul^equeiit  note. 
—Ed. 


470 


DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS. 


hour  he  seemed  to  discard  all  earthly  troubles  from  his  mind,  as  he  fixed  his 
thoughts  steadfastly  on  the  future.  At  his  own  request,  his  confessor,  Chavres. 
and  Suarez,  his  ahnoner,  were  summoned,  and  assisted  nim  with  their  spiritual 
consolations.    The  closing  scenes  are  recorded  by  the  pen  of  the  nuncio : 

"  Suddenly  a  wonderful  change  seemed  to  be  wrought  by  divine  grace  in  the 
heart  of  the  prince.  Instead  of  vain  and  empty  talk,  his  language  became 
that  of  a  sensible  man.  He  sent  for  his  confessor,  devoutly  confessed,  and,  as 
his  illness  was  such  that  he  could  not  receive  the  host,  he  humbly  adored  it ; 
showing  throughout  great  contrition,  and,  though  not  refusing  the  proHered 
remedies,  manifesting  such  contempt  for  the  things  of  this  world,  and  such  a 
longing  for  heaven,  that  one  woulu  have  said  God  has  reserved  for  tiiis  hour 
the  sum  of  all  his  grace."  ** 

He  seemed  to  feel  an  assurance  that  he  was  to  survive  till  the  Vigil  of  St. 

James,  the  patron  saint  of  his  country.    When  told  that  this  would  be  four 

days  later,  he  said,  "  So  long  will  my  iuisery  endure."  "    He  would  willingly 

have  seen  his  father  once  more  before  his  death.     But  his  confessor,  it  is  said, 

dissuaded  the  monarch,*  on  the  ground  that  Carlos  was  now  in  so  happy  a 

frame  of  mind  that  it  were  better  not  to  disturb  it  by  drawing  off*  his  attention 

to  worldly  objects.      Philip,  however,  took  the  occasion,  when  Carlos  lay 

asleep  or  insensible,  to  enter  the  chamber ;  and,  stealing  softly  behind  the 

)rince  of  Eboli  and  the  grand  prior,  Antonio  de  Toledo,  he  stretched  out  his 

land  towards  the  bed,  and,  making  the  sign  of  the  cross,  gave  the  parting 

)enediction  to  his  dying  son.** 

Nor  was  Carlos  allowed  the  society  of  his  amiable  step-mother,  the  queen,  nor 
of  his  aunt  Joanna,  to  sweeten  by  their  kind  attentions  the  bitterness  of 
death.*'  It  was  his  sad  fate  to  die,  as  he  had  lived  throughout  his  confine- 
ment, under  the  cold  gaze  of  his  enemies.  Yet  he  died  at  peace  with  all ;  and 
some  of  the  last  words  that  he  uttered  were  to  forgive  his  father  for  his  im- 
prisonment, and  the  ministers— naming  Ruy  Gomez  and  Espinosa  in  particular 
—who  advised  him  to  it.*» 

Carlos  now  grew  rapidly  more  feeble,  having  scarce  strength  enough  left  to 
listen  to  the  exhortations  of  his  confessor,  and  with  low,  indistinct  raurmur- 
ings  to  adore  the  crucifix  which  he  held  constantly  in  his  hand.  On  the 
twenty-fourth  of  July,  soon  after  midnight,  he  was  told  it  was  the  Vigil  of  St. 
James.  Then  suddenly  rousing,  with  a  gleam  of  joy  on  his  countenance,  he 
intimated  his  desire  for  his  confessor  to  place  the  holy  taper  in  his  hand  ;  and 


•*  "  Mostrando  moltacontritione,  et  se  bene 
Bi  lassava  curare  il  corpo  per  non  causarsi  ogll 
stesso  la  murte,  mostrava  poro  tanfo  disprezzo 
deUe  cose  del  mondo,  et  tanto  desiderlo  delle 
celesti;  che  pareva  veraniente  che  Nostro 
Signore  l)io  gll  havesse  riserbato  il  cumulo 
dl  tutti  le  gratie  k  quel  ponto."  Lettera  del 
Nunzio,  MS. 

**  "  Tanto  hanno  da  durare  le  niie  miserie." 
Ibid. 

*•  "And  80,"  says  Cabrera,  somewhat 
bluntly,  "the  king  withdrew  to  hia  apart- 
ment with  more  sorrow  in  his  heart,  and  less 
care :  "  ••  Algunas  oras  antes  «ie  su  fallecirai- 
ento,  por  entre  los  onbros  del  Prior  don  An- 
tonio i  de  Rui  Gomez  le  echo  su  bendicion. 


i  se  rr^co^dd  en  su  camara  co  mas  dolor  i  menos 
cuidado."    Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  viii.  cap.  5. 

*'  "  II  Re  non  1'  ha  visitato,  ne  lapsato  che 
la  Regina  ne  la  Principessa  lo  veggiano.  forse 
considerando  che  poi  che  gia  si  con<  sceva  dis- 
perato  il  caso  suo,  queste  visite  siuiili  poteroiio 
piii  presto  conturbare  1'  una  et  l'  altra  ddle 
parti,  che  aiutarli  in  cosa  nessuna."  Lettera 
del  Nunzio,  MS. 

*"  "Il  I'rencipe  di  Spagna  avante  la  moite 
diceva.  che  perdoneva  a  tutti,  et  nomiimia- 
mente  al  Padre,  che  1'  haveva  carcerat",  et  a 
Ruy  Gomez,  cardinal  Presidcnte,  Dottor  Ve- 
lasco,  et  altri,  per  lo  ci>n8iglio  de'  quali 
credi  va  essere  stato  preso."  Ibid.,  Luglio  28, 
1568,  MS. 


[*  M.  Gacbard  considers  this  excuse  »is  un- 
founded But,  admitting  it,  he  adds,  *•  should 
Philip  have  followed  this  counsel  ?  .  .  .  Had 


he  not  the  bowels  of  &  father  ? "  One  can  Toel 
no  hesitati<tn  in  answering  both  questions  in 
the  negative.— Eu.j 


LLORENTE'S  ACCOUNT. 


471 


feebly  beating  his  breast,  as  if  to  invoke  the  mercy  of  Heaven  on  his  trans- 

fressions,  he  fell  back,  and  expired  without  a  groan.*'  "  No  Catholic,"  says 
Tobili.  "  ever  made  a  more  Catholic  end."  ^" 

Such  is  the  account  given  us  of  the  last  hours  of  this  most  unfortunate 
prince,  by  the  papal  nuncio  and  the  Tuscan  minister,  and  repeated,  with  slight 
discrepancies,  by  most  of  the  Castilian  writers  of  that  and  the  following  age." 
It  is  a  singular  circumstance  that,  although  we  have  such  full  reports  both  of 
what  preceded  and  what  followed  the  death  of  Carlos,  from  the  French  am- 
bassador, the  portion  of  his  correspondence  which  embraces  his  death  has 
been  withdrawn,  whether  by  accident  or  design,  from  the  archives.'*  But 
probably  no  one  without  the  walls  of  the  palace  had  access  to  better  sources 
of  information  than  the  two  ministers  first  mentioned,  especially  the  papal 
nuncio.  Their  intelligence  may  well  have  been  derived  from  some  who  had 
been  about  the  person  of  Carlos.  If  so,  it  could  not  have  been  communicated 
without  the  approbation  of  Philip,  who  may  have  been  willing  that  the  world 
should  understand  that  his  son  had  died  true  to  the  Faith. 

A  very  different  account  of  the  end  of  Carlos  is  given  by  Llorente.  And  as 
this  writer,  the  secretary  of  the  Inquisition,  had  access  to  very  important 
materials,  and  as  his  account,  though  somewnat  prolix,  is  altogether  remark- 
able, 1  cannot  pass  it  by  in  silence. 

According  to  Llorente,  the  process  already  noticed  as  having  been  instituted 
against  Carlos  was  brought  to  a  close  only  a  short  time  before  his  death.  No 
notice  of  it,  during  all  this  time,  had  been  given  to  the  prisoner,  and  no 
counsel  was  employed  in  his  behalf.  By  the  ninth  of  July  the  afijair  was 
sutticiently  advanced  for  a  "summary  judgment."  It  resulted,  from  the 
evidence,  that  the  accused  was  guilty  of  treason  in  both  the  first  and  second 
degree, — as  having  endeavoured  to  compass  the  death  of  the  king,  his  father, 
and  as  havin^j  conspired  to  ustirp  the  sovereignty  of  Flanders.  The  counsellor 
Munatones,  in  his  report  which  he  laid  before  the  king,  while  he  stated  that 
the  penalty  imposed  by  the  law  on  every  other  subject  for  these  crimes  was 
death,  added  that  his  majesty,  by  his  sovereign  authority,  might  decide  tliat 
the  heir-apparent  was  placea  by  his  rank  above  the  reach  of  ordinary  laws. 


*•  "Et  battendosi  il  petto  come  poteva, 
essendoli  mancata  la  viriu  a  poco  a  poco,  riti- 
randosi  la  vita  quasi  da  merabro  in  mt  mbro, 
espiro  con  molta  tranqulUita  et  con6tany.a." 
Letier.idel  Nunzio,  MS. 

*"  "Et  testiticono  quelli,  che  vi  si  trov-rno 
che  Christiano  nessuno  puo  morir  piu  cattolica- 
mente,  ne  in  maggior  seutim«.nto  di  lui." 
Letter*  di  Nobili,  Luglio  30,  156S,  MS. 

"  See,  among  others,  Quintana,  Historia  de 
la  Antiguedad,  Nobleza  yGrandeza  de  la  Villa 
y  Corte  de  Madrid  (1629),  fol.  368,— Colme- 
nares,  Historia  de  la  Insigne  Ciudad  de  Segovia 
(Madrid,  1640),  cai>.  43,— Pinelo,  Anales  de 
Madrid,  MS.,— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib. 
viii.  cap.  5,— Herrera,  Historia  general,  lib. 
XV.  cap.  3,  -  Carta  de  Francisco  de  Erasso,  MS., 
— Carta  de  Gomez  Manrique,  MS. 


*'  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  i.  p.  147. — Von  Raumer  has  de- 
voted some  fifty  pages  of  his  fragmentary 
compilation  to  the  story  of  Don  Carlos,  and 
more  especially  to  tiie  closing  scenes  of  his 
life.  The  sources  are  of  the  most  unexcep- 
tionable kind,  being  chiefly  the  correspond- 
ence of  the  French  ministers  with  their 
court,  existing  among  the  MSS.  in  the  Royal 
Library  at  Paris.  The  selections  made  are 
pertinent  in  their  character,  and  will  be  found 
of  the  greatest  irop>ortance  to  illustrate  this 
dark  passage  in  the  hintory  of  the  time.  If  1 
have  nut  arrived  at  the  same  conclusions  in 
all  respects  as  those  of  the  illustrious  German 
scholar,  it  may  be  that  my  judgment  has  been 
modified  by  the  wider  range  of  materials  at 
my  command.* 


*  [Fragments  of  two  letters  written  by  the 
French  ambassador,  De  Fourquevaulx,  on  the 
26th  of  July,  have  been  preserved.  J  hey 
notice  the  death  of  Carlos  as  proceeding  from 
the  excesses  mentioned  in  the  text.  In  one  of 
them,  however,  the  writer  says,  "I  ^aw  his 


face  when  his  body  was  deposited  with  the 
monks  of  San  Domingo  el  Real :  it  showed  no 
effects  of  disease,  except  that  it  was  somewhat 
yellow  ;  but  I  understand  that  the  rest  of  the 
body  was  mere  boiies."  Gachard,  Don  Carlos 
et  Philii'pe  IL,  torn,  ii.,  Appendice  r.—Lu.J 


472 


DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS. 


And  it  was  further  in  his  power  to  mitigate  or  dispense  with  any  penalty 
whatever,  when  he  considered  it  for  the  ^ood  of  his  subjects.  In  this  judg- 
ment both  the  ministers,  Ruy  Gomez  and  Esj-inosa,  declared  their  concurrence. 

To  this  the  king  repHed  that,  though  his  feelings  moved  him  to  follow  the 
suggestion  of  his  ministers,  his  conscience  would  not  permit  it.  He  coiild  not 
thnik  that  he  should  consult  the  good  of  his  people  by  placing  over  them  a 
monarch  so  vicious  in  his  disposition  and  so  fierce  and  sanguinary  in  his 
temper  as  Carlos.  However  agonizing  it  might  be  to  his  feelings  as  a  father, 
he  must  allow  the  law  to  take  its  course,  l^t,  after  all,  he  said,  it  might  not 
be  necessary  to  proceed  to  this  extremity.  The  prince's  health  was  in  so 
critical  a  state  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  relax  the  precautions  in  regard 
to  his  diet,  and  his  excesses  would  soon  conduct  him  to  the  tomb  !  One  point 
only  was  essential,  that  he  should  be  so  well  advised  of  his  situation  that  he 
should  be  willing  to  confess  and  make  his  peace  with  Heaven  before  he  died. 
This  was  the  greatest  proof  of  love  which  he  could  give  to  his  son  and  to  the 
Spanish  nation. 

Ruy  Gomez  and  Espinosa  both  of  them  inferred  from  this  singular  ebullition 
of  parental  tenderness  that  they  could  not  further  the  real  intentions  of  the 
king  better  than  by  expediting  as  much  as  possible  the  death  of  Carlos.  Ruy 
Goniez  accordingly  communicated  his  views  to  Olivares,  the  prince's  physician. 
This  he  did  in  such  ambiguous  and  mysterious  phrase  as,  while  it  intimated 
his  meaning,  might  serve  to  veil  the  enormity  of  the  crime  from  the  eyes  of 
the  party  who  was  to  perpetrate  it.  No  man  was  more  competent  to  this 
delicate  task  than  the  prince  of  Eboli,  bred  from  his  youth  in  courts,  and 
trained  to  a  life  of  dissimulation.  Olivares  readily  comprehended  the  drift  of 
his  discourse, — that  the  thing  reijuired  of  him  was  to  dispose  of  the  prisoner 
in  such  a  way  that  his  death  should  appear  natural  and  that  the  honour  of 
the  king  should  not  be  compromised.  He  raised  no  scruples,  but  readily 
signified  his  willingness  faithniUy  to  execute  the  will  of  his  sovereign.  Under 
these  circumstances,  on  the  twentieth  of  July,  a  purgative  dose  was  admin- 
istered to  the  unsuspecting  patient,  who,  as  may  be  imagined,  ra|3idlv  grew 
worse.  It  was  a  consolation  to  his  father  that,  when  advised  of  his  aanger, 
Carlos  consented  to  receive  his  confessor.  Thus,  though  the  body  perished, 
the  soul  was  saved.*' 

Such  is  the  extraordinary  account  given  us  by  Llorente,  which,  if  true, 
would  at  once  settle  the  question  in  regard  to  the  death  of  Carlos.  But 
Llorente,  with  a  disingenuousness  altogether  unworthy  of  an  historian  in 
a  niatter  of  so  grave  import,  has  given  us  no  knowledge  of  the  sources  whence 
his  information  was  derived.  He  simply  says  that  they  are  "  certain  secret 
memoirs  of  the  time,  full  of  curious  anecdote,  which,  though  not  possessing 
precisely  the  character  of  authenticity,  are  nevertheless  entitled  to  credit,  as 
coming  from  persons  employed  in  the  palace  of  the  king  "  !  '*  Had  the  writer 
condescended  to  acquaint  us  with  the  names,  or  some  particulars  of  the 
characters,  of  his  authors,  we  might  have  been  able  to  form  some  estimate  of 
the  value  of  their  testimony.  His  omission  to  do  this  may  lead  us  to  infer  that 
he  had  not  perfect  confidence  in  it  himself.  At  all  events,  it  compels  us  to 
trust  the  matter  entirely  to  his  own  discretion,  a  virtue  which  those  familiar 
with  his  inaccuracies  in  other  matters  will  not  be  disposed  to  concede  to  him 
in  a  very  eminent  degree.** 


"  Llorente,  Hlstolre  de  I'lnquisition,  torn, 
ili.  p.  171,  et  seq. 

**  "Quoique  ces  docuroens  ne  soient  pas 
autheutiques,  lis  meriteDt  qu'uu  y  ajuute  foi. 


en  ce  quMl«  sont  de  certaines  personnes  em- 
ployes dans  le  palais  du  roi."    Ibid.,  p.  171. 

'-  riiiw,  for  example,  he  makes  the  contra- 
dictory statements,  at  the  distance  of  four 


VARIOUS  ACCOUNTS. 


473 


His  narrative,  moreover,  is  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  authorities  I  have 
already  noticed,  especially  to  the  two  foreign  ministers  so  often  quoted,  who, 
with  tne  advantages— not  a  few — that  they  possessed  for  getting  correct  infor- 
mation, were  indefatigable  in  collecting  it.  "  I  say  nothing,"  writes  the  Tuscan 
envoy,  alluding  to  the  idle  rumours  of  the  town,  "  of  gossip  unworthy  to  be 
listened  to.  It  is  a  hard  thing  to  satisfy  the  populace.  It  is  best  to  stick  to 
the  truth,  without  caring  for  the  opinions  of  those  who  talk  wildly  of  impro- 
bable matters,  which  have  their  origin  in  ignorance  and  malice."  ** 

Still,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  suspicions  of  foul  play  to  Carlos  were  not 
only  current  abroad,  but  were  entertained  by  persons  of  nigher  rank  than  the 
populace  at  home,— where  it  could  not  be  safe  to  utter  them.  Among  others, 
the  celebrated  Antonio  Perez,  one  of  the  household  of  the  prince  of  Eboli, 
informs  us  that,  "  as  the  king  had  found  Carlos  guilty,  he  was  condemned  to 
death  by  casuists  and  inquisitors.  But,  in  order  that  the  execution  of  this 
sentence  might  not  be  brought  too  palpably  before  the  public,  they  mixed  for 
four  months  together  a  slow  poison  in  his  food."  *^ 

This  statement  agrees  to  a  certain  extent  with  that  of  a  noble  Venetian, 
Pietro  Giustiniani,  then  in  Castile,  who  assured  the  historian  De  Thou  that 
"  Philip,  having  determined  on  the  death  of  his  son,  obtained  a  sentence  to 
that  ertect  from  a  lawful  judge.  But,  in  order  to  save  the  honour  of  the 
sovereign,  the  sentence  was  executed  in  secret,  and  Carlos  was  made  to  swallow 
some  poisoned  broth,  of  which  he  died  some  hours  afterwards."  ** 

Some  of  the  particulars  mentioned  by  Antonio  Perez  may  be  thought  to 
receive  confirmation  from  an  account  given  by  the  French  minister,  Fourque- 
vaulx,  in  a  letter  dated  about  a  month  after  the  prince's  arrest.  "  The  prince," 
he  says,  "  becomes  visibly  thinner  and  more  dried  up ;  and  his  eyes  are  sunk 
in  his  head.  They  give  him  sometimes  strong  soups  and  capon  broths,  in 
which  amber  and  other  nourishing  things  are  dissolved,  that  he  may  not  wholly 
lose  his  strength  and  fall  into  decrepitude.  These  soups  are  prepared  privately 
in  the  chamber  of  Ruy  Gomez,  through  which  one  passes  into  that  of  the 
prince." 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  a  Castilian  writer  should  have  the  tementy 
to  assert  that  the  death  of  Carlos  was  brought  about  by  violence.  Yet  Ca- 
brera, the  best-informed  historian  of  the  period,  who  in  his  boyhood  had  frequent 
access  to  the  house  of  Ruy  Gomez,  and  even  to  the  royal  palace,  while  he 
describes  the  excesses  of  Carlos  as  the  cause  of  his  untimely  end,  makes  some 
mysterious  intimations,  which,  without  any  forced  construction,  seem  to  point 
to  the  agency  of  others  in  bringing  about  that  event.*' 

paces  from  each  other,  that  the  prince  did,  and        bonesto,  senza  curarsi  del  giudicio  d'  huominl 

- insani,  et  che  parlano  senza  ragione  di  cose 

impertineiiti  et  impossibili  di  autori  incerti, 
dappochi  et  maligni."  Lettera  di  Nobili, 
Luglio  30,  1568,  MS. 

"  Letter  of  Antonio  Perez  to  the  counsellor 
Du  Vair,  ap.  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seven- 
teenth Centuries,  vol.  i.  p.  153. 

"  "  Mais  afin  de  sauver  I'honneur  du  sang 
royal,  I'arret  fut  execute  en  secret,  et  on  lui 
fit  avaler  un  bouillon  empoisonne,  dont  il 
mourut  quelques  heures  apres,  au  commence- 
ment de  sa  vingt-troisieme  annee."  De  Thou, 
Hi-toire  universelle,  tom.  v.  p.  436. 

"  ••  Mas  es  peligroso  man-jar  vidrios,  i  dar 
ocasion  de  tragedias  famosas,  acaecimientos 
notables,  violentas  muertes  por  los  secretos 
executores  Reales  no  sabiiJas,  i  por  inesperadas 
terribles,  i  por  la  estrafieza  i  rigor  de  justicia. 


that  he  did  not,  confide  to  Don  John  his  desire 
to  kill  his  father  (pp.  148,  152).  The  fact  is 
that  Llorente  in  a  manner  pltnlged  himself  to 
8«ilve  the  mystery  of  the  prince's  death,  by 
announcing  to  his  naders,  at  the  outset,  that 
"he  believed  he  had  discovered  the  truth." 
One  fact  he  must  be  allowed  to  have  estjib- 
liahed,— one  which,  as  secretary  of  the  In- 
quisition, he  had  the  means  of  verifying, — 
namely,  that  no  process  was  ever  instituted 
against  Carlos  by  the  Holy  Office.  This  was 
to  overturn  a  vulgar  error,  on  which  more 
than  one  writer  of  fiction  has  built  his  story. 

»"  "  Le  cicalerie  et  m.vellacce  che  si  dicono 
8ono  molto  indigne  d't^sere  ascoltate,  non  che 
scritte,  perche  in  vero  il  satisfar  al  popolaccio 
in  queste  siniili  cose  e  molto  difficile;  et 
mcglio  e  fare  eiccome  porta  il  giusto  et  l' 


474 


DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS. 


SUSPICIOUS  CIRCUMSTANCES. 


475 


Strada,  the  best-informed,  on  the  whole,  of  the  foreign  writers  of  the  period, 
and  who,  as  a  foreiL'ner,  had  not  the  same  motives  for  silence  as  a  fepaniard. 


the  murderer  of  his  son."  And  that  inquisitive  gossip-monger,  Brantome. 
amidst  the  bitter  jests  and  epigrams  which,  he  tells  us,  his  countrymen  levelled 
at  Philip  for  his  part  in  this  transaction,  quotes  the  authority  of  a  Spaniard  of 
rank  for  the  assertion  that  after  Carlos  had  been  condemned  by  his  father— in 
opposition  to  the  voice  of  his  council— the  prince  was  found  dead  m  his 
ctiamber,  smothered  with  a  towel ! «'  Indeed,  the  vanous  modes  of  deiith 
assigned  to  him  are  sufficient  evidence  of  the  uncertainty  as  to  any  one  of 
them  "  A  writer  of  more  recent  date  does  not  scruple  to  assert  that  the  only 
liberty  granted  to  Carlos  was  that  of  selecting  the  manner  of  his  death  out  of 
several  kinds  that  were  proposed  to  him  ;  **— an  incident  which  has  since  found 
a  more  suitable  place  in  one  of  the  many  dramas  tliat  have  sprung  from  his 
mysterious  story. 

In  all  this  the  historian  must  admit  there  is  but  little  evidence  of  positive 
value.  The  authors— with  the  exception  of  Antonio  Perez,  who  had  his 
account,  he  tells  us,  from  the  prince  of  Eboli— are  by  no  means  likely  to  have 
had  access  to  sure  sources  of  information  ;  while  their  statements  are  con- 
tradictory to  one  another,  and  stand  in  direct  opposition  to  those  of  the  Tusain 
minister  and  of  the  nuncio,  the  latter  of  whom  had,  probably,  better  knowledge 
of  what  was  passing  in  the  councils  of  the  monarch  than  any  other  of  the 
diplomatic  body.  Even  the  declaration  of  Antonio  Perez,  so  important  on 
many  accounts,  is  to  a  considerable  degree  neutralized  by  the  fact  that  he  was 
the  mortal  enemy  of  Philip,  writing  in  exile,  with  a  price  set  upon  his  head  by 
the  man  whose  character  he  was  assailing.  It  is  the  hard  fate  of  a  person  so 
situated,  that  even  truth  from  his  lips  fails  to  carry  with  it  conviction." 


despues  de  largas  advertenclas  a  loB  que  no 
cuidando  dellas  incurrien.n  en  crimen  d*'  lesa 
Magettad."  Cabrera,  Filipe  Seguiido,  lib.  vii, 
cap.  22.— The  admirable  obscurity  of  the 
passage,  in  which  the  historian  has  perfectly 
Bucreeded  in  mystifying  his  critics,  has  natu- 
rally led  them  to  suppose  that  more  was 
meant  by  him  than  met  t^  the  eye. 

•"  "  Ex  morbo  ob  aUmenta  partim  obstinate 
recusiita,  partim  intemperanter  adgesta,  nimi- 
amque  niviuni  refrig'-rationem.  super  animi 
a>gritudinem  (."t  modo  vts  ab/uit)  in  Divl 
Jacobi  p<>rvigilio  extinctus  est."  Strada,  Ue 
Bello  Belgico.  torn.  i.  p.  3T8. 

•'  Apologie,  ap.  Dumont,  Corps  diploma- 
tique, torn.  V.  par.  1,  p.  389. 

"  "  Parquoy  le  roi  conclud  sur  ses  rafsons 
que  le  meilleur  estoit  de  le  faire  mourir ;  dont 
un  matin  on  Ip  trouva  en  prison  estoulTe  d'un 
linge."  Brantume,  (Euvres,  torn.  i.  p.  320. — 
A  taste  for  jesting  on  this  subject  seems  to 
hav-  been  ."till  in  f.ishlon  at  the  French  court 
as  late  as  Louis  the  Fourteenth's  tinie.  At 
least,  we  find  thnt  monarch  telling  some  one 
that  "  he  had  sent  Bussy  Kabutin  to  the  Bas- 
tile  for  his  own  benefit,  as  Philip  the  Second 
said  when  he  ordered  his  son  to  be  strangled." 
Lettres  de  Madame  de  Sevigne  (Paris,  1822), 
torn.  viii.  p.  :J6>«. 

•^  A  Fre..cii  contemporary  chronicler  dis- 


misses his  account  of  the  death  of  Carlos  with 
the  remaric  that,  of  all  the  passage^  in  the 
history  of  this  reign,  the  fate  of  the  young 
prince  is  the  one  involved  in  the  most  impe- 
netrable mystery.  Matthieu,  Brpve  Compen- 
dio  de  la  Vida  privada  de  Felipe  Segundo 
(Span,  trans.),  MS. 

-  The  Abb6  St.  Real  finds  himself  unable 
to  decide  whether  Carlos  t«»ok  poison,  or,  like 
Sen  ca,  had  his  veins  opened  in  a  warm  baih, 
or,  finally,  whither  he  was  strangled  with  a 
silk  cord  by  four  slaves  sent  by  hU  father  to 
do  the  deed,  in  Oriental  fashion.  (Verdadera 
Hist'iria  de  la  VMa  y  Muerte  del  Principe 
Don  Cnrl«>8,  Span,  trans.,  MS.)  The  doubts 
of  St.  Real  are  e<hoed  with  iormal  solemnity 
by  Leti,  Vita  di  Filippo  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  559. 

*^  V'-n  Raumer,  who  has  given  an  analysis 
of  this  letter  of  Antonio  Perez,  treats  it  lightly, 
as  coming  from  "a  double-dealing,  bitter 
enemy  of  Philip,"  whose  word  on  such  a  sub- 
ject was  of  little  value.  (Sixteenth  and 
Seventeenth  Centuries,  vol.  i.  p.  155.)  It  was 
certainly  a  singular  proof  of  confid»nc»^  in  one 
who  was  so  habitually  close  in  his  concerns 
as  the  prinre  of  Eboli,  that  he  should  have 
made  such  a  communication  to  Perez.  Yet  it 
must  be  admitted  that  the  narrative  derives 
some  c«nfirm.iti<tn  from  <h"  fact  that  the  prc- 
ctdiug  poitiona  of  the  letter  contaiuing  it,  in 


If  we  reject  his  explanation  of  the  matter,  we  shall  find  ourselves  again 
thrown  on  the  sea  of  conjecture,  and  may  be  led  to  account  for  the  rumours 
of  violence  on  the  part  of  Philip  by  the  mystery  in  which  the  whole  of  the 
proceedings  was  involved,  and  the  popular  notion  of  the  character  of  the 
monarch  who  directed  them.  The  same  suspicious  circumstances  must  have 
their  influence  on  the  historian  of  the  present  day,  as,  with  insutttcient  though 
more  ample  light  than  was  enjoyed  by  contemporaries,  he  painfully  endea- 
vours to  grope  his  way  through  this  obscure  passage  in  the  life  of  Philip. 
Man^  reflections  of  ominous  import  naturally  press  upon  his  mind.  From 
the  hrst  hour  of  the  prince's  confinement  it  was  determined,  as  we  have  seen, 
that  he  was  never  to  be  released  from  it.  Yet  the  preparations  for  keeping 
him  a  prisoner  were  on  so  extraordinary  a  scale,  and  imposed  such  a  burden 
on  men  of  the  highest  rank  in  the  kingdom,  as  seemed  to  argue  that  his  con- 
finement was  not  to  be  long.  It  is  a  common  saying,— as  old  as  Machiavelli, 
—that  to  a  deposed  prince  the  distance  is  not  great  from  the  throne  to  the 
grave.  Carlos,  indeed,  had  never  worn  a  crown.  But  there  seemed  to  be  the 
same  reasons  as  if  he  had,  for  abridging  the  term  of  his  imprisonment.  All 
around  the  prince  regarded  him  with  distrust.  The  king,  his  father,  appeared 
to  Uve,  as  we  have  seen,  in  greater  apprehension  of  him  after  his  confinement 
than  before."  "  The  ministers,  whom  Carlos  hated,"  says  the  nuncio,  "knew 
well  that  it  would  be  their  ruin  should  he  ever  ascend  the  throne."  "  Thus, 
while  the  fears  and  the  interests  of  all  seemed  to  tend  to  his  removal,  we  find 
nothing  in  the  character  of  Philip  to  counteract  the  tendency.  For  when  was 
he  ever  known  to  relax  his  grasp  on  the  victim  once  within  his  power,  or  to 
betray  any  feeling  of  compimction  as  to  sweeping  away  an  obstacle  from  his 
path  ?  One  has  only  to  call  to  mind  the  long  confiriement,  ending  with  the 
midnight  execution,  of  Montigny,  the  open  assassination  of  the  prince  of 
Orange,  the  secret  as.sassination  of  the  secretary  Escovedo,  the  unrelenting 

Persecution  of  Perez,  his  agent  in  that  murder,  and  his  repeated  attempts  to 
esnatch  him  also  by  the  hand  of  the  bravo.  These  are  passages  in  the  history 
of  Philip  which  yet  remain  to  be  presented  to  the  reader,  and  the  knowledge 
of  which  is  necessary  before  we  can  penetrate  into  the  depths  of  his  dark  and 
unscrupulous  character.  j    j      r 

If  it  be  thought  that  there  is  a  wide  difference  between  these  deeds  of 
violence  and  the  murder  of  a  son,  we  must  remember  that  in  affairs  of  religion 
Philip  acted  avowedly  on  the  principle  that  the  end  justifies  the  means  ;  that 
one  of  the  crimes  charged  upon  Carlos  was  defection  from  the  faith  ;  and  that 
Philip  had  once  replied  to  the  piteous  appeal  of  a  heretic  whom  they  were 
dragging  to  the  stake,  "Were  my  son  such  a  wretch  as  thou  art,  I  would 
myself  carry  the  fagots  to  burn  him  ! "  " 


which  the  writer  describes  the  arrest  of  Carlos, 
conform  with  the  authentic  account  of  that 
event  as  given  in  the  text.  It  is  worthy  of 
notice  that  both  De  Thou  and  Llorente  a>ncur 
with  Peres  in  alleging  poison  as  the  cause  of 
the  prince's  death.  Though  even  here  there 
is  an  important  discrepancy  ;  Perez  asserting 
it  was  a  slow  poison,  taking  four  months  to 
work  its  effect,  while  the  other  authorities 
say  that  its  operation  was  immediate.  Their 
general  agreement,  moreover,  in  regard  to  the 
employment  of  poison,  is  of  the  less  weight, 
as  wach  an  agency  would  be  th«*  one  naturally 
surmised  under  circumstances  where  it  would 


be  desirable  to  leave  no  trace  of  violence  on 
the  body  of  the  victim. 

•*  If  we  may  take  Brantome's  word,  there 
was  some  ground  for  such  apprehension  at  all 
times :  "  En  fin  il  estoit  un  terrible  masle ; 
et  s'il  eust  vescu.  assurez-vous  qu'il  s'en  fust 
faict  acroire,  et  qu'il  eust  mis  le  pere  en  cura- 
telle."    (Euvres,  tom.  i.  p.  323. 

«'  ♦'  Li  piu  favoriti  del  Re  erono  odiati  da 
lui  a  morte,  et  adesso  tanto  piu,  et  quando 
questo  venisse  a  regnare  si  teneriano  rovinati 
loro."     Lettera  del  Nunzio,  Febraio  14,  1568, 

MS.  ,.       .       ,.    ^ 

"  Ante,  p.  171.*— It  is  in  this  view  that 


[M.  Gachard  remarks  that  he  was  inclined        to  discredit  th.s  terrible  speech,  till  be  found 


p 


476 


DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS. 


But,  in  whatever  light  we  are  to  regard  the  death  of  Carlos, — whether  as 
caused  by  violence,  or  by  those  insane  excesses  in  which  he  was  allowed  to 
plunge  during  his  confinement, — in  either  event  the  responsibility,  to  a  great 
extent,  must  be  allowed  to  rest  on  Philip,  who,  if  he  did  not  directly  employ 
the  hand  of  the  assassin  to  take  the  life  of  his  son,  yet  by  his  rigorous  treat- 
ment drove  that  son  to  a  state  of  desperation  that  brought  about  the  same 
fatal  result."* 

While  the  prince  lay  in  the  agonies  of  death,  scarcely  an  hour  before  he 
breathed  his  last,  a  scene  of  a  very  different  nature  was  passing  in  an  adjoin- 
ing gallery  ot  the  palace.  A  quarrel  arose  there  between  two  courtiers, — one 
of  them  a  young  cavalier,  Don  Antonio  de  Leyva,  the  other  Don  Diego  de 
Mendoza,  a  nobleman  who  had  formerly  filled  with  ^reat  distinction  the  post 
of  ambassador  at  Rome.  The  dispute  arose  respectmg  some  co^lasj  of  which 
Mendoza  claimed  to  be  the  author.  Though  at  this  time  near  sixty  years  old, 
the  fiery  temperament  of  youth  had  not  been  cooled  by  age.  Enraged  at 
what  he  conceived  an  insult  on  the  part  of  his  companion,  he  drew  his  dagger. 
The  other  as  promptly  unsheathed  his  sword.  Thrusts  were  exchanged 
befiween  the  parties ;  and  the  noise  of  the  fracas  at  length  reached  the  ears 
of  Philip  himself.  Indignant  at  the  outrage  thus  perpetrated  within  the 
walls  of  the  palace  and  at  such  an  hour,  he  ordered  nis  guards  instantly  to 
arrest  the  offenders.  But  the  combatants,  brought  to  their  senses,  had  suc- 
ceeded in  making  their  escape,  and  taken  refuge  in  a  neighbouring  church. 
Philip  was  too  much  incensed  to  respect  this  asylum  ;  and  an  alcalde,  by  his 
command,  entered  the  church  at  midnight  and  dragged  the  offenders  from  the 
sanctuary.  Leyva  was  put  in  irons,  and  lodged  in  the  fortress  of  Madrid  ; 
while  his  rival  was  sent  to  the  tower  of  Simancas.  "  It  is  thought  they  will 
pay  for  this  outrage  with  their  lives,"  writes  the  Tuscan  minister,  NobilL 
** The  king,"  he  adds,  "has  even  a  mind  to  cashier  his  guard  for  allowing 
them  to  escape."    Philip,  however,  confined  the  punishment  of  the  nobles  to 


Dr.  Salazar  de  Mendoza  does  not  shrink  from 
asserting  that,  if  Philip  did  make  a  sacrifice 
of  his  ton,  it  rivalled  in  sublimity  that  of 
Isaac  by  Abraham,  and  even  that  of  Jesus 
Christ  by  the  Almighty!  "  Han  dicho  de  el 
lo  que  del  Padre  Eterno,  que  no  perdono  &  su 
propio  Hijo.  Lo  que  del  Patriarca  Abraham 
en  el  sacrificio  de  Isaac  su  unigenito.  A  todo 
caso  humano  excede  la  gloria  que  de  esto  le 
resulta,  y  no  bay  con  quien  cumparalla." 
(Diguidades  de  Castilla  y  Leon,  p.  417.)  He 
closes  this  rare  piece  of  courtly  blasphemy  by 
assuring  us  that  in  point  of  fact  Carlos  died  a 
natural  death.  The  doctor  wrote  in  the  early 
part  of  Philip  the  Third's  reign,  when  the 
manner  of  the  prince's  death  w^as  delicate 
ground  for  the  historian. 

•*  Philip  the  Second  is  not  the  only  Spanish 
monarch  who  has  been  charged  with  the 
murder  of  his  son.  Leovogild,  a  Visigothic 
king  of  the  sixth  century,  having  t^ken  pri- 
soner his  rebel  son,  threw  him  into  a  dungeon, 
where  he  was  secretly  put  to  death.    The 


king  was  an  Arian,  while  the  young  prince 
was  a  Catholic,  and  might  have  saved  his  life 
If  he  had  been  content  to  abjure  his  religion. 
By  the  Chuich  of  Rome,  therefore,  he  was 
regarded  as  a  martyr ;  and  it  is  a  curious  cir- 
cumstance that  it  was  Philip  the  Second  who 
Erocured  the  canonization  of  the  slaugiitered 
[ermenegild  from  Pope  Sixtus  the  Fifth. — 
For  the  story,  taken  from  that  voluminous 
compilation  of  Florez,  "/  o  Espana  sagrada," 
I  am  indebt  d  to  Milman's  History  of  Latin 
Christianity  (London,  1854),  (vol.  i.  p.  446), 
one  of  the  most  remarkable  works  of  the  pre- 
sent age,  in  which  the  author  reviews,  nith 
curious  erudition  and  in  a  profoundly  philoso- 
phical spirit,  the  various  changes  tiiat  have 
taken  place  in  the  Roman  hierarchy;  and 
while  he  fully  exposes  the  manifold  errors 
and  corruptions  of  the  system,  he  shows 
throughout  that  enlightened  charity  which 
is  the  most  precious  of  Christian  graces,  as 
unhappily  it  is  the  rarest. 


it  confirmed  by  a  passage  in  a  letter  of  the 
French  minister,  Sebastien  de  I'Aubespine, 
who,  writing  to  Catherine  de  Medicis  in 
January,  1562,  relates  his  endeavours  to  ob- 
tain the  release  of  the  queen's  apothecary, 
imprisoned  by  the  Inquisition.    "  The  only 


answer  I  could  get  from  his  majesty,"  he 
writes,  "  was,  that  if  it  were  his  own  son,  and 
he  had  sinned  in  this  particular,  he  would  put 
him  to  death."  Gachard,  Don  Carlos  et  Phi- 
lippe II ,  torn.  1.  p.  57.— Ed.] 


HIS  OBSEQUIES. 


477 


banishment  from  court ; '»  and  the  old  courtier,  Mendoza,  profited  by  his 
exile  to  give  to  the  world  those  remarkable  compositions,  both  m  history  and 
romance,  that  form  an  epoch  in  the  national  literature.*  .,,  .      , .  , 

A  few  days  before  his  death,  Carlos  is  said  to  have  made  a  will,  m  which, 
after  implofing  his  father's  pardon  and  blessing,  he  commended  his  servants 
to  his  care,  gave  away  a  few  jewels  to  two  or  three  fnends,  and  disposed  of 
the  rest  of  his  property  in  behalf  of  sundry  churches  and  monasteries. 
Agreeably  to  his  wish,  his  body  was  wrapped  in  a  Franciscan  robe,  and  was 
soon  afterwards  laid  in  a  coffin  covered  with  black  velvet  and  rich  brocade. 
At  seven  o'clock  that  same  evening,  the  remains  of  Carlos  were  borne  Irom 
the  chamber  where  he  died,  to  their  place  of  interment." 

The  coffin  was  supported  on  the  shoulders  of  the  prince  of  Eboli,  the  dukes 
of  Infantado  and  Rio  Seco,  and  other  principal  grandees.  In  the  court-yard 
of  the  palace  was  a  large  gathering  of  the  members  of  the  religious  frater- 
nities, dignitaries  of  the  church,  foreign  ambassadors,  nobles  and  cavaliers 
about  the  court,  and  officers  of  the  royal  household.  There  were  there  also 
the  late  attendants  of  Carlos,-to  some  of  whom  he  had  borne  little  love,- 
who,  after  watching  him  through  his  captivity,  were  now  come  to  conduct 
him  to  his  final  rtsting-place.  Before  moving,  some  wrangling  took  place 
among  the  parties  on  the  question  of  precedence.  Such  a  spirit  might  well 
have  been  rebuked  by  the  solemn  character  of  the  business  they  were  engaged 
in,  which  might  have  reminded  them  that  in  the  gya^e,  at  lea^t  there  are  no 
distinctions.  But  the  perilous  question  was  happily  settled  by  Philip  himself, 
who,  from  an  open  window  of  the  palace,  looked  down  on  the  scene,  and,  with 
his  usual  composure,  gave  directions  for  forming  the  procession.  »  The  king 
did  not  acconl^ny  it^  Slowly  it  defiled  through  the  crowded  streets  w^^^^^^^^ 
the  people  gavraudible  utterance  to  their  gnef,  as  they  f  zed  on  the  funeral 
pomp,  ind  their  eyes  fell  on  the  bier  of  the  pnnce  who,  they  had  fondly 
Eope^d,  would  one  aay  sway  the  sceptre  of  Castile,  and  whose  errors,  great  a^ 
they  were,  were  all  forgotten  in  his  unparalleled  misfortunes. 

The  precession  movgd  forward  to  the  convent  of  San  Domingo  Real,  where 
Carlos  ^ad  desired  that  his  ashes  might  be  laid.  The  bunal-service  was  there 
performed,  with  great  solemnity,  m  presence  of  the  vast  multitude.  15ut. 
whS  it  was  that  Philip  distrusted  the  prudence  of  the  preachei^,  or  fear^i 
some  audacious  criticism  on  his  conduct,  no  discourse  was  allowed  to  be  de^ 
livered  from  the  pulpit.  For  nine  days  religious  services  were  Performed  in 
honour  of  the  deceased ;  and  the  office  for  the  dead  continued  to  be  read, 
morning  and  evening,  before  an  audience  among  whom  were  the  great  nobles 
and  the^fficers  of  sUte,  clad  in  full  mourning.  The  queen  and^^^^^  princes^ 
Joanna  might  be  seen,  on  these  occasions,  mingling  their  teajs  with  the  tew 
who  cherished  the  memory  of  Carlos.    A  niche  was  excavated  m  the  wall  of 


'°  Lettera  di  Noblli,  LuglioSO,  1568,  MS. 

"  I  have  before  me  another  will  made  by 
Don  Carlos  in  1564,  in  Alcala  de  Henares,  the 
original  of  which  is  still  extant  in  the  Archives 
of  Simancas.  In  one  Item  of  this  document 
he  bequeaths  five  thousand  ducats  to  Don 
Martin  de  Cordova  for  his  gallant  defence  of 

Maxarquivir.  ,      ,.    «     ,,^^  wc 
"  Lettera  del  Nunzio,  LurUo  28,  156s.  31b. 
QuinUna,  Historia  de  Madrid,  fol.  369. 

•  [His  History  of  the  War  of  Granada  was 
composed  during  his  exile,  but  the  work  by 
which  Mendoza  is  best  known  Lazanllo  de 


"  "Partieron  con  el  cuerpo,  aviendo  el  Rey 
con  la  entereza  de  animo  que  roantuvo  sien- 
pre,  conpuesto  desde  una  ventana  las  diferen- 
cias  de  los  Consejos  disposiendo  la  precedencla, 
cesando  assi  la  competencia."  Cabrera,  Filipe 
Segundo.  lib.  viii.  cap.  5. 

■"  The  particulars  of  the  ceremony  arc  given 
by  the  Nunzio,  Lettera  di  28  di  l.uplio,  M.S.— 
See  also  Quintana,  Historia  de  Madrid,  foL 
369. 


T6rme8,  had  been  published  in  IS.^S,  and  is 
supposed  to  have  been  written  while  the 
author  was  a  student  at  Salamanca.— Ed.] 


■■ia 


478  DEATH  OF  DON  CARLOS. 

the  church  within  the  choir,  in  which  the  prince's  remains  were  deposited. 
ButTCcii"  there' long.  In  1573  they  .^re  rem^ed  by^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
orders,  to  the  Escorial ;  and  in  its  gloomy  chambers  they  were  left  to  muigie 
with  the  kindred  dust  of  the  royal  inie  of  Austria.         ^ 

Philip  wrote  to  Zuniga,  his  ambassador  in  Rome,  to  intimate  h  s  wish  that 
no  funeral  honours  shSuld  be  paid  there  to  the  memory  of  Car  os,  that  no 
moumhi?  should  be  worn,  anct  that  his  holiness  would  not  ^eel  under  the 
TceX'o  sending  him  let^^^^  of  condolence.-  Zuniga  did  his  best.  But 
hSYmt  prevent  the  obsequies  from  being  celebrated  with  the  lugubrious 
^mn  siiited  to  the  rank  of  the  departed.  A  catafalque  was  raised  in  the 
Sh  0  sLt  James  ;  the  services  were  performed  in  presence  of  the  ambas- 
Sr  and  Ws  attendants,  who  were  dressed  in  the  deepest  b  ack  ;  and  twenty- 
^e  car  ina Is  one  of  whom  was  Granvelle,  assisted  at  the  solemn  ceremonies.'' 
B^t  no  toeral  panegyric  was  pronounced,  and  no  monumental  inscription 

"sotU'eVSS^^^  the  monastery  of  St  Jerome, 

in'':Zf ZZVrZlL.  he  remaiired  .ome  tinie  l-^er  secr^^^  froni  the 
eyes  of  his  subjects.  "  He.  fee  s  his  loss  like  a  ^athe^^^^^^^^  He  caS 
nuncio,  "  but  he  bears  it  with  the  patience  of  a  Christian.         He  causea 

of  Ruy  Gomez,  "no  la  hubo,  pero  yo  hizo 
estos  epit.iphios  y  versos  por  mi  consolacion. 
Ibul  —Whatever  "  consolation "  the  Latin 
doggerel  which  follows  in  the  original  may 
have  given  to  its  author,  it  would  have  too 
little  interest  for  the  reader  to  be  quoted  here. 
^»  "  II  Re  como  padre  ha  sentito  niolto,  ma 
come  christiano  lu  comporta  con  quella  pati- 
enza  con  che  dovemo  ricevere  le  tribuLationi 
Che  ci  manda  Nostro  Signore  Dio."  Lettera 
del  Nuuzio,  Luglio  24,  IStttf,  MS. 


'•  Pinelo,  Anales  de  Madrid,  MS.— Quin- 
tana.  Hist-ri^i  d.'  Madrid,  fol.  369. -Lettera 
del  Nutizio.  Luslio  28,  156S,  MS-Cabreia, 
Filipe  Segundo.  lib  vsil.  cap.  5.* 

"  Carta  del  Rey  a  Zuniga,  Agosto  27, 1563, 

'^  "  Digo  la  missa  el  Card  n  il  Tarragona, 
a^istiendo  a  las  lionras  21  cardenales  ade.naa 
de  l09  obispos  y  arzobispos."  Aviso  de  uu 
Italiano  platico  y  familiar  de  Ruy  Uo.uez  de 

Silva,  MS.  ,      ,  ,, 

'»  "Oracion  funebre,"  writes  the  follower 


•  [Among  other  rumours  in  regard  to  the 

Erince's  death  was  one  that  he  hud  been  be- 
eaded      It  is  even  asserted  in  the  Memoirs 
of  Saint-Simon  that  the  body  lay  in  the  co  lin 
with  the  head  separated  from  it  and  placed 
between  the  legs.     Tliis.  at  least,  seems  to  be 
disproved  by  a  manuscript  which  came  into 
Prescott's  possession  altf-r  the  first  publica- 
tion of  the  present  volume,  and  which  he 
transmitted  to  M.  Gachard,  by  whom  it  has 
been   printed.     It  is  dated  at  the  EscoriaU 
August  2nd,  1795,  and  bears  no  signature,  but 
is  TOnjectured  by  M.  (iachard  to  have  been 
written  by  a  person  holding  some  post  at  the 
Spanish  court.     The  writer  states  that  he  had 
seen  the  body  of  Carlos,  which  was  entire 
and  showed  only  such  changes  as  the  length 
of  time  which  had  elapsed  sine-  his  death 
would  naturally  have  produced.    But  a  better- 
authenticated  account  of  the  condition  and 
appearance  of  the  body  in  1812,  when  it  was 
exhumed  by  order  ..f  Colonel  Bory  de  Saint- 
Vincent,  an  officer  on  the  staff  of  Marshal 
Soult,  is  also  cited  by  M.  Gachard.     It  was 
written  by  Colonel  Bory  himself,  and  ongi- 
nally  printed  bv  the  Baron  de  Reiffenherg  in 
his  edition   of  Vandervyncltt's    Histoire  des 
Troubles  des  Fays-Ras.   The  coffin  was  found 
in  its  proper  position  relatively  to  those  of 


the   other   members   of  the  family,  ranged 
in   order    of    dat";    but    it    wA^<   so    much 
heavi.r  than  any  of  the  rest  that  it  could  not 
be  entirely  lifted  out  of  ihe  place  of  deposit. 
It  was  supported,  however,  and  the  lid,  having 
evidently  been  removed  on  a  former  occasion 
and  clumsily  replaced,  was  easily  detached. 
••  Instead  of  a  fine  mummy,"  continues  the 
writer,  "  habited  like  those  we  had  just  seen, 
we  found  compact  lime,  the  uneven  surface  of 
which  was  hard  and  pebbly.    This  lime  had 
been  removed  in  some  pieces,  as  if  to  seek 
traces  of  the  body,  which  had  no  doubt  been 
covered  with  it  in  order  to  prevent  recogni- 
tion.   Some  parts  had  in  fact  been  laid  bare. 
On  tearing  off  other  pieces  of  this  substance, 
we  found  bones  and  strips  of  skin  or  flesh  re- 
duced to  the  consistence  of  old  rags."     The 
existence  of  the  skull  was  also  verified,  with 
mu>  h  of  the  hair  weU  preserved,  though  red- 
dish and  brittle,  but  with  no  remains  of  the 
integuments  either  on  the  frontal  or  parietal 
bones,  which  were  both  laid  bare.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  discover  if  the  vertebral  column, 
which  alone  could  be  supposed  to  have  es- 
cape<l  corrosion,  were  intact ;  but  it  was  inter- 
rupted by  the  arrival  of  an  orderly  to  announce 
that  the  army  was  in  motion.— Ed.] 


HIS  OBSEQUIES. 


479 


r 


despatches  to  be  sent  to  ^orei|n^ourts  to  a.^^^^^^^  I'xpreS 

ment.    In  his  letter  to  the  duke  of  ^Iva  he  indulges  m  a  i'     .^  ^^^^ 
U.  personal  feelings      "  You  m^ay  conceive^^ 

heaviness  I  find  myself,  now  that  i^^^.P^f'^^^^ J^^?  aftS  having,  three  days 

prince,  to  himself.    He  died  m  a  ^h^stmn  n«^^^  contrition,-all 

Wore  received  the  sacrament,  and  exhib^^^^^^^  ^^^  (.   I  has 

which  serves  to  console  me  under  t^^^^.^'^^^'e^ermore ;  Tnd  that  he  will 

t':^  K  ^i^: Vafl  "^^ri^.^^^  ^ith  a  Christian  heart 

%trS;rmornlng  of  life,  at  little jno.  ^^^^^^^^^ 
perished  Carlos,  prince^ot  Af  ™^-^^rf/,f  ^^^^^  empire  in  Christen- 

under  so  brilliant  auspices  ;  for  he  was  ^^f^.t^tf  S       some  of  the  germs 
dom  ;  and  the  Spaniards  as  they  discerned  in  ^^^  f^^^^^  to  thi  day 

of  future  greatness  in  his  character, J^kedc^^^  ^.^^^     ^^^^  ^e 

when  he  should  rival  the  glory  of  his  gran^^^^  of  fortune  and 

was  born  under  an  evd  star,  >J,l}icli  i;0^^"|f^^^^^    and  headstrong  temper  was 
turned  them  into  a  curse.    His  "f  "^|^^  J^  "t^^^^  Ind  alienation 

exasperated  by  disease,  and,  fhen  encountered  J>y  [^«^«.^  ^  ^^ate  of  frenzy, 
of  him  who  had  the  contro  of  his  t^'tiny,  was  exaltea  m^^^  ^^^^_ 

?hat  furnishes  the  best  ^I^)  «gy  tor  his  ex^^^^^^^  Yet  can 

sity  of  some  measures,  on  tl^J-Pf^^^,^'!^^^^^^  father  of  inexorable 

-«  Raumer  has  given  an  extract  from  this  letter.  Sixteenth  and  Seventeent 
p.  149.  ^ 


•  PM.  Gacbard,  while  even  more  emphatic 
than   Prescott   in  his  condemnation  of  the 
cruel    treatment  and  "moral  tortures"   by 
which  he  considers  Don  Carlos  to  have  bmi 
Jri  en  S.  desperation  and  hi«  ^"d  Precipitated, 
is  on  the  other  hand,  far  more  decided  in  re- 
jecting all  the  accounts  of  his  havnig  perished 
ifv  violence       He  dismisses  them,  indeed, 
wHh  the  single  remark  that  "they  destroy 
Tach  other  "    But  the  inconsistency  of  several 
Bturl^  In  regard  to  details  is  no  convincing 
nr(Sf  that  they  do  not  all  contain  the  essential 
Fnuh  or  that  one  of  them  may  not  be  true  in 
truth,  or  tnai  one  contradictory 

JlSs^n   "gaTd  to'^tSe  d'eath  of  Montigny 
I^a^J^g  SmTinquirers  to  discredit  aUogether 
the  story  of  his  assassination  until  the  fact 
wis  established  by  documentary  proof.    The 
r.^ular  belief  seems  to  have  been  grounded 
sZp ly  on  the  suspicious  circumsUnces  of  the 
SS^^m  the  present  case  the  grounds  f  t  a 
Ukl'belief  are  L  stronger  ^l^d  more  abtindant^ 
The  circumstances  ^ere,  indeed,  such  as  to 
riise  a  strong    presumption   against  Philip. 

"m  ??  S  itrict.st  confinement^^^surrounde^ 
him  with  his  own  creatures  bound  to  execute 


his  will  and  sworn  to  secrecy  in  regard  to  all 
thlt  might  take  place,  forbidden  the  access  of 
all  ot"e?  persons;  including  the  nearest  of  km 
Snd  the  highest  in  rank,  the  officials  of  he 
Wngdom  and  the  representatives  of  foreign 
Sts  and  thus  prevented  all  publicity  or 
£Jv  rSktInn  of  the  facts  by  unsuspected  wit- 
nesses Nor  does  the  presumption  agamst 
Sim  s' op  here :  on  the  contrary,  it '«  f  ength- 
pned  at  every  step  of  the  inquiry     He  had  an- 

nnfit?rd  t^rule    but  no  council  of  phy^cians 
was   summoned,  and  no  investigation  was 
mSe  of  which  the  results  were  ever  published 
To  hair  deprived  Carlos  of  the  succession 
iuhout  the  fullest  proofs  of  bis  incapaaty 
;'o'um  hav'/bie"n  all  l^t  impossible  ;  a^  even 
could  the  legal  impediments  have  been  re 
moved  and  the  asseKt  of  the  cortes  obtained 
Si    would  only  have  had  the  eject  ^fdi^j'^^JS 
the  nation  and  sowing  the  seeds  of  c»yil  war 

seemed  insurmountable  in  his  e^^s,  we  Know 
Kfrom  his  own  words  and  from  the  general 


480  DEATH  OF  ISABELLA. 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

DEATH   or   ISABELLA. 
Q«en  leabella-Her  ReUtion.  with  C.rl08-H«  lUne«  .nd  De.th-Her  Character. 

1SS8. 

S^SftKnathlVKe^tyfrri^^^^^^  -herself  sacrificed 
to  the  jealousy  of  a  vindictive  h.^bani  historians  of 

entile  "'No'draLfhi  Sriln^f^'tL  dayTative  or  foreign,  »hom  I  have 

Ui   nic  pi  *^       _    _.  .       __*u„^„«o^«fh<»rtPiith."    r Breve  Compendjo 


ISABELLA'S  RELATIONS  WITH  CARLOS. 


481 


•  Besides  Brantome  and  De  Thou,  elsewhere 
noticed  in  this  connection,  another  writer  of 
that  aire,  Pierre  Matthieu,  the  royal  histono- 
erapher  of  France,  may  be  thought  to  insinuate 
Som^-thing  of  the  kind,  when  he  tells  us  that 
•♦the  circumstance  of  Isabella  so  sotm  following 
Carlos  to  the  tomb  had  suggested  very  diffe- 
rent grounds  from  those  he  had  already  given 


tenor  of  his  acts.  And  with  I'lHl>P/J^^e 
leagued,  as  his  chief  counsellors  and  hia 
sp^al  confidants  in  this  affair,  Huy  Gomex 
aS .  Espino.a,  to  both  of  whom  Carlos  had 
Khown  himself  inimical,  and  who  as  was 
noted  by  all  observers  at  the  time,  had  cause 
?o  tremble  for  their  own  safety  if  he  were 
Buffered  to  live  and  reign 

The  question    remains  whether  the  pre- 
Bumption  thus  raised  is  overcome  by  the  cre- 
dibility of  the  relations  put  lorth  at  the  timo 
in  regard  to  the  death  of  Carlos.    1  hese  rela- 
tions are  twofold.    The  official  account,  ad- 
dressed to  the  municipalities,  recites  briefly 
and  generally  the  prince's  excesses  in  eating 
and  in  the  use  of  ive  and  iced  water,  followed 
by  long  abstinence  from  food  and  consequent 
reduction  of  the  system,  as  the  causes  ot  his 
death.     This  account  is  considered  by  M. 
Gachard  as  on  many  grounds  unworthy  of 
credence.     But  surely  the  fact  that  the  story 
sent  forth  by  Philip  bears  the  marks  of  false- 
hood  warrants  the  inference  that  ne  had  strong 
motives  for  concealing  the  truth.    M .  Gacliard, 
however,  while  rejecting  this  story,  f'^cepts 
as  probable  and  sufficiently  authenticated  tiat 
which  is  found  in  the  letters  of  several  of  the 
foreign  ministers,  though  it  Is  neither  dis- 
Blmilar  in  character  nor  better  »"PP«rted  by 
evidence.     It  is  given  by  some  of  the  writers 
as  only  one  .  f  many  rumours,  and  by  the 
others  without  any  mention  of  their  authority, 


as  the  cause  of  his  death."  (Breve  Compondio 
de  la  Vidd  privada  del  Rey  Felipe  Segundo, 
MS)  But  the  French  writer's  account  oT 
Phihp  is  nearly  as  apocryphal  as  the  historical 
romance  of  St.  Real,  ^^ho,  in  all  that  relates 
to  Carlos  in  particular,  will  be  found  largely 
indebU'd  to  the  lively  imagination  of  bis  pre- 
decessor. 


but  impliedly  as  the  account  allowed  to  be 
current  at  the  court.     It  attilbutes  the  death 
of  Carlos  to  his  having  eaten  a  huge  pasty  of 
partridges,  so  highly  seasoned  as  to  produce 
an  intoUrable  thirst,  which  he  sought  to 
relieve  by  enormous  draughts  of  water,  tiie 
result  being  a  violent  seizure  of  vomitings 
and  discharges  from  the  bowels,  ending  in  a 
debility  of  the  stomach  which  rendered  all 
remedies  unavailing.     Anything  more  sus- 
picious than  this  story  It  would  be  difflcult  t» 
conceive.    It  has  all  the  air  of  having  betn 
invented  to  account  for  symptoms  and  ap- 
pearances which  would  have  pointed  at  once 
to  the  administration  of  poison,— the  mode  of 
death  allege<i  by  Antonio  Perez,  whose  tcKtl- 
mony  has  been  too  lightly  discredited,  as  well 
as  by  De  Thou  and  Llorente.     Even  if  the 
facts  be  accepted,  the  only  construction  to 
w  hich  they  are  subject  is  one  that  makes  no 
essential  difference  in  regard  to  the  question 
at  issue.     If  those  who,  when  Carlos  was  at 
liberty,  had  restricted  his  dirt  to  a  measured 
quantity  of  the  simplest  food,  placed  before 
him  when  a  prisoner  the  dish  described  and 
allowed  him  to  devour  it,  their  intention  can- 
not l)€  doubtful.     If  the  account  by  Colonel 
Bory  de  Saint-Vincent  of  the  disinterment  of 
the  body  and  its  condition  be  accepted  as 
trustworthy,  the  evidence  against  Philip  will 
be  complete. — Ed.] 


B 


'i 


Carlo,  first  saw  the  queen  "he  was  .^^^^^tstt^rm  h"n  ""■ 
ceived  from  that  time  a  ""rtal  ^P'^  agamst  Ins  fat^e^^^  ^^^  ^^.^ 

proached  for  the  great  wrong  he  h^*""*..™"  '^i™i„  part  ^  have  been 
kir  prize."  "And  this  "adds  the  writer,  ^^.Xioving  the  queen  at  the 
the  (Suse  of  the  prince's  death  ;  for  he  «^„ldnot^^^^^^  -1^^  ^  ^^^, 

bottom  of  his  soul,  as  well  as  hojounng  and  reverenci^^^^^^^      understand  that 

ralTy^'-rotrw^eTaffir^^^^^^ 

so  innocent  a  creature.'  .  nr«n<rp  in  his  public  vindication  of  his 

A  graver  authority,  the  prince  "l^^f*"?*' '"  T/of  both  his  son  and  his 
own  conduct,  openly  charges  Philip  w^th  the  murder  o  ^tft^^  ^^^^  ^^ 

wife.     It  is  to  be  ''Ot'ced,  howevei ,  that  "«  ""Jl^ere  ^^^^  ^ 

the  parties  was  in  love  with  the  other    and  he  re  ers         q^^^^^  ^^^^ 
Philip's  desire  to  open  the  way  to  »  f  a"'^?  ;",  „(  that  day,  so  far  as  I 
Austria.'    Yet  these  two  a''tho"t'f  »'«  **  ""'^  Jt^^^^' ^^mours*   Both  were 
am  aware,  who  have  given  co'J"teMnce  to  H^^^^^  'one  "« them  a  light,  garrulous 

&ran%hr;t!rrpt=e"^S^^^ 

ijr^  fe^tsfcra^r^«C- 0^^^^^^^^^^^^   his  own- 

he  w^s  as.sailing  with  the  iirkest  ^PU^/^-nf  •     „„o„,  ^^s  required  by  the 

No  authority,  however,  beyond  hat  of  «  ™X  capabiliti'cs  of  a  story 

unscrupulous  writers  of  a  later  t^e?  !''«»  S"^  Jomantic  interest  which  it 

classic  myths  of  early  Grecian  history. 

.  J>..A.        ......rv      Ark      a  A 


»  "Aussi  dit  on  que  cela  fut  cau^e  de  sa 
mort  en  partie,  avec  d'autres  ^^^^^^J""^ 
1e  ne  dira  point  a  ceste  heure ;  car  il  ne  se 
i^uvoit  garder  de  I'aimer  dans  son  ame, 
K  r.rer  ?t  reverer,  tant  il  la  trouvolt  a>'mab  e 
et  agJeable  a  ses  yeux,  comme  certes  eUe 
I'estoTon  tout."    Brantome.  (Euvres.  torn. 

''•'''"LuV  eschappa  de  dire  que  c'avoit  este 
fait  fort  LSaZent  de  I'avoir  fait  mounr 
et    si    innocentomente    dont    il    JVL  °5"rj 

KotStbo'^inoo^  rumours  respecting 
*  [A  brief  citation  of  facts  and  dates  will 

doVv"  'tu^^ -Hirir.rt.2 

J     I    „»    Anno    and  recommended  tnai  sne 
Sgly    em^^wered  L    brother,   the    arch- 


incomperta  sunt,  etiam  veris  dissltnlUa  viden- 
tur  "    Be  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  ^79. 
^"At  the  head  of  these  writers  n.ust  un- 
doubtedlv  be  placed  the  Abbe  St.  Real,  with 
those  ronia^'tFc  history  of  Don  Carlos  I  am 
mfly  acquainted  in  the  Castilian  translation 
entitled  "  Verdadcra  Histona  de  la  Vida  y 
Muerta  del  Principe  Don  Carlos."    Yet,  ro- 
manS  asit  is.  more  than  one  grave  historian 
Ts  not  disdained  to  transplant  its  flowers  of 
fiction  into  his  own  barren  pages      It  is  edi 
fvinff  to  see  the  manner  m  which  Leti.  wuo 
Kds^oTa  lUtle  indebted  to  St.  Real,  after 
staling  the  scandalous  ruu.ours  in  regard  to 
Carlos  and  Isabella,  concludes  by  declaring, 
..  Ma  coiSe  io  scrivo  historia,  e  non  romanzo 
non  rosso  afflrmar  nulla  di  c^;?^.  perchenjlU 
di  certo  ho  possuto  raccore.       Leti,  Vita  m 
Filippo  II.,  torn.  i.  p.  560. 

duke  Charles,  whom  he  ^f«.f  "^i^f,.:^"  J 
mission  to  Madrid,  to  conclude  the  alliance 
wtt  Charles  IX.  Before  he  could  set  out, 
intelligence  arrived  of  the  death  of  Car.os 
fnl In w?d  while  he  was  on  his  way.  by  that  of 
Ihequeen^s  decease.  He  was  then  it.structed 
to  offer  Wssfster's  hand  to  Philip,  who  cannot, 
therefore  have  expecte.1  the  proposal,  thougu 
be  readily  accepted  it.— Eu.] 


482  DEATH  OF  ISABELLA. 

Fortunately,  we  have  f^e^JKu^f ^rcolfrS'^^^^^^^^^ 

Isabella's  mother,  the  fainous  Catherij  de  Mecl  o^   a^^^^^^  ^^^ 

that  is  terrible  i«  our  unaguiat.ons,  •  f'^  »» 'tf *JL'\"\Sud^^^  did  not 

daughter's  interests  w.th  the  mos  »«^Xl  .f  F  ance  I'ett  her  own  land 
dimtnish  when  at  the  age  of  «»««  Vj  '^,'^X"^t  up  a  constont  correspond- 

at  other  times  n.eSical  prescriptions  >"  Xllt'f  mode  of  We  f.^m  rrreuch 
also  to  obtain  informat.on  resneetmg  I«vT ellas  "°f  j^"' '^^""J'/e  that  these 
f:;Srts  tSd  ^^^&  't^-eVn  ^nri.^u^rtreatment  of  the 

•^TcaKe^^rottheir  despa^f/^l*,^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

there  never  was  any  cause  for  mystery.  ,  JC,,T°iria-e--wis  possessed  of 

irh^  it»i*;^rf f "^S^  fee 
i»  th^ei;^  i^™iyThr^csre  ij^r^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

•"t^nifter  itVXl' arrival  at  Madrid,  we  find  a  letter  f^m^  the  «op  of 
Limo4  to  Charles  the  Ninth,  her  brother,  mforranig  hnn  that   X/f '«;-»" 

«Xn»m  the  foUowng  month,  the  bishop  speaks  of  the  queen  as  endeavounng 
To  amfsf  (Mos  XKcam^  to  see  her  in  the  evening,  with  such  mnocent 
lames  and  pSmes  as  mi.ht  cheer  the  spirits  of  the  young  prmce,  who  seemed 

^Kxt1er4"C  a  S^tJ  Catherine  de  Medicis  from  one  of  Isa- 
bella's  tra^n  who  had  accompanied  her  from  France  After  speakmg  of  her 
^slress  as  smnetimes  supping  in  the  garden  with  the  prmcess  Joanna,  she 


•  "Monsieur   le  prince  d'Hespaigne    fort 
extenue,  la  vint  sahier,  qu'elle  recent  ayec 
telle  caresse  et  comportement,  que  pi  le  pere 
et  toute  la  compaignie  en  ont  receu  uug  smgu- 
lier  contentement  ledit  prince  I'a  encores  plus 
Brand,  comme  il  a  desmonstre  depuis  et  de- 
monstre  lorsqu'il  la  visite,  qui  ne  pent  estre 
souvent ;  car,  outre  que  les  conversations  de 
ce  pays  ne  sont  pas  si  frequentes  et  faciles 
qu'en  France,  sa  fievre   quarte  le  travaille 
tenement,  que  de  jour  en  jour  il  va  s'exte^ 
nuant."      L'fiveque  de  Limoges  au  Roi,  23 


fevrier,  1559,  Negoclations  relatives  auHegne 
de  Francois  II.,  p.  272. 

■>  "  Ayant  ladite  dame  mis  toute  la  peine 
qu'il  a  este  possible  a  luy  donnor,  aux  soirs, 
quelque  plaisir  du  bail  et  autres  honnestes 
pas-^etemps,  desquels  il  a  bon  besom,  car  le 
pauvre  prince  est  si  baa  et  extenue,  il  va 
d'heure  a  heure  tant  affoibllssant.  qUe  les  plus 
sages  de  ceste  court  en  ont  bien  petite  espe- 
rance."  L'fiveque  de  Limoges  au  Roi,  !« 
mars,  1559,  Ibid.,  p.  291.* 


*  [The  reports  that  Carlos  was  '•  wasting 
away "  would,  for  obvious  reasons,  be  very 
acr^'iible  to  Catherine  de  Medicis  and  the 
French  court.    None  of  the  other  letters  of 


this  period  contain  such  frequent  and  hopeless 
accounts  of  the  prince's  health  as  those  of  the 
French  minisier. — Eu.] 


ih 


HER  RELATIONS  WITH  CARLOS. 


483 


\ 


1 


i 


says  they  were  often  joined  there  by  "  the  pnnce,  who  loves  the  queen  singu- 
lafly  well,  and,  as  I  suspect,  would  have  had  no  objection  to  be  more  nearly 
related  to  her." »  There  is  nothing  improbable  in  the  supposition  that  Carlos, 
erateful  for  kindness  to  which  he  had  not  been  too  much  accustomed, 
should,  as  he  grew  older,  have  yielded  to  the  influence  of  a  princess  whose 
sweet  disposition  and  en^^ajring  manners  seem  to  have  won  the  hearts  of  all 
wlio  approached  her,  or  that  feelings  of  resentment  should  have  mingled  with 
his  re*Tet  as  he  thought  of  the  hard  fate  which  had  placed  a  barrier  between 
them  It  is  possible,  too,  when  we  consider  the  prince's  impetuous  temper, 
that  the  French  historian  De  Thou  may  have  had  good  authority  for  asserting 
that  Carlos,  "  after  long  conversations  in  the  queen's  apartment,  was  often 
heard,  as  he  came  out,  to  complain  loudly  of  his  father's  having  robbed  him  of 
her  "  •  But  it  could  have  been  no  vulgar  passion  that  he  felt  for  Isabella,  and 
certainly  it  received  no  encouragement  from  her,  if,  as  Brantome  tells  us, 
"insolent  and  audacious  as  he  was  in  his  intercourse  with  all  other  women,  he 
never  came  into  the  presence  of  his  step-mother  without  such  a  feehng  of 
reverence  as  seemed  to  change  his  very  nature." 

Nor  is  there  the  least  evidence  that  the  admiration  excited  by  the  queen, 
whether  in  Carlos  or  in  the  courtiers,  gave  any  uneasiness  to  Philip,  who  seems 
to  have  reposed  entire  confidence  in  her  discretion     And  while  we  hnd 
Isabella  speaking  of  Philip  to  her  mother  as  «  so  good  a  husband,  and  rendenng 
her  so  happy  by  his  attentions,  that  it  made  the  dullest  spot  in  the  world 
acreeable  to  her," »»  we  meet  with  a  letter  from  the  French  minister,  Guibert, 
saying  that  "  the  king  goes  on  loving  the  queen  more  and  more  and  that  her 
iiiuence  has  increased  threefold  within  the  last  three  months.''"    A  few 
years  later,  in  1565,  St.  Sulpice,  then  ambassador  in  Madnd  writes  to  the 
queen-mother  in  emphatic  terms  of  the  affectionate  intercourse  that  subsisted 
4tween  Philip  and  his  consort.     "  I  can  assure  you,  madam,   he  says,     that 
the  queen,  your  daughter,  lives  in  the  greatest  content  in  the  world,  by  r^son 
of  the  perfect  friendship  which  ever  draws  her  more  closely  to  her  husband. 
He  shows  her  the  most  unreserved  confidence,  and  is  so  cordial  in  his  treat- 
ment of  her  as  to  leave  nothing  te  be  desired.'' '^  The  wnter  q^jff /  dedara- 
tion  made  to  him  by  Philip,  that  "  the  loss  of  his  consort  would  be  a  heavier 
misfortune  than  had  ever  yet  befallen  him." ''  .      j  v    u-   ;  .^„i 

Nor  was  this  an  empty  profession  in  the  king,  as  he  evinced  by  his  indul- 
gence of  Isabella's  tastes,*-even  those  national  tastes  which  were  not  always 


"  ••  La  royne  et  la  princesse  la  visitent  bien 
Bouvent,  et  sopenten  un  jardin  qui  est  aupres 
de  la  meson,  et  le  prince  avoc  elles,  qui  aime 
la  royne  singulierement,  de  fagOn  qu"il  ne  ce 
peut  soler  de  an  dire  bien.  Je  croys  qu'il 
voudroU  estre  davantage  son  parent."  Claude 
d«  ...  4  la  Reine  Mere,  aout,  1560,  Nego- 
tiations relatives  au  Regne  de  Fraugois  11., 

p.  460. 

»  ♦•  On  entendlt  aussi  tres-souvent  ce  jeune 
Prince,  lorsqu'il  sortuit  de  la  chambre  de  la 
Reine  Elizabeth,  avtc  qui  il  avoit  de  longs  et 
frequens  entretiens,  se  plaindre  et  marquer 
8a  colore  et  son  indignation,  de  ceque  son  pere 
la  lui  avoit  enlevee."      De  Thou,  Histoire 


universelle,  tom.  v.  p.  434. 

»°*Vou8  dires-ge,  madame,  que  sy  se 
n'estoit  la  bonne  compaignie  ou  je  suis  en  se 
lieu,  et  I'heur  que  j'ai  de  voir  tons  les  jours 
le  roy  mon  seigneur,  je  trouverois  se  lieu  I'ua 
des  plus  facheux  du  monde.  Mais  je  vous 
assure,  madame,  que  j'ay  un  si  bon  man  et 
suis  si  heureuse  que,  quant  il  le  peroit  cent 
fois davantage,  jene  m'y  facherois  p<.int."  La 
Reine  Catholique  a  la  Reine  Mere,  Negocla- 
tions relatives  au  Regne  de  Francois  II.,  p.  813. 

"  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth 
Centuries,  vol.  i.  p.  129. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  130. 

'»  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


r*  Not,  however,  by  his  fidelity  to  his 
marriage-vows.  The  queen,  according  to  the 
Venetian  ministers  Tiepolo  and  Soranzo,  was 
well  aware  of  her  husband's  gallantries,  which 
were  numerous,  but  she  had  been  too  weU 


trained  by  Catherine  de  Medicis  to  utter  the 
least  complaint.  Her  only  endeavour,  we  are 
told,  was  to  please  him  and  to  act  in  all  things 
conformably  to  his  will.— Ed.] 


484  DEATH  OF  ISABELLA. 

been  accustomed  m  the  gay  capital  of  ]?  ranee,     f^^  ''.""  ^\jje  ^Id  courtier, 

fSesta'TlasIhe  M.tt,  says  her  biographer,  with  h^r  wonted  bemg- 
I!  t^    With  them  she  conversed   n  her  native  tongue.    But  m  the  course  pi 

^fhP  Smnish  asto  dve  an  inexpressible  charm  to  her  manners."    Thus 

?chtefr>;"L'Hh%S  be^t  gift/of  ne"%r '/[' t'o?^he  ^oiX'^^^^^ 
that  Elizal)eth  of  Fmnce  should  have  been  the  delight  of  the  courtly  cucie 
over  wS  she  presided  and  of  which  she  wa.s  the  greatest  ornament. 

Her  Lentle  nature  ^^       have  been  much  disturbed  by  >yitnessing  the  vn  M 

"  viV  dtt^r  i<:  nf  SO  excellent  a  dispos  tion,"  the  queen  said  to  Kuy  t>oniez, 
'H\ltTv^r^iiVch!^lm  would  be'  more  apt  to  P>ode«t«  and  accom- 
inSe"l,eSno  my  step-son's  h„n.oun,s  or  be  letter  s.uted  o  the  father  as 
well  as  the  son  in  the  r  re  atioiis  with  each  other.  iJui,  "'"'"."f "..  "r 
minister  vSdny  adopted  the  mieen's  views  in  the  matter,  they  '"ft  wfi  httle 
encSment  fronfphilip,  wVo  at  that  time  seemed  more  inclined  to  a  con- 

"InThrpt^'nStetwfhave  seen  the  pain  occasioned  to  Isabella  by 


•♦  "  Ceste  taiUe,  elle  I'accompagnoit  d'un 
port,  d'une  majeste,  d'un  gestc,  d'un  marcher 
et  d'une  grace  entremeslee  de  I'espagnole  et 
de  la  fran^oise  en  gravite  et  en  douceur. 
See  Brantome  (CEuvres,  torn.  v.  p.  129),  whose 
loyal  pencil  has  traced  the  lineaments  of  Isa- 


bella  as  given  in  the  text. 

'*  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  I.  p.  131.  . 

""  Letter  of  Fourquevaulx,  February  8td, 

1568,  ap.  Ibid.,  p.  I39.t 


+  [In  an  earlier  letter,  announcing  the 
arrost  of  Carlos,  Fourquevaulx  writes  to 
Catljorine  de  Medicis,  "  The  queen  is  afflicted 
at  it,  and  weeps  from  love  of  both,  seeing 


that  the  prince  also  lovf s  her  marvellously. 
A  note  of  the  same  date  (January  I9th)  from 
•' filizabet,"    as    she    subscribes    herself,   to 
Fourquevaulx,  has  been  preserved,  iu  whicU 


HER  ILLNESS. 


485 


i 


(Vi 


was  not  permitted  to  -sit  hirr^-not  eve„^^^^^^^ 

dying  hour.  .  And  how  much  t^rpe^nce^^^^^ 

time  may  be  inferred  f^"' the  s"  P'e  n«en^^^^  ^j  fiends,  as  having  been  ever 

which  he  assigns  her  the  first  P'*'**"'"  *,  Vo^ever  we  may  define  it,  which 

the  most  loving  to  him."   The  same  !f«9t'W.J^»^ff^™ ,,„„/„(  ^.^  ,ij^     ^n 

he  had  borne  Tier  from  the  t-J^*!,'"*  jf,r*id^J„soktion  of  joining  with  the 

XZrZZ'A':L^'StrXl.t'^^^i^^<^  the  .imory  of  Carlos, 

%1tt:4'ertel.&nn-^^^^^^^^ 

and  the  nation  fondly  hoped  that 't  *ould  find  a  com^^^^^^^  ^^.^         ^^ 

its  rightful  prince  m  the  birth  »«  *  ."^  ^l^'^^V  mis«  <">  the  part 

destined  soon  to  be  destroyed.    P™'"£ J<*„^?™„derstood  the  queen's  situation, 
of  the  physicians,  who,  at  an  f --'y  Pf  P"^f '  ^"'^"S^  " 

the  medicines  they  gave  her  had  an  mjun^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^,  ;„ 

is  certain  that  .I'«M'''*^'*'=<^J'™Lvr  teeTcoo^^  '»>■  her  distrust; 

their  prescriptions."    There  may  have  been  too"M.     g    „rado  school  of 
for  their  vigorous  appications  savour  not  »  htt^  o   the  b^  g^,^^ 
practice,  directed  ifU'te^  ^.s  much  against  the  cons^^^^^  ^^  in,  which, 

against  his  disease.  About  the  ™<lf '«  "^St'^inhf  ^  of  the  physicians 
tfiough  not  violent,  was  ^'."hstm*?  *',.*?SouU^^  The  queen  frequently 
to  reduce  it.    More  alarming  symi'toms  soon  toi,K^«e^  m  ^^^  ^^^ 

swoone.1.   Her  extremities  became  to'T^-   ™^^'^^^^^^^^  made  to  the 

stomach  refused  to  retam  theni.^" „/-'"'f ''I ",  for  her  recovery.  But  these 
churches,  and  young  and  oW  J«;^"«^ ^^fiSa  co"^^^^  ra/dly  to  decline 
prayers  were  not  heard.    Ahe  sirenguiui  i  *     ,        .     .     ^     rphg  physicians 

them.  ,       ,      pountrvwomen,  stood  weeping  around  her 

bei?hrSoS'^^Se'*er;X  their'amiction,  kinly  expressing 


»'  "Gli  amici,  in  primo  loco  la  l^egina. J* 
quale  diceva  che  gli  era  amoreyol.ssima^  l)on 
Giovanni  d'Austria  ^uo  carissmio  etjl>"etl^- 
Bimo  zio,"  etc.    Lettera  del  Nunzio.  Marzo  2. 

*^-  Uttr  of  Fourquevaulx,  October  3rd 
1568,  ap  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth 

^'P«'V:i5o7a  ReJnl'hacia  muy  poco  caudal 
de  lo  que  los  medicos  decian,  dando  a  en- 
tender  con  su  Real  condicion  y  BraciH^".^"^;. 
blante  tt-ner  poca  necesidad  de  sus  med.cinas 
RpuSon  de  la  Enfermodad  y  Essequ.asfune- 
bres  de  Tattenissima  Rej-ua  de  Kspafia  Dof.a 
Ysabel  de  Valois,  por  Juan  Lopez,  Catedra- 

Bhe  says  she  feels  the  misfortune  a^ JJ  "J'JT^ 
that  of  her  own  son,  being  'nd^^*«*l^V,°® 
prmce  for  his  friendship,  and  ^^^'ng  to  serve 
Eim  m  return.  "Dlcu  a  voulu  qu  il  est  de 
Clare  ce  qu'il  est,  a  mon  grand  regret.  1  ne 
king,  wh'ose  pain  at  being  com^el^  to  -^^^^ 
a  measure  also  afflicts  ber.  "as  *-"  . 
her  not  to  write  about  the  matter  till  be  per 


tico  del  Estudio  de  Madrid  (Madrid,  1569), 

^^^-o\hid  ubi  supra—The  learned  professor 
has  J,  ven 'the  various  symptom,  of  the  queen's 
nSv  with  as  curious  a  minuteness  as  if  he 
Ead  been  concocting  a  medical  report.  As  an 
S?der  was  issued,  shortly  after  the  publica- 
?[on  of  the  work,  prohibiting  its  sale,  copies 
of  it  are  exceedingly  rare. 

"  Quintana.  Historia  de  Madnd  fol  390  -- 
Tetter  of  Fourquevaulx,  October  3rd,  1568, 
uL.rnnr  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
tSries'^sTi.  P  l3?:Zjuan  Lopez,  Relacion 
de  la  Enferm?dad  de  la  Rey"^!/^.^^^'  '^^^ 
6Spra.-Pinelo,  Anales  de  Madnd.  MS. 


mitsher.    Gachard.  Don  Carlos  et  Philippe  IL 

""^f  The  fact  had  been  known  by  the  court 
long  previously.  The  Tuscan  minister  in  a 
letter  of  March  30th,  says  it  was  fared  that 
hef^^ef  on  account  of  the  prince's  impr.son- 
ment  would  occftbion  a  mi8carriage.-tJ>.J 


/ 


486 


DEATH  OF  ISABELLA. 


HER  OBSEQUIES. 


487 


the  interest  she  took  in  their  future  welfare,  and  her  regret  that  she  had  not 
made  them  a  better  mistress, — "  as  if,"  says  a  contemporary,  who  has  left  a 
minute  record  of  her  last  moments,  "she  had  not  been  always  more  of  a  mother 
than  a  mistress  to  them  all ! "  " 

On  the  evening  of  the  second  of  October,  as  Isabella  felt  herself  drawing 
near  her  end,  she  made  her  will.  She  then  confessed,  partook  of  the  sacra- 
ment, and,  at  her  desire,  extreme  unction  was  administered  to  her.  Cardinal 
Espinosa  and  the  king's  confessor,  the  bishop  of  Cuen9a,  who  were  present, 
while  they  offered  her  spiritual  counsel  and  consolation,  were  greatly  edilied 
by  her  denortment ;  and,  giving  her  their  parting  benediction,  they  went 
away  deeply  affected  by  the  spirit  of  Cliristian  resignation  which  sne  dis- 
played.*' 

Before  daybreak,  on  the  following  morning,  she  had  her  last  interview  with 
Philip.  We  have  the  account  of  it  from  Fourquevaulx.  "  The  queen  spoke  to 
her  husband  very  naturally,"  says  the  ambassador,  *'  and  like  a  Christian.  She 
took  leave  of  him  for  ever,  and  never  did  princess  show  more  goodness  and 
piety.  She  commended  to  him  her  two  daughters,  and  her  principal  atten- 
dants, beseeching  him  to  live  in  amity  with  the  king  of  France,  her  brother, 
and  to  maintain  peace, — with  other  discourse,  which  could  not  fail  to  touch 
the  heart  of  a  good  husband^  which  the  kiiuj  was  to  her.  He  showed,  in  his 
replies,  the  same  composure  as  she  did,  and  promised  to  obey  all  her  requests, 
but  added,  he  did  not  think  her  end  so  near.  He  then  withdrew,— as  I  was 
told, — in  great  anguish,  to  his  own  chamber."**  Philip  sent  a  fragment  of 
the  true  cross,  to  comfort  his  wife  in  her  last  moments.    It  was  the  mast 

?recious  of  his  relics,  and  was  richly  studded  with  r»earls  and  diamonds.'* 
sabella  fervently  kissed  the  sacred  relic,  and  held  it,  with  the  crucifix,  in  her 
hand,  while  she  yet  lived. 

Not  long  after  the  interview  with  her  husband,  the  aml)assador  was  sum- 
moned to  ner  bedside.  He  was  the  representative  of  her  native  land,  and  of 
the  dear  friends  there  she  was  never  more  to  see.  "  She  knew  me,  writes 
Fourquevaulx,  "  and  said,  '  You  see  me  in  the  act  of  quitting  this  vain  world, 
to  pass  to  a  more  pleasant  kingdom,  there,  as  I  hope,  to  be  for  ever  with  my 
God.  Tell  my  mother,  the  queen,  and  the  king,  my  brother,  to  bear  my 
death  with  patience,  and  to  comfort  themselves  with  the  retlection  that  no 
happiness  on  earth  has  ever  made  me  so  content  as  the  prospect  now  does  of 
approaching  my  Creator.  I  shall  soon  be  in  a  better  situation  to  do  them 
service,  ana  to  implore  God  to  take  them  and  my  brothers  under  his  holy 
protection.  Beseech  them,  in  my  name,  to  watch  over  their  kingdom,  that  an 
end  may  be  put  to  the  heresies  which  have  spread  there.  And  I  will  pray 
Heaven,  in  its  mercy,  to  grant  that  they  may  take  my  death  with  patience, 
and  hold  me  for  happy.' "  ** 

The  ambassador  said  a  few  words  of  comfort,  endeavouring  to  give  her,  if 
possible,  some  hopes  of  life.  But  she  answered,  "  You  will  soon  Icnow  how 
near  I  am  to  my  end.    God  has  given  me  grace  to  despise  the  world  and  its 


*•  **Porque  en  efecto,  el  modo  y  manera 
conque  ella  las  trataba,  no  bera  de  sefiura  a 
quien  pareciesen  servir,  sino  de  madrey  com- 
pafiera."  Juan  Lopez,  Relacioo  de  la  En- 
fermedad  de  la  Reyna  Ysabel,  loc.  clt. 

"  Juan  Lopez,  Relaclon  de  la  Eiifemiedad 
de  la  Keyna  YsaM,  loc.  cit. — Pioelo,  Anales 
de  Madrid.  MS. 

"  Letter  of  Fourquevaulx,  October  3rd, 
1568,  ap.  Raumcr,  bixteentb  and  Seventeentb 


Centuries,  vol.  I.  p.  159. 

■"  '•  Habia  ordenado  se  tragese  el  lignum 
cruciB  del  Rey  nueBtro  Seftor,  que  es  una  may 
buena  parte  que  con  grandismo  homato  de 
oro  y  perlas  de  supremo  valor  S.  M.  tiene." 
Juan  Lopez,  Relation  de  la  Enferuedad  de  la 
Reyna  Isabel. 

-"  Letter  of  Fourquevaulx,  ap.  Raumer, 
Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Centuries,  vol.  1. 
p.  159. 


\ 


grandeur,  and  to  fix  all  my  hopes  on  him  and  Jesus  Christ.  Never  did  a 
thought  occasion  me  less  anxiety  than  tliat  of  death." 

"  She  then  listened  to  the  exhortations  of  her  confessor,  remaining  in  full 
possession  of  her  consciousness  till  a  few  minutes  before  her  death.  A  slight 
restlessness  seemed  to  come  over  her,  which  soon  subsided,  and  she  expired  so 
tranquilly  that  it  was  impossible  to  fix  the  moment  when  she  §ave  up  the 
ghost.  Yet  she  opened  her  eyes  once,  bright  and  glancing,  and  it  seemed  as 
if  she  would  address  me  some  further  commands, — at  least,  her  looks  were 
fixed  on  me."  " 

Not  long  before  Isabella's  death,  she  was  delivered  of  a  daughter.  Its  birth 
was  premature,  and  it  lived  only  to  be  baptized.  The  infant  was  laid  in  the 
same  coffin  with  its  mother ;  and  that  very  evening  their  remains  were  borne 
in  solemn  procession  to  the  royal  chapel.**  The  tolling  of  the  bells  in  the 
churches  and  monasteries  throughout  the  city  announced  the  sad  tidings  to 
the  people,  who  filled  the  air  with  their  cries,  making  everywhere  the  most 
passionate  demonstrations  of  grief  ;'^"  for  the  queen,  says  Brantome,  "was 
regarded  by  them  not  merely  with  feelings  of  reverence,  but  of  idolatry."  •" 

In  the  chapel  were  gathered  together  whatever  was  illustrious  in  the  capital, 
— the  high  ecclesiastics,  and  the  different  religious  bodies,  the  grandees  and 
cavaliers  of  the  court,  and  the  queen's  ladies  of  honour.  At  the  nead  of  these 
stood  the  duchess  of  Alva,  the  mistress  of  the  robes,  with  the  duchess  of  Feria 
— an  English  lady,  married  to  the  Spanish  ambassador  at  the  court  of  Mary 
Tudor— and  the  princess  of  Eboli,  a  name  noted  in  history.  The  coffin  of  the 
deceased  queen,  covered  with  its  gorgeous  pall  of  brocade,  was  placed  on  a 
scaffold  shrouded  in  black,  and  surrounded  with  numerous  silver  sconces 
bearing  wax  tapers,  that  shed  a  gloomy  lustre  over  the  scene.'*  The  services 
were  performed  amidst  the  deepest  stillness  of  the  audience,  unless  when 
broken  by  the  wailings  of  the  women,  which  mingled  in  sad  harmony  with  the 
chant  of  the  priests  and  the  sweet  and  solemn  music  that  accompanied  the 
office  for  the  dead.'* 

Early  on  the  following  morning  the  coffin  was  opened  in  presence  of  the 
duchess  of  Alva  and  the  weeping  ladies  of  her  train,  who  gazed  for  the  last 
time  on  features  still  beautiful  m  death."  The  duchess  then  filled  the  coffin  with 


•'  Letter  of  Fourquevaulx,  ap.  Ranmcr, 
loc.  cit. — The  correspondence  of  the  French 
ambassador  Fourquevaulx  is  preserved,  in 
MS.,  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Paris.  Raumer, 
with  his  usual  judgment,  has  freely  extracted 
from  it ;  and  the  freedom  with  which  I  have 
drawn  upon  him  shows  the  importance  of  his 
extracts  to  the  illustration  of  the  present 
Btory.  I  regret  that  my  knowledge  of  the 
existence  of  this  correspondence  came  too 
late  to  allow  me  to  draw  fiom  the  original 
sources. 

*'  "  Bistleron  a  la  Reyna  de  hablto  de  S. 
Francisco,  y  l.i  pusieron  en  un  ataud  poni- 
endo  con  ella  la  infanta  que  en  poco  espacio 
habiendo  recebido  agua  de  Espiritu  Santo 
murio."  Juan  Lopez,  Relaclon  de  la  Enfer- 
medad  de  la  Reyna  Ysabel. 

3»  "  pue  cosa  Increible  el  doblar,  y  cha- 
morear,  por  todas  las  parroqulas,  y  monas- 
terios,  y  hospifales.  Lo  cual  c;ius6  un  nuebo 
dolor  y  grandisimo  aumento  de  tristeza,  slendo 
ya  algo  tarde  los  grandes  que  en  la  corte  se 
ballaban.  y  mayordomos  de  S.  M.  sacaron  el 
cuerpo  de  la  Rej'na,  y  binieron  con  el  a  la 


Capilla  Real."    Ibid. 

"*  "Jamais  on  ne  vit  peuple  si  desole  ny 
bI  afflige,  ni  tant  jeter  de  hauts  cris,  ny  tant 
espandre  de  larmes  qu'il  fit.  .  .  .  Que,  pour 
maniere  de  parler,  vous  eussiez  dit  qu'il  I'ido- 
latroit  plui^toet  quil  ne  I'bonoroit  et  reveroit." 
Brantome,  rEuvres,  torn.  v.  p.  131. 

•"  « Puesto  el  cuerpo  por  este  orden  cu- 
bierto  con  un  muy  rico  pafio  de  brocado  ro- 
deado  el  cadalso  de  muchas  achas  en  bus  muy 
Bumtuosos  blandones  de  plata."  Juan  Lopez, 
Relaclon  de  la  Enfermedad  de  la  Reyna 
Ysabel,  ubi  supra. 

"  "Las  damas  en  las  tribnnas  de  donde 
oye  misa  con  hartos  suspiros  y  sollozos  lleba- 
ban  el  contrapunto  k  la  suave,  triste  y  con- 
templatiba  musica,  conque  empezaron  el 
oficio  la  caplUa  de  S.  M."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

*'  "Las  cuales  viendo  apartar  el  cuerpo, 
dieron  muchos  gritos,  y  suspiros  y  abriendole 
la  duquesa  de  A  Iba,  trajo  muclios  polbos  de 
olores  aromaticos  de  grande  olor  y  fragrancla, 
y  embalsamon  a  la  Reyna :  la  cual  aunque 
habia  pasado  tan  to  tiempo  estaba  como  si 
entoncea  acabara  de  monr,  y  con  tan  graa 


488  DEATH  OF  ISABELLA. 

flowers  and  sweet-scented  herbs  ;  and  the  remains  of  mother  and  child  were 
transported  by  the  same  sorrowing  company  to  the  convent  of  the  bare-footed 
Carmelites.    Here  they  reposed  till  the  year  1573,  V^hen  they  were  borne 
with  the  remains  of  Carlos,  to  the  stately  mausoleum  of  the  Esconal ;  and  the 
populace,  as  they  gazed  on  the  funeral  train,  invoked  the  name  of  Isabella  as 

In^he^ourse  of  the  winter,  Cardinal  Guise  arrived  from  France  with 
letters  of  condolence  from  Charles  the  Ninth  to  his  royal  brother-ni-law.  Ihe 
instructions  to  the  cardinal  do  not  infer  any  distrust,  on  the  part  of  the 
French  monarch,  as  to  the  manner  of  his  sister's  death.  The  more  suspicious 
temper  of  the  queen-mother,  Catherine  de  Medicis,  is  seen  in  her  directions  to 
Fourquevaulx  to  find  out  what  was  said  on  the  subject  of  her.daughter  s  death, 
and  to  report  it  to  her."  It  does  not  seem  that  the  ambassador  gathered  any 
information  of  consetiuence  to  add  to  his  former  details.  *        u 

Philip  himself  may  have  had  in  his  mind  the  possible  existence  of  such 
suspicions  when  he  told  the  cardinal  that  "  his  best  consolation  for  his  loss  was 
derived  from  his  retiection  on  the  simple  and  excellent  life^ of  the  queen  All 
her  attendants,  her  ladies  and  maids,  knew  how  well  he  had  treated  her,  as 
was  sufficiently  proved  by  the  extraordinary  sorrow  which  he  felt  at  her 
death.  Hereupon,"  continues  the  cardinal, "  he  broke  forth  into  a  panegyric  on 
her  virtues,  and  said,  were  he  to  choo>e  again,  he  could  wish  nothing  better  than 
to  find  just  such  another."  "  It  was  not  long  before  Philip  made  the  attempt. 
In  eighteen  months  from  the  date  of  his  conversation  with  the  cardinal,  the 
thrice- widowed  husband  led  to  the  altar  his  fourth  and  last  wife,  Anne  of 
Austria,— like  her  predecessor,  as  we  have  seen,  the  destined  bnde  of  his  son. 
The  faciHty  with  which  her  imperial  parents  trusted  the  young  pnncess  to  the 
protection  of  Philip  may  be  thought  to  intimate  pretty  clearly  that  they,  at 
least,  had  no  misgivings  as  to  the  king's  treatment  of  his  former  wife. 

Isabella,  at  her  decease,  was  but  twenty-three  years  of  age,  eight  of  which 
she  had  been  seated  on  the  throne  of  Spain.  She  left  two  children,  both 
daughters,— Catherine,  afterwards  married  to  the  duke  of  Savoy,  and  Clara 
Eugenia,  who  became  with  her  husband,  the  Archduke  Albert,  joint  ruler  of 
the  Netheriands,  and  who  seems  to  have  enjoyed  a  greater  share  of  both  the 
love  and  the  confidence  of  Philip  than  he  ever  vouchsafed  to  any  other  being. 

Such  is  the  story  of  Queen  Isabella,  stripned  of  the  colouring  of  romance, 
for  which,  in  truth,  it  has  been  quite  as  much  indebted  to  the  pen  of  the  his- 
torian as  to  that  of  the  poet.  From  the  whole  account  it  appears  that,  if 
Carlos  at  any  time  indulged  a  criminal  passion  for  his  step-mother,  such  a 
passion  was  never  requited  or  encouraged  by  Isabella,  who  seeins  to  have  felt 
for  him  only  the  sentiments  that  were  justified  by  their  connection  and  by  the 
appeal  which  his  misfortunes  made  to  her  sympathy.  Notwithstanding  some 
feelings  of  resentment,  not  unnatural,  when,  in  the  words  of  Brantome,  he 
had  feen  defrauded  of  so  fair  a  prize,"  there  is  yet  little  evidence  that  the 
prince's  passion  for  her  rose  higher  than  the  sentiments  of  love  and  gratitude 


hermosura  en  el  roetro  que  no  parecia  esta 
inueita."  Joan  I^opez,  Relacion  de  laEnfer- 
medad  de  la  Reyna  Isabel,  ubi  supra. 

"  L«tter  of  St.  Goar,  June  lyth,  1573,  ap. 
Kaumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  i.  p.  163.— Quintana,  Historia  de 


Madrid,  fol.  370. 

"  Letter  of  Catherine  de  Medicis,  ap.  Kau- 
mer, vol.  i.  p.  162. 

••  Letter  of  Cardinal  Guise,  February  6th, 
1569,  ap.  Raumer,  vol.  i.  p.  163. 


[*  The  propopal,  as  already  mentioned,  had 
come  from  the  emperor.  Cath<  rine  de  Medicis 
also  DO  sooner  heard  of  Isabella's  death  than 


she  offered  another  of  her  daufthters  for  the 
vacant  place.  Gachard,  Don  Carlos  et  Phi- 
lippe II.— Ed.] 


HER  CHARACTER. 


489 


!■< 


which  her  kindness  might  well  have  awakened  in  an  affectionate  nature." 
Ind  that  such,  with  all  his  errors,  was  the  nature  of  Carlos,  i^  shown,  ammi^ 
other  examples,  by  his  steady  attachment  to  Don  John  of  Austria,  his 
micle,  a^d  by  his  Ivotion  to  L  eariy  preceptor  the  bishop  of  Osma 

There  is  no  proof  that  Philip  was  at  any  time  di.spleased  with  the  conduct 
of  his  queen,  0?  tlmt  he  regarcled  his  son  in  the  light  of  a  rival.  .Least  of  all 
L  there  anything  hi  the  history  of  the  time  to  show  that  he  sacrificed  his  wife 
1^  hiriSusv''  The  contrary  is  well  estabhshed  by  those  of  her  own 
"rymen  who  had  free  access  to  her  during  her  lifetime,-some  of  them 
?n  th7hour  of  her  death,-whose  correspondence  with  her  family  would 
not  have  failed  to  intimat^  their  suspicions  had  there  been  anythmg  to 

'"WeU  would  it  be  for  the  memory  of  Philip  the  Second  could  the  historian 
find  no  heavier  sin  to  lay  to  his  charge  than  his  treatment  of  Isabella.  From 
first  to  iSe  seems  to  hive  regardedlier  with  the  indulgence  of  an  aftectionato 
husband  wSer  she  ever  obtained  such  an  ascendency  over  his  close 
aiSousn^^^^^^^^^  to  share  in  his  conM^^^^^^^^^^ 

«pk  mav  wpU  be  doubted.  Her  temper  would  seem  to  have  been  too  geniie, 
&evo&^rlX  S  to  iXpt  her  to  -e^d  « -*  afl^j^rsjor^^^^^ 
she  was  fitted  neither  by  nature  nor  education  Yet  f  a'fy™®,  *:^'""^®^."^ 
thitshe  exCTcised  a  most  salutary  influence  over  her  lord  ni  h.s  re  a  ions  with 
FranranTthat  the  value  of  th'is  influence  was  appreciated  n.  later  tmi^ 
wtenTe  growing  misunderstandings  between  the  two  courts  -e^^  "  to 
rankle  without  any  friendly  hand  to  heal  them."  "  Her  death,  he  continu^ 
^^was  arbitter  to  her  own  iiation  as  it  was  to  the  Spaniards ;  and  if  the  latter 
raTlS  her  '  the  Oiieen  of  Peace  and  Goodness,'  the  former  with  no  less  reason 
?  1*5  w  '  fif.  OHvP  hmnch ' " '»  "  But  she  has  passed  away,"  he  exclaims, 
tte's'weefandpl^S  April  of  her  age,-whe,rher  h^uty  was  such  that 

nrqt?n"oi^u"^L^ra,fi:^^^^^^^ 

which  SranWh^  endeavoured  to  perpetuate  the  features  of  his  conteiupo- 

Sries^    In  no  oneof  them  has  he  traced  the  lineaments  with  a  more  tender 


) 


»'  The  openness  with  which  Carlos  avowed 
his  sentiments  for  Isabella  may  be  thought 
Bome  proof  of  their  innocence.  Catherine  de 
Medicis.  in  a  letter  to  Fourquevaulx,  dated 
February  23rd.  1568,  says,  alluding  to  the 
prince's  arrest,  "  I  am  concerned  that  the 
event  very  much  di-'tresses  my  daughter,  as 
well  with  regard  to  her  husband  as  in  respect 
of  the  prince,  who  has  always  let  her  know 
the  good  will  he  bears  to  her."  Raumer, 
Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Centuries,  vol.  1. 

^'•"  The  French  historian  De  Thou,  by  no 
means  disposed  to  pass  too  favourable  a 
judgment  on  the  actions  of  Philip,  and  wiio 
in  the  present  case  would  certainly  not  be 
likely  to  show  him  any  particular  grace, 
reiects  without  hesitation  the  suspicion  of  toul 
play  on  the  part  of  the  king :  "Quelquesuns 
8oup?onnerent  Philippe  de  I'avoir  fait  em- 
poissbner,  parce  qu'il  lui  avoit  fait  un  crime 
de  la  trop  grande  familiarite  qu'elle  avuit 
avec  Dom  Carlos.  II  est  n^anmoins  faci  e  de 
Be  convaincre  du  contraire.  par  la  grande  et 
sincere  douleur  que  sa  mort  causa,  tant  A  a 
Cour  que  dans  toute  I'Espagne;  le  Koi  la 


pleura,  comme  une  femme  qu'il  aimoit  tres- 
tendrement."   Histoire  uuiverselle,  tom.  v.  p. 

487. 

^»  Brantome,  Oi^uvres,  tom.  v.  p.  137.— Yet 
Isabella's  mother,  Catherine  de  Medicis,  found 
fault  with  her  daughter,  in  tlie  interview  at 
Bayonne,  for  having  become  altogether  a 
Spaniard,  saying  to  her  tauntingly,  "  Muy 
hspanola  venis."  To  which  the  queen  meekly 
replied,  "  It  is  possible  that  it  may  be  so ;  but 
you  will  still  find  me  the  same  daugliter  to 
you  as  when  you  sent  me  to  Spain.  Ihe 
anecdote  is  told  by  Alva  in  a  letter  to  the 
king.    Carta  del  Duque  de  Alva  al  Key,  Mb. 

•"'  "Aussi  I'appelloit-on  la  Keyiui  dt  la 
vaz  y  de  la  bmrlad,  c'est-a-dire  la  Reyne  de 
la  paix  et  de  la  bonte ;  et  nos  Fran9oi8  I  ap- 
pellarent  I'olive  de  paix."  Brantome,  CLuvres, 

tom.  V.  p.  129.  X    1  •      * 

♦'  "Elleest  morte  au  plus  bean  et  plaisant 
avril  de  son  aage.  ...  Car  elle  estot  de 
natnrcl  et  de  tuinct  pour  durer  longtemps 
belle,  et  aussi  que  la  vieillesse jje  1  eust  ose 
attaquer,  car  sa  beaute  fut  este  plus  forte. 
Ibid.,  p.  137. 


490 


DEATH  OF  ISABELLA. 


and  delicate  hand.  Even  the  breath  of  scandal  has  had  no  power  to  dim  the 
purity  of  their  expression.  Of  all  that  illustrious  company  which  the 
artist  has  brought  in  review  before  the  eyes  of  posterity,  there  is  no  one 
to  whom  he  has  so  truly  rendered  the  homage  of  the  heart  as  to  Ehzabeth  of 

But  from  these  scenes  of  domestic  sorrow  it  is  time  that  we  should  turn  to 
others  of  a  more  stirring  and  adventurous  character. 


BOOK  V. 


-•o*- 


CHAPTER  I. 


THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN. 


Conquest  of  Spain  by  the  Arabs— Slow  Recovery  by  the  Spaniards— Efforts  to  convert  the 
Moslema— Their  Homes  in  the  Alpujarras— Their  Treatment  by  the  Government— The 
Minister  Espinosa— Edict  against  the  Moriscoes— Their  ineffectual  Remonstrance. 

1566,  1567. 

It  was  in  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  in  the  year  711,  that  the  Arabs, 
filled  with  the  spirit  of  conquest  which  had  been  breathed  into  them  by  their 
warlike  apostle,  after  traversing  the  southern  shores  of  the  Mediterranean, 
reached  the  borders  of  those  straits  that  separate  Africa  from  Europe.  Here 
they  paused  for  a  moment,  before  carrying  their  banners  into  a  strange  and 
unknown  quarter  of  the  globe.  It  was  but  for  a  moment,  however,  when,  with 
accumulated  strength,  they  descended  on  the  sunny  fields  of  Andalusia,  met 
the  whole  Gothic  array  on  the  banks  of  the  Guadalete,  and,  after  that  fatal 
battle  in  which  King  Roderick  fell  with  the  flower  of  his  nobility,  spread 
themselves,  like  an  army  of  locusts,  over  every  part  of  the  Peninsula.  Three 
years  sutticed  for  the  conquest  of  the  country,~except  that  small  corner  in  the 
north,  where  a  remnant  of  the  Goths  contrived  to  maintain  a  savage  indepen- 
dence, and  where  the  rudeness  of  the  soil  held  out  to  the  Saracens  no  tempta- 
tion to  follow  them. 

It  was  much  the  same  story  that  was  repeated,  more  than  three  centuries 
later,  by  the  Norman  conquerors  in  England.  The  battle  of  Hastings  was  to 
that  kingdom  what  the  battle  of  the  Guadalete  was  to  Spain;  though  the 
Norman  oarons,  as  they  rode  over  the  prostrate  land,  dictated  terms  to  the 
vanquished  of  a  sterner  character  than  those  granted  by  the  Saracens. 

But  whatever  resemblance  there  may  be  in  the  general  outlines  of  the  two 
conquests,  there  is  none  in  the  results  that  followed.  In  England  the  Norman 
and  the  Saxon,  sprung  from  a  common  stock,  could  not  permanently  be  kept 
asunder  by  the  barrier  which  at  first  was  naturally  interposed  between  the 
conqueror  and  the  conquered ;  and  in  less,  probably,  than  three  centuries 
after  the  invasion,  the  two  nations  had  imperceptibly  melted  into  one,  so  that 
the  Englishman  of  that  day  might  trace  the  current  that  flowed  through  his 
veins  to  both  a  Norman  and  a  Saxon  origin.  ,     v  •         t 

It  was  far  otherwise  in  Spain,  where  difference  of  race,  of  rengion,  of 
national  tradition,  of  moral  and  physical  organization,  placed  a  gulf  between 
the  victors  and  the  vanquished  too  wide  to  be  overleaped.  It  is  true,  indeed, 
that  very  many  of  the  natives,  accepting  the  Hberal  terms  offered  by  the 
Saracens,  preferred  remaining  in  the  genial  cUme  of  the  south  to  sharing  the 


492  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN. 

rude  independence  of  their  brethren  in  Asturias,  and  that,  in  the  course  of 
time,  intermarriages,  to  some  extent,  took  place  between  them  and  their 
Moslem  conquerors  ;  to  what  extent  cannot  now  be  known.  The  mtercoiirse 
was  certainly  far  greater  tlian  that  between  our  New- England  ancestors  and 
the  Indian  race  which  they  found  in  possession  of  the  soil.— that  ill-fated  race, 
which  seems  to  have  shrunk  from  the  touch  of  civilization,  and  to  have 
passed  away  before  it  like  the  leaves  of  the  forest  before  the  breath  of  winter. 
The  union  was  probably  not  so  intimate  as  that  which  existed  between  the 
old  Spaniards  and  the  semi-civilized  tribes  that  occupied  the  plateau  of  Mexico, 
whose  descendants  at  this  day  are  to  be  there  seen  filling  the  highest  places, 
both  social  and  political,  and  whose  especial  boast  it  is  to  have  sprung  from  the 

countrymen  of  Montezuma.  r>.       •    ^  x  xu  i.      i    *u 

The  very  anxiety  shown  by  the  modern  Spaniard  to  prove  that  only  the 
sarigre  azid—"'  blue  blood  "—flows  through  his  veins,  uncontarainated  by  an/ 
Moorish  or  Jewish  taint,  may  be  thought  to  afford  some  evidence  of  the  inti- 
macy which  once  existed  between  his  forefathers  and  the  tribes  oi  Eastern 
origin.  However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  no  length  of  time  ever  served, 
in  the  eye  of  the  Spaniard,  to  give  the  Moslem  invader  a  title  to  the  soil ;  and 
after  the  lapse  of  nearly  eight  centuries-as  long  a  period  as  that  which  has 
passed  since  the  Norman  conquest— the  Arabs  were  still  looked  upon  as 
intruders  whom  it  was  the  sacred  duty  of  the  Spaniards  to  exterminate  or  to 
expel  from  the  land.  .  .      ^  .       ,  ...  ,, 

This,  then,  was  their  mission.  And  it  is  interesting  to  see  how  faithfully 
they  fulfilled  it ;  and  during  the  long  perioil  of  the  Middle  Ages,  when  other 
nations  were  occupied  with  base  feudal  quarrels  or  border  warfare,  it  is  curious 
to  observe  the  Spaniard  intent  on  the  one  great  object  of  reclaiming  his 
country  from  the  possession  of  the  infidel.  It  was  a  work  of  time  ;  and  his 
progress,  at  first  almost  imperceptible,  was  to  be  measured  by  centimes.  By 
the  end  of  the  ninth  century  it  had  reached  as  far  as  the  Ebro  and  the  Douro. 
By  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  the  victorious  banner  of  the  Cid  had  penetrated 
to  the  Tagus.  The  fortunes  of  Christian  Spain  trembled  in  the  balance  on  the 
great  day  of  Navas  de  Tolosa,  which  gave  a  permanent  ascendency  to  the 
Castilian  arms ;  and  by  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  campaigns  of 
James  the  First  of  Aragon,  and  of  St.  Ferdinand  of  Castile,  stripping  the 
Moslems  of  the  other  southern  provinces,  had  reduced  them  to  the  petty 
kincrdom  of  Granada.  Yet  on  this  narrow  spot  they  still  continued  to  main- 
tain a  national  existence,  and  to  bid  defiance  for  more  than  two  centuries 
longer  to  all  the  efforts  of  the  Christians.  The  final  triumph  of  the  latter  was 
reserved  for  the  glorious  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  It  was  on  the 
second  of  January,  1492,  that,  after  a  war  which  rivalled  that  of  Troy  in  its 
duration  and  surpassed  it  in  the  romantic  character  of  its  incidents,  the 
august  pair  made  their  solemn  entry  into  Granada ;  while  the  large  silver 
cross  which  had  served  as  their  banner  through  the  war,  sparkling  in  the 
sunbeams  on  the  red  towers  of  the  Alhambra,  announced  to  the  Christian 
world  that  the  last  rood  of  territory  in  the  Peninsula  had  passed  away  for  ever 

from  the  Moslem.  ,.,,„      .:•*       -i...       x- 

The  peculiar  nature  of  the  war  in  which  the  Spaniard  for  eight  centuries 
had  thus  been  engaged  exercised  an  important  influence  on  the  national 
character.  Generation  after  generation  had  jpassed  their  lives  in  one  long, 
uninterrupted  cnisade.  It  had  something  of  the  same  effect  on  the  character 
of  the  nation  that  the  wars  for  the  recovery  of  Palestine  had  on  the  Crusaders 
of  the  Middle  Ages.  Every  man  learned  to  regard  himself  as  in  an  esj^cial 
manner  the  soldier  of  Heaven,— for  ever  fighting  the  great  battle  of  the  Faith. 


RECOVERY  BY  THE  SPANIARDS. 


493 


With  a  mind  exalted  by  this  sublime  conviction,  what  wonder  that  he  should 
have  bee^  ever  reidy  to  discern  the  immediate  interposition  of  Heaven  m  h  s 
Klf^-tS  he  should  have  seen  again  and  a^^ain  the  patron  saint  of  his 
CK  n  r;  cWhicr  on  1  is  milk-white  steed  at  the^ead  of  his  celestia  chivalry, 
arreJtofflh? 'wavering  fortunes  of  the  ^V  J^tiX^nSr^tspec 
feeling,  institutions  that  assumed  elsewhere  only  a.political  or  "»»  J^jy^^P^J^ 
wore  here  the  ^arb  of  religion.  Thus  the  orders  of  chivalry,  of  which  there 
were  seierahi^he  Peninsula,  were  founded  on  the  same  pnnciples  as  those 
of  PaSne,  4ere  the  members  were  pledged  to  perpetual  war  against  the 

'''as' a  consequence  of  these  wars  with  the  Moslems,  the  patriot^^^^^^^^ 
became  identified  with  the  religious.     In  the  enemies  ^f  his  coun^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
Spaniard  beheld  also  the  enemies  of  God ;  and  feelings  ^f  na^r ^i  ^os^^^^ 
were  still  further  embittered  by  those  of  rehgious  hatred     In  the  ph»y  <^ys 
of  the  Arabian  empire,  these  feelings,  it   s  triie,  were  tem^^^^^^ 
respect  for  an  enemy  who  in  the  various  ^o^nj^  ^^  ,f ,^^^^^^^^"  '^^^^ 
merely  the  Spaniards,  but  every  nation  in  Christendom,    ^or  ^as  th^  resp^^ 
whollv  abated  under  the  princes  who  afterwards  ruled  with  imperial  sway 
0  'ef  Latda,  aml'who  diW^  m  their  Httle  courts  such  a  unimi  of  Jhe 
courtesies  of  Christian  chivalry  with  the  magnificence  of  the  East  as  she^  a 
rav  of  dorv  on  the  declining  days  of  the  Moslem  empire  m  the  I\eninsuia. 
'Tut  IsXAraL^rn  o'f  th'eir  ancient  opulence  ^Jff  P^^^f  ^f  ,^^^^^^^^ 
the  scale    the  Spaniards  became  more  arrogant.     Ihe  ^^ehngs  oi  ave^io 
IMIfch  they  Ld  hitherto  regarded  their  enemies  were  now  muigk^^^^ 
those  of  contempt    The  latent  fire  of  intolerance  was  fanned  mU)  a  o'aze  oy 
thrbr^th  0  the^anatical  clergy,  who  naturally  possessed  "i^bonnded  infl^^^^^^^ 
in  a  country  where  religious  considerations  entered  so  ^arg^  [  in^^^^^^ 
of  action  J  they  did  in  Spain.    To  crown  the  whole  the  Jate  o    t^^^*^  ot 
Granada  coincided  with  that  of  the  esUbhshment  of  the  Inq^^^^^^^^^^  " 

the  hideous  monster  had  waited  the  time  when  an  mexliaustible  supply 
victims  might  be  afforded  for  its  insatiable  maw.  r-mnada  were 

Bv  the  terms  of  the  treaty  of  capitulation,  the  people  of  Granada  were 
allowed  Lre^ii^^^^^  of  their  religion  and  to  exercise  its  ntes;  and 

it  was  especially  stipSated  that  no.  inducements  or  nien-e^^s^^^^^^^^ 
out  to  effect  their  conversion  to  Chris;tiamty  >   For  a  lew  yeare  tne  conq 
respected  these  provisions.     Under  the  good  Talavera,  the  first  archbishop  oi 
Granada^  no  attempt  wa.s  made  to  convert  the  Moslems  except  by  the  legiU 
mat^  mSins  of  preiching  to  the  people  and  of  expounding  to  them  th^^^^^^ 

zealous  propagandist  could  have  desired.    \V  hen  reasomn^ J^^y  ^ 


>  "Que  ningun  Moro  ni  Mora  Bcran  apre- 
miados  ji  8er  Christianos  contra  m  voluntad ; 
y  que  si  alguna  doucella,  6  caPada,  6  vnidA, 
por  razuu  de  alguuos  amorcs  se  quisicro  toruar 


Christiana,  tampoco  Rora  r^Wd^^^^a^^*.  ^' 
interroKuda."  See  the  original  treaty,  as  given 
ir"S  by  Marmol,  R^beliun  de  los  Mon**- 
cob  i.Maarid,  17^7),  torn.  i.  pp-  «3-98. 


494  '  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN. 

men.  Exasperated  by  the  unscnipulous  measures  of  the  prelate,  and  the 
gross  violation  they  involved  of  the  treaty,  they  broke  out  uito  an  nisurrec- 
tion,  which  soon  extended  along  the  mountam- ranges  m  the  neighbourhood 

of  Granada.  ,         ,  ^,,   ,   ,„..! 

Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  alarmed  at  the  consequences,  were  filled  with 
indioiation  at  the  high-handed  conduct  of  Ximenes.  But  he  replied  that  the 
state  of  things  was  precisely  that  which  was  most  to  be  desired.  By  placing 
themselves  in  an  attitude  of  rebellion,  the  Moors  liad  renounced  all  the  advan^ 
tages  secured  by  the  treaty,  and  had,  moreover,  incurred  the  penalties  of 
dSth  and  confis'cation  of  property  !  It  would  be  an  act  of  grace  m  the  sove- 
reigns to  overlook  their  otlence  and  grant  an  amnesty  for  the  past,  on  con- 
dition that  every  Moor  should  at  once  receive  bantism  or  leave  the  country. 
This  precious  piece  of  casuistry,  hardly  surpassed  by  any  thing  in  ecclesiastical 
annak,  found  favour  in  the  eyes  of  the  sovereigns,  who,  after  the  insurrection 
had  been  quelled,  lost  no  time  in  proposing  the  terms  suggested  by  their 
minister  as  the  only  t«rms  of  reconciliation  open  to  the  Moors.  And  as  but 
few  of  that  unhappy  people  were  prepared  to  renounce  their  country  and 
their  worldly  prospects  for  the  sake  of  their  faith,  the  result  was  that  ma  very 
short  space  of  time,  with  but  comparatively  few  exceptions,  every  Moslem  in 
the  dominions  of  Castile  consented  to  abjure  his  own  faith  and  receive  that  ot 

\  similar  course  of  proceeding  was  attended  with  similar  results  in  Valencia 
and  other  dominions  of  the  crown  of  Aragon,  in  the  earlier  part  of  Charles 
the  Fifth's  reign ;  and  before  that  voung  monarch  had  been  ten  years  upon 
the  throne  the  whole  Moorish  population— 3/omcoes,  as  they  were  henceforth 
to  be  called— were  brought  within  the  pale  of  Christianity,  or,  to  speak  more 
correctly,  within  that  of  the  Inquisition.*    ,,    ^^,       ^      ,.^^,         ..     ., 

Such  conversions,  it  may  well  be  believed,  had  taken  too  little  root  in  the 
heart  to  benr  fruit.  It  was  not  long  before  the  agents  of  the  Holy  Ottice 
detected,  under  the  parade  of  outward  conformity,  as  rank  a  growth  of 
infidehty  as  had  existed  before  the  conquest.  The  blame  might  in  part, 
indeed,  be  fairly  imputed  to  the  lukewarmness  of  the  Chnstian  labourers 
employed  in  the  work  of  conversion.  To  render  this  more  eflectual  the 
government  had  caused  churches  to  be  built  in  the  principal  towns  and  villages 
occupied  by  the  Moriscoes,  and  sent  missionaries  among  them  to  wean  them 
from  their  errors  and  unfold  the  great  truths  of  revelation.  But  an  act  of 
divine  grace  could  alone  work  an  instantaneous  change  in  the  convictions  of 
a  nation.  The  difficulties  of  the  preachers  were  increased  by  their  imperfect 
aaiuaintance  with  the  language  of  their  hearers  ;  and  they  had  still  further 
to  overcome  the  feelings  of  jealousy  and  aversion  with  which  the  t^paniard 
was  naturally  regarded  by  the  Mussulman.  Discouraged  by  these  obstacles, 
the  missionary  became  indifferent  to  the  results.  Instead  of  appealing  to  the 
understanding  or  touching  the  heart  of  his  hearer,  he  was  willing  to  accept 
his  conformity  to  outward  ceremony  as  the  evidence  of  his  conversion.  Kven 
in  his  own  performance  of  the  sacred  rites  the  ecclesiastic  showed  a  careless 
indifference,  that  proved  his  heart  was  little  in  the  work  ;  and  he  scattered 
the  purifying  waters  of  baptism  in  so  heedless  a  way  over  the  multitude  that 


■  "  Y  que  paes  habian  sido  rebeldes,  y  por 
ello  mereciaii  pena  de  muerte  y  perdiraento 
de  bienes,  el  perdon  que  les  concediese  fuese 
coiidicional,  con  que  se  tornasen  Clir.stianos, 
6  dexasen  hi  tierra.  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  los 
Moriscos,  torn.  i.  p.  122. 


»  The  reader  curious  In  the  matter  will  find 
a  full  account  of  it  in  the  History  of  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella,  part.  ii.  chapters  6,  7. 

♦  Advertimientos  de  Don  Geronimo  Corella 
Bobre  la  Conversion  de  los  Morlscosdel  Reyno 
de  Valencia,  MS. 


EFFORTS  TO  CONVERT  THEM. 


495 


it  was  not  uncommon  for  a  Morisco  to  assert  that  none  of  the  consecrated 

before  the  Inquisition.  The  '»« J»^  »' T^jtnSeraSon  among  the 
expected,  by  remonstrances  from  the  men  of  ra^^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^j 

Moriscoes,  who,  to  give  etticacy  to  their  P^"™"' P™7S  mavcrs  should  be 
e^ty  thousani  gold  ducats  to  th«  «™^Xd  no^fwa^ralRo^sM^^^ 
granted.    Charles,  who  m  lus  early  days  d^  not  al^ay^j*^'°„^bie  ear  to  the 

Sr;,  was  never  sufler^  to  go  into  ope>^jon  durmg  -^  g^„^    ^ra- 

Such  was  the  state  of  things  on  the  ff^^f  >  Plue  3h  were  filled  with 
nada,  Malaga,  a"d  the  other  principal  cit.es  of  toe  sou^^^^^^  _ 

a  mingled  population  of  SP*'"*f^f,/"^„|'Sron,-un^^^^^^  the  influence  o! 
including  many  persons  of  wealth  and  cons^^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^j^^^  ^^ 

a  more  intimate  contact  with  the  Y"™"^' ^^  gut  by  far  the  larger 
time,  of  conversion  to  the  faith  of  *«'[  «o"'l"^"'J?-  nTountain-range  of  the 
part  of  the  Moorish  population  ^^^^.-^t^,^'' f  ^^*^™Ss  that  stretch 
^Ipiijarras,  south-east  of  Granada,  a»^a  nong  ^  bow  s.e^ 

along  the  southern  shores  «« ''f,^"-  9*.^\*^K  the  level  of  the  sea,  anl 
to  the  height  of  near  twe We  thou^nd  feet  a°o™  ^"Ij  ^^  ^  ^^yager  on  the 

readily  decried,  from  their  great  f'^'^fJ^PPjjyXyTn  w^  Moorish 

Mediterranean,  was  manv  a  gjeen,  sequestered  valley^  o^^^^^^  ^^  ^.^ 

peasant  had  exhausted  tW  elaborate  cutare  ^^^h^^e^itjl  hi  constructed 
Juilion  was  unrivalled  in  anv  part  of  '^"PP«l."'l?rh  vines,  had  clothed  the 
terraces  from  the  rocky  soil,  a-'dvP  *"*'"f  J^?L"  "with  ?he  like  industry  he 
bald  sides  of  the  sierra  with  a  de'wio'S  verdure  ^^^.^^^ 

"^^'(jalderon.  in  his  "Amar  ^espues  de  la 
Muerte."  has  shed  the  splendours  "f  W«  ^»|« 
over  the  green  and  sunny  spots  that  glitter 
flke  emeralds  amidst  the  craggy  wilds  of  the 
Alpujarras 


•  "  Sin  tratar  de  instruir  d  cada  uno  en  par- 
tlcuUr  nl  de  examinar  los  nl  s'^ber  su  voluntad 
los  baptizaron  i  manadas  y.f^  modo  que 
alKunos  de  ellos,  segun  es  fama,  pusicrou 
nleiti  aue  no  les  avia  tocado  el  agua  que  en 
Smun  Is  hechavan."     Advertimientos  de 

^'^.'^Marmol.  Rebelion  de  los  Moriscos^tom.  i. 
pp.  T^155.-BIeda.  Coronica  de  los  Moros  de 
V^rafta  ^Valencia,  IttlS),  p.  656.— Adveni 
S'  dVS-li:MS.-Fer^raB  H^.^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
rale  d'Espagne,  tom.  ix.  pp.  65.  5^--J^.'f,?g 
hammen.  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  SS—^J® 
fiT  writer  says  that,  besides  the  largess  to  the 
emnri^r.Jhe  Moriscoes  were  canny  enough  to 
^S?e  the  good  will  of  his  mimste^  by  a 
Hh<>ral  BUDPly  of  doubloons  to  them  aiso. 
"  Slrvieron  al   Emperador  con  ochen^„,°^^i 
dncldos     Aprovech5»es  esto,  y  buena  suma 
de  dlTonef  que  dieron  alos  privados  para  que 


"  Porque  entre  puntas  y  puntas 
Hay  valles  que  la  hermosean, 
Campos  que  la  fertilizan, 
Jardines  que  la  deU  itan. 
Toda  ella  est^  poblada 
De  villages  ydealdeas; 
Xal,  que,  cuando  el  sol  se  pone 
A  las  vislumbres  que  deja, 
Parecen  riscos  nacidos 
Concavos  entre  las  pefias. 
Que  rodaron  de  la  cunibre      ^^ 
Auuque  a  la  falda  no  lleg&n. 


496 


THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN. 


TREATMENT  BY  THE  GOVERNMENT. 


497 


almost  side  by  side  with  the  hemp  of  the  north  and  the  grain  of  more  tempe- 
rate climates.  The  lower  slopes  of  the  sierra  afforded  extensive  pastures  for 
flocks  of  merino  sheep ; '  and  the  mulberry-tree  was  raised  in  great  abundance 
for  the  manufacture  of  silk,  which  formed  an  important  article  of  export  from 
the  kingdom  of  Granada. 

Thus  gathered  in  their  little  hamlets  among  the  mountains,  the  people  of 
the  Alpujarras  maintained  the  same  sort  of  rugged  independence  which 
belonged  to  the  ancient  Goth  when  he  had  taken  shelter  from  the  Saracen 
invader  in  the  fastnesses  of  Asturias.  Here  the  Moriscoes,  formed  into  com- 
munities which  preserved  their  national  associations,  still  cherished  the  tradi- 
tions of  their  fatners,  and  perpetuated  those  usages  and  domestic  institutions 
that  kept  alive  the  memory  of  ancient  days.  It  was  from  the  Alpujarras  that, 
in  former  times,  the  kings  of  Granada  had  drawn  the  brave  soldiery  who 
enabled  them  for  so  many  years  to  bid  defiance  to  their  enemies.  The  trade 
of  war  was  now  at  an  end.  But  the  hardy  life  of  the  mountaineer  gave  robust- 
ness to  his  frame,  and  saved  him  from  the  effeminacy  and  sloth  whicli  corrupted 
the  inhabitants  of  the  capital.  Secluded  among  his  native  hills,  he  cherished 
those  sentiments  of  independence  which  ill  suited  a  conquered  race ;  and,  in 
default  of  a  country  which  he  could  call  his  own,  he  had  that  strong  attach- 
ment t<j  the  soil  which  is  akin  to  patriotism,  and  which  is  most  poweiful 
among  the  inhabitants  of  a  mountain-re^on. 

The  products  of  the  husbandman  furnished  the  staples  of  a  gainful  commerce 
with  the  nations  on  the  Mediterranean,  and  especially  with  the  kindred  people 
on  the  Barbary  shores.  The  treaty  of  Granada  secured  certain  commercial 
advantages  to  the  Moors  beyond  what  were  enjoyed  by  the  Spaniards."  This, 
it  may  well  be  believed,  was  looked  upon  with  no  friendly  eye  by  the  latter, 
who  had  some  ground,  moreover,  for  distrusting  the  policy  of  an  intercourse 
between  the  Moslems  of  S[)ain  and  those  of  Africa,  bound  together  as  they 
were  bv  so  many  ties,— above  all,  by  a  common  hatred  of  tlie  Christians. 
With  the  feelings  of  political  distrust  were  mingled  those  of  cupidity  and  envy, 
as  the  Spaniard  saw  the  fairest  provinces  of  the  south  still  in  the  hands  of  the 
accursed  race  of  Ishmael,  while  he  was  condemned  to  earn  a  scanty  subsistence 
from  the  comparatively  ungenial  soil  of  the  north. 

In  this  state  of  things,  with  the  two  races  not  merely  dissimilar,  but  essen- 
tially hostile  to  one  another,  it  will  readily  be  understood  how  difficult  it  must 
have  been  to  devise  any  system  of  legislation  by  which  they  could  be  brought 
to  act  in  harmony  as  members  of  the  same  political  body.  That  the  endea- 
vours of  the  Spanish  government  were  not  crowned  with  success  would  hardly 
surprise  us,  even  had  its  measures  been  more  uniformly  wise  and  considerate. 

The  government  caused  the  Alpujarras  to  be  divided  into  districts  and  placed 
under  tne  control  of  magistrates,  who,  with  their  families,  resided  in  the  places 
assigned  as  the  seats  of  their  jurisdiction.  There  seem  to  have  been  few  other 
Christians  who  dwelt  among  the  Moorish  settlements  in  the  sierra,  except, 
indeed,  the  priests  who  had  charge  of  the  spiritual  concerns  of  the  natives. 


*  Sffior  de  Gayanpos,  correcting  a  blunder 
of  Casiri  on  the  subject,  tells  us  that  the 
Arabic  name  of  the  Alpujarras  was  AJ-bushe- 
rdt,   signifying    "mountains    abounding    in 

{>astures."  See  that  treasure  of  Oriental 
earning,  the  History  of  the  Mohammedan 
Dynasties  in  Spain  (London,  1843),  vol.  ii.  p. 
615. 

•  Such  was  the  exemption  from  certain 
dutit-s  paid  by  the  Christians  in  their  trade 
with  the  Barbary  coast,— a  singular  uud  not 


very  politic  pruvision  :  "Que si  lr)8  Moros  que 
entraren  debaxo  de  estas  capitulaciones  y  con- 
cierios,  quisieren  ir  con  bus  mercaderias  a 
tratar  y  contratar  en  Berberia,  se  les  da'"»l 
licencia  para  poderlo  hacer  libreniente,  y  lo 
mesmo  f-n  todos  los  lugares  de  Castilla  y  de  la 
Antlalucia,  sin  pagar  portiizuos,  ni  los  otros 
derechos  que  los  Ciiristjanos  acostumbran 
pacar."  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  los  Moriscos, 
torn.  i.  p.  93. 


As  the  conversion  of  these  latter  was  the  leading  object  of  the  government, 
they  caused  churches  to  be  erected  in  all  the  towns  and  hamlets,  and  the 
curates  were  instructed  to  use  every  eff-ort  to  enlighten  the  minds  of  their 
flocks,  and  to  see  that  they  were  punctual  in  attendance  on  the  rites  and  cere- 
monies of  the  Church.  But  it  was  soon  too  evident  that  attention  to  forms 
and  ceremonies  was  the  only  approach  made  to  the  conversion  of  the  heathen, 
and  that  below  this  icy  crust  of  conformity  the  waters  of  infidelity  lay  as  daik 
and  deep  as  ever.  The  result,  no  doubt,  was  to  be  partly  charged  on  the  clergv 
themselves,  many  of  whom  ^rew  languid  in  the  execution  of  a  task  which 
seemed  to  them  to  be  hopeless.'"  And  what  task,  m  truth,  could  be  more 
hopeless  than  that  of  persuading  a  whole  nation  at  once  to  renounce  their 
long-established  convictions,  to  abjure  the  faith  of  their  fathers  ayociatedm 
their  minds  with  many  a  glorious  recollection,  and  to  embrace  the  faith  of  the 
very  men  whom  they  regarded  with  unmeasured  hatred  i  It  would  be  an  act 
of  humiliation  not  to  be  exijected  even  in  a  conauered  race. 

In  accompUshing  a  work  so 'much  to  be  desire3,  the  Spaniards,  if  they  cannot 
be  acquitted  of  the  charge  of  persecution,  must  be  allowed  not  to  have  urged 
persecution  to  anything  like  the  extent  which  they  had  done  »\the  case  of 
She  Protestant  reformers.    Whether  from  policy  or  from  some  natuml  regard 
to  the  helplessness  of  these  benighted  heathen,  the  bloodhounds  of  the  Inqui- 
sition were  not  as  yet  allowed  to  run  down  their  game  at  will ;  and,  if  they  did 
Sytfie  natives V  displaying  their  formidable  fangs  the  time  had  not  yet 
come  when  they  wer'e  to  slii)  the  lea.h  and  spring  upon  their  miserable  victas^ 
It  is  true  there  were  some  exceptions  to  this  more  discr^t  policy     The  Holy 
Office  had  its  agents  abroad,  who  kept  watch  upon  the  Moriscoes ;  and  occa- 
sionally the  more  flagrant  offenders  were  delivered  up  to  its  tender  meicies. 
BuramorefTequeKurce  of  annoyance  arose  from  the  teasing  ordinances 
from  time  to  time  issued  by  the  government,  which  ^oud  have  ans^^^^^^^^^ 
other  Durpose  than  to  irritate  the  temper  and  sharpen  the  animosity  of  the 
Morisc^S^   If  the  government  had  failed  in  the  imporUnt  work  of  conversion 
U  wTs  tTe  more  incLbent  on  it,  by  every  show  of  confidence  and  kindnes^  to 
conciliate  the  good  will  of  the  conquered  people,  and  enable  them  to  hve  m 
Cony  with  their  conouerors,  as  members  of  the  ^"i^J^^XH/ws  Dr^^^ 
was  not  the  policy  of  Phihp,  any  more  than  it  had  been  that  of  his  pre- 

^Trhigthe  earlier  years  of  his  reign  the  king's  attention  w^.  J^^ 
occnnied  with  foreign  affairs  to  leave  him  much  leisure  for  those  of  the  Mons- 
cSs  It  was  ceS,  however,  that  they  would  not  long  escape  the  notice  of  a 
Se  wL  re1^e(^  uniformity  of  faith  as  the  corner-stone  of  his  government. 
§^he  firrhnpoTtant  act  of  legislation  bearing  on  these  people  was  m  1560 
whL  the  Cortes  of  Castile  presented  a  remonstrance  to  tfie  tWone  against  the 
u^  of  ne^TO^av^^^  by  the  Lriscoes,  who  were  sure  to  instruct  them  m  their 


' 


'»  Such  is  the  opinion  expressed  by  the 
author  of  the  "  Advertimientos,"  whose  re- 
marics-having  particular  reference  to  \  alen- 
cia— are  conceived  in  a  spirit  of  candour,  and  of 
charity  towards  the  Moslems,  rarely  found  in 
a  Spaniard  of  the  Sixteenth  century.  "De 
donde,"  he  says,  "  colije  claramente  que  el  no 
Banar  estos  enfermos  hasta  agora  no  se  puede 
imputar  a  ser  incurable  la  enfermedad,  sino  a 
averse  errado  la  cura,  y  tambien  se  vee  que 
hasta  oy  no  estan  bast«mente  de.'^cargadoB 
delante  de  Dios  nuestroSeftoraquellosaquieii 
toca  este  negocio,  pues  no  ban  puesto  loa 


medios  que  Christo  nuestro  SeRor  tiene  orde- 
nados  para  la  cura  de  este  mal."    MS. 

•'  "  Forzan<iole8  con  injurias  y  penas  pecu- 
niarias  y  jurticiando  d  algunos  de  el  los.' 
Advertimientos  de  Corella,  MS.— Mendoza, 
speaking  of  a  somewhat  later  period,  just 
before  the  outbreak,  briefly  alludes  to  the  fact 
that  the  Inquisition  was  then  beginning  to 
worry  the  Moriscoes  more  than  usual :  "  Por- 
que  la  InquiBicion  les  comenzo  fi  apretar  mas 
de  lo  ordinario."  Guerra  de  Granada  (Valen- 
cia, 1776),  p.  20. 

2  K 


498  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN. 

Mahometan  tenets  and  thus  to  multiply  the  number  of  infidels  in  the  land.' « 
A  royal  pragmatic  was  accordingly  passed,  interdictmg  the  use  of  African 
slaves  by  the  Moslems  of  Granada.  The  prohibition  caused  the  greatest 
annoyance ;  for  the  wealthier  classes  were  in  the  habit  of  employing  these 
slaves  for  domestic  purposes,  while  in  the  country  they  were  extensively  used 

for  agricultural  labour.  ,        .  .  .         » •  i    »    j  r  n 

In  1563  another  ordinance  was  published,  reviving  a  law  which  had  fallen 
into  disuse,  and  which  prohibited  the  Moriscoes  from  having  any  arms  in  their 
possession  but  such  as  were  duly  licensed  by  the  captam-general  and  were 
stamped  with  his  escutcheon.»»  The  office  of  captain -general  of  Granada  was 
filled  at  this  time  by  Don  Inigo  Lopez  de  Mendoza,  count  of  TendiUa,  who 
soon  after,  on  his  father's  death,  succeeded  to  the  title  of  marquis  of  Mondejar. 
The  important  post  which  he  held  had  been  hereditary  in  his  family  ever  since 
the  conquest  of  Granada.  The  present  nobleman  was  a  worthy  scion  of  the 
illustrious  house  from  which  he  sprang."  His  manners  were  blunt,  and  not 
such  as  win  popularity  ;  but  he  was  a  man  of  integrity,  with  a  nice  sense  of 
honour  and  a  humane  heart,— the  last  of  not  too  common  occurrence  in  the 
iron  days  of  chivalry.  Though  bred  a  soldier,  he  was  inclined  to  peace. 
His  life  had  been  passed  much  among  the  Moriscoes,  so  that  he  perfectly 
understood  their  humours  ;  and,  as  he  was  a  person  of  prudence  and  modera- 
tion, it  is  not  improbable,  had  affairs  been  left  to  his  discretion,  that  the 
country  would  have  escaped  many  of  those  troubles  which  afterwards  t>efell  it. 

It  was  singular,  considering  the  character  of  Mendoza,  that  he  should  have 
recommended  so  ill-advised  a  measure  as  that  relating  to  the  arms  of  the 
Moriscoes.  The  ordinance  excited  a  general  indignation  in  Granada,  ihe 
people  were  offended  by  the  distrust  which  such  a  law  implied  of  their  loyalty. 
They  felt  it  an  indignity  to  be  obliged  to  sue  for  permission  to  do  what  they 
considered  it  was  theirs  of  right  to  do.  Those  of  hidier  condition  disdained 
to  wear  weapons  displaying  the  heraldic  bearings  of  the  xMendozas  mstead  of 
their  own.  But  the  greater  number,  without  regard  to  the  edict,  nrovided 
themselves  secretly  with  arms,  which,  as  it  reached  the  ears  of  the  authorities, 
led  to  frequent  prosecutions.  Thus  a  fruitful  source  of  u-ritation  was  opened, 
and  many,  to  escape  punishment,  fled  to  the  mountains,  and  there  too  often 
joined  the  brigands  who  haunted  the  passes  of  the  Alpujari-as  and  bade 
defiance  to  the  feeble  police  of  the  Spaniards."  .^     ^^    .  ,    ^ 

These  impolitic  edicts,  as  they  were  irritating  to  the  Moriscoes,  were  but 
preludes  to  an  ordinance  of  so  astounding  a  character  as  to  throw  the  whole 
country  mto  a  state  of  revolution.  The  apostasy  of  the  Monscoes— or,  to 
speak  more  correctly,  the  constancy  with  which  they  adhered  to  the  faith  of 
their  fathers— gave  great  scandal  to  the  old  Christians— especially  to  the 
c  ergy,  and  above  all  to  its  head,  Don  Pedro  Guerrero,  archbishop  of  Granada,. 
This  prelate  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  an  uneasy,  meddlesome  spirit,  and 
possessed  of  a  fiOl  share  of  the  bigotry  of  his  time.    While  in  Rome,  shortly 


"  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  los  Moriscos,  torn. 

i.  p.  135. 

'*  Mannol,  Rebelion  de  los  Monscos,  torn, 
ii.  p.  3,18.— Ordenanzaa  de  Granada,  fol.  375, 
ap.  Circourt,  Hist,  des  Arabes  d'Espagne 
(Paris,  1846),  torn.  ii.  p.  267.— The  penalty 
for  violating  tiie  above  ordinance  was  six 
years'  hard  labour  in  the  galleys.  That  lor 
counterfeiting  the  stamp  of  the  Mendoza  arms 
uas  death.     Va  victis  '. 

'*  The  name  of  Mendoza,  which  occupied 
for  80  many  generations  a  prominent  place  in 


arms,  in  politics,  and  in  letters,  makes  its 
first  appearance  in  Spanish  history  as  far  back 
as  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century. — 
Mariana,  Historia  de  Espana,  torn.  i.  p.  b76. 

"  M.  de  Circourt,  in  bis  interesting  volumes, 
has  given  a  minute  account— much  too  minute 
for  these  pages—  of  the  first  developments  of 
the  insurrectionary  spirit  of  the  Moriscoes,  in 
which  he  shows  a  very  careful  study  of  the 
subject.  Hist,  des  Arabes  d'Espagne,  torn, 
ii.  pp.  268,  et  seq. 


THE  MINISTER  ESPINOSA. 


499 


before  this  period,  he  hmi  made  such  a  representation  to  ^^pe  Pms  t^ 
ll  drew  from  that  pontiff  a  remonstrance,  addressed  to  the  Spanish  govern- 
ment on  th^  spStua   condition  of  the  xiloriscoes.    Soon  aft^r,  m  the  year 
?567  'rmemoria^^^^^^^^^^  to  the  government  by  Guerrero  and  the  c  erg 

of  his  dSl  in  which,  after  insistinf  on  the  manifold  backslidings  of  the 
?'newcSSns^L'  the  Moriscoes  wire  t-med^ev  Icnjdly  ca^^^^ 
efficacious  measures  to  arrest  the  evd.  ^.^hesej^ple,  they  said,  w^^^^ 
show  of  conformity  they  might  make  to  the  requisitions  of  the  (.tiurcn,  were 
infidels  at  hS^rt     When  tKeir  children  were  baptized,  they  were  careful,  on 
returnL^  home  to  wash  away  the  traces  of  baptism,  and  after  circumcising 
tS  toVvTtherMo^^^^  names.     In  like  manner,  when  their  marriages 
haddn^s^^^^^^^^^        with  Christian  ^tes,  they  were  sure  to  cofir^^^^^^^^^^^ 
afterwards  by  their  own  ceremonies,  accompanied  with  the  nationa^^^^^^^ 
dances     Thev  continued  to  observe  Friday  as  a  holy  day  ;  a"d»  what  was  oi 
™ver  moSXy  were  known  to  kidnap  the  children  of  the  Christians  and 
feTtheri^  their  b^^^^^^^^^^^  on  the  coast  of  Barbary,  where  they  were  circum- 
chLi  and  iiiXred  i^        Mahometan  rehgion.    This  last  accusation,  however 
fmnrobaWe  CiTc^^^^^^^  the  Spania?ds,  and  sharpened  the  feehngs  of 

Xusfand  Sred  with  which  they  regarded  the  unhappy  race  of  Ishma^l.'^ 
^   Se"^^^^^  received  prompt  attention  from  the  goyernmen^ 

at  whosT    lS^^^  possibly,  it  had  been  prepareci    A  commission  w^ 

7f  o  cfanprnnted  to  examine  into  the  matter  ;  and  their  report  wa^  laid 
hpfnifa  E^nsisting  of  both  ecclesiastics  and  laymen,  and  embracing 

^e^eTas^  T'Zt'^i^  n^^^S^f  UL  dignV,  far  exceeded 
^'V^'  '•''  "S'wraf  Z  to^"U th^lnlinfSher  the  meridian,  of  his 

*^™    w   n        i  n  142.— Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Au8- 
"  Ferreras.  Hist.  d'Ef«pa{me,  torn.  ix.  p.        l.  p.  i*f-     **""'''" 
624.--MaTmol,  Rebelion  de  los  Moriscos,  torn.       tria,  fol.  56. 


500  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN. 

self  mised  from  the  dust."  Their  mortification,  however,  was  to  be  api>ea?ed 
ere  long  by  the  fall  of  the  favourite -an  event  a^  sipal  and  unexpected  by 
the  woi5d,  and  as  tragical  to  the  subject  of  it,  as  the  fall  of  Wolsey. 

The  man  who  was  qualified  for  the  place  of  grand  inquisitor  ^Jc-^  not  ^ke  ^ 
to  feel  much  sympathy  for  the  race  of  unbelievers.  It  was  unfortunate  foi  the 
Morfsc^s  UiaUheir  destinies  should  l^  placed  in  the  hands  of  ^l^eh  a  nunister 
L  Espinosa.  After  due  deliberation,  the  junta  came  ^VJ^^,  j^f  ^J"  ^^at  the 
only  remedy  for  the  present  evil  was  to  lay  the  axe  to  the  root  of  it,-to  cut 
off  all  S  associations  which  connected  the  Moriscoes  with  their  earlier 
history  and  which  were  so  many  obstacles  in  the  way  of  their  present  con- 
verS.  it  was  recommended  tflat  they  should  be  interdicted  rom  f^^\oj^ll 
the  Arabic  either  in  speaking  or  writing,  for  ^vlllch  th^.Y^vere  to  u^^  o^^^^ 
rq»«tilian  They  were  not  even  to  be  allowed  to  retain  their  famil>  names, 
S  we"toexcU«Tthem  for  Spanish  ones.  All  written  "-trume,^s  and 
leral  documents,  of  whatever  kind,  were  declared  to  be  void  and  of  no  eltect 
Ss  rthe  C^stilian.  As  tin.e  ,nust  be  allowed  for  »  "'"ol^  K'^whichX 
its  languase,  three  years  were  assigned  as  the  penod  at  the  end  of  which  this 

''''^^r^^^^^^  T-^^r^ '''''  ^^d^^ldtlen 

Spaniards ;  and,  as  the  Oriental  costume  was  highly  ornamented,  and  often 
Xy  expensive,  they  were  to  be  allowed  to  wear  their  present  clothes  one  year 
KerTof  silk,  and  two  years  if  of  cotton,  the  latte  Aeing  the  usual  appard 
of  t1ie  poorer  classes.  The  women,  moreover,  lK)th  old  and  young,  were  to  be 
?eqiih'eVroni  the  passa^re  of  the  law,  to  go  abroad  with  their  faces  uncovered, 
— a  scandalous  thing  among  Mahometans.  .,     />,i.  •  *•      r „ 

Their  weddings  were  to  fe  conducted  in  public,  after  the  Christian  forms  ; 
and  the  doors  of  their  houses  were  to  be  left  open  during  the  day  of  the 
ceremony,  that  any  one  might  enter  and  see  that  they  did  not  have  recourse 
to  unhlfliwed  rites.  The/ were  further  to  be  interdicted  from  the  national 
songs  and  dances  with  which  they  were  wont  to  celebrate  their  domestic 
festivities.  Finally,  as  rumours-most  absurd  ones-had  got  abroad  that  tlie 
warm  baths  which  the  natives  were  in  the  habit  of  using  in  their  houses  weie 
perverted  to  licentious  indulgences,  they  were  to  be  required  to  destroy  the 
vessels  in  which  they  bathed,  and  to  use  nothing  of  the  kind  thereafter. 

These  several  provisions  were  to  be  enforced  by  r)enalties  of  the  sternest 
kind.  For  the  first  offence  the  convicted  party  was  to  be  punished  with  im- 
prisonment for  a  month,  with  banishment  from  the  country  for  two  years, 
and  with  a  fine  varying  from  six  hundred  to  ton  thousand  mavavedis.  l^or  a 
second  offence  the  penalties  were  to  be  doubled  -and  for  a  third  the  culi^^^^^^^^ 
in  addition  to  former  penalties,  was  to  be  banished  for  life.  The  ordinance 
was  closely  modelled  on  that  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  he 
was  too  politic  to  carry  into  execution.^*  , .  ,    ,  ,^        i  „Vo„^j;f„ 

Such  were  the  principal  provisions  of  a  law  wh>ch,  for  cnielty  and  absurdity, 
has  scarcely  a  parallel  in  history.    For  what  could  be  more  absurd  than  the 


EDICT  AGAINST  THE  MORISCOES. 


501 


"'  Such  was  the  judgment  of  the  acute 
Venetian  who,  as  one  of  the  train  of  the 
minister  TiejKtlo,  obtained  a  near  view  of 
what  was  passing  in  the  court  of  Philip  the 
Second :  "  Levato  di  bassissimo  stato  dal  re, 
6  posto  in  Unta  grandezza  in  po«iii  annl.  per 
esser  huomo  da  bene,  libero  et  schietto.  et 
perche  S.  M.  vuol  tener  bassi  li  grandi  di 
Spagna,  conoscendo  I'  altierissima  natura 
loro."    Gachard,  Relations  des  Ambassadeurs 


Venitiens  Bur  CharlfM*-Quint  et  Philippe  II, 
(Bruxelles,  1»55),  p.  175. 

'•  This  remarkable  ordinance  may  be  found 
in  the  Nueva  Recopilacion  (ed.  1640),  lib.  viii, 
tit.  2,  leyes  13-18.— The  most  severe  penal- 
ties were  those  directed  against  the  heinous 
offence  of  indulging  in  warm  baths.  For  a 
second  repetition  of  this,  the  culprit  was  sen- 
tenced to  six  years'  labour  in  the  galleys  and 
the  confiscation  of  half  his  estate ! 


aftj>mDt  bv  an  act  of  legislation  to  work  such  a  change  in  the  long-established 
hffif  JnXn,-to°ettace  those  recollections  of  the  pa^t  to  -h'^^  n-n  ev  r 
^w  mn«t  pIospIv  under  the  pressure  of  misfortune,— to  blot  out  Dy  a  single 
suole  of  tt  pi^  afit  "ere,  not  only  the  creed  but  the  nationality  of  a 
^'°,je -to  coivert  the  Moslem  at  once  both  into  a  Ohnstiau  and  into  a 
SiLi?  It  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  any  greater  outrage  offered  to 
a  .^S  than  the  Drovision  compelling  women  to  lay  aside  their  veils,-asso- 
riaSt  ttse  wereTeverrE^^^^^^  "i«'  *e  obligations  «f  modesty  ; 

r  fat  b  r^ard'too^ening'the  doors  of  *«  houses  and  exposing  th^ew,^^^^ 
fr.  iha  in^jnlpnt  ffaze  of  every  passer ;  or  that  m  relation  to  the  oains,  so 
Mi^peS^^^^^^^  especially  in  the  warm  climato  of  the 

^^Rnt  the  masterpiece  of  absurdity,  undoubtedly,  is  the  stipulation  in  regard 
to^he  ArabTc  lanS  Tas  if  by  any  human  art  a  whole  population  m  the 
^>^e  of  three S  be  made  to  substitute  a  foreign  tongue  for  its  own 

?,uf  thit  t(^  under  circumstances  of  peculiar  difficulty,  partly  arising  from 
?he  tota  'w^i't  of  amn^^^^^  the'semitic  and  the  European  languages 

1ml  rSy  from  the  insulated  position  of  the  Moriscoes,  who  in  the  citi^  had 

SSa^Stribi^^^^^^^^^ 

no  favour.    Among  these  one  who  ^^^t°j  "-^^  Ve  «  ^f-  t^^^^^ 

lands  may  be  ^^PPffi  t^,^"*}  J^^^^^^^^     conliderations  if  humanity  than  of 

his  course  was  doubt  ess  ^^^f  «^^«tis  re"theT  had  Uttle  weight  with 

our.general  knoj/edge  of  ^  ^ara^^;,-,  ^^14?^:^  had  commf^ted  the^ub- 
decision  of  the  "'^^f^^"  ^^f ^f^eat  violence  to  his  own  feeUn^,  we  may 
ject.    That  this  decisi^^  ^^^  the  ordinance.    This  he  did 

ISfThiTJenSh^&Tvemtr,  1566,  whJ  the  pragmatic  became  a  law. 


'•  "De  los  enemijos  los  menos.  -Circourt 
Kives  a  version  of  the  whole  of  the  professor  s 
Etter  with  his  precious  commentary  on  this 
l^xt  anst  des  Arabes  d'Kspagne,  tom  li. 
D  V7H  According  to  Ferreras,  Philip  highly 
?elishe<i  the  maxim  of  his  ghostly  couaselior. 
Hist.  d'Espagne,  tom.  ix.  p.  525. 


'o  Cabrera,  throwing  the  responsibility  of 
the  subsequent  troubles  on  Espinosa  and 
Deza,  sarcastically  remarks  that  "  *'?:VCn 
had  the  ordering  of  an  affair  which  had  been 
Setter  left  to  men  with  helmets  on  their 
heads."  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vil. 
cap.  21. 


!l 


INEFFECTUAL  REMONSTRANCE. 


503 


502  THE  MOORS  OF  SPAIN. 

It  was  resolved,  however,  not  to  give  publicity  to  it  at  once.  It  was  com - 
niittPrtoTe  particiSr  charge  of  one  of  the  nieiiibers  of  the  junta,  Diego 
Bpi  a^^ditor  of  the  Holy  Ortice,  and  lately  raised  by  Espinosa  to  the  im- 
Sfrtonrpo^^^^^^^^  the  chancery  of  Granada..  This  put  hnn  at  once 

^the  hW  of  the  civil  administration  of  the  province,  a»  the  marquis  of 
Mondeiaf  was  at  th^head  of  the  military.  The  different  views  o  policy 
SrSed  by  the  two  men  led  to  a  conflict  of  authority,  which  proved  highly 
DrSdal  to  a^irs.  Deza,  who  afterwards  rose  to  the  dignity  of  cardina , 
wafa  man  whose  plau^^  manners  covered  an  inttexible  will  He  showed, 
not;vXt^iS^!an  entire  subserviency  to  the  wishes  of  his  patron,  Espmosa, 
who  committed  to  him  the  execution  of  his  plans.  .    j  ^     i.i-        vr^„ 

The  president  resolved,  with  more  policy  than  humanity,  to  defer  the  pub lica- 
tion  of  ?he  ed^ct  tUl  the  ensuing  first  of  January,  1567,  the  day  preceilmg  that 
whkh  the  Spania  ds  commemorated  as  the  anniversary  of  the  surrender  of 
The  can  tel  This  humiliating  event,  brought  home  at  such  a  crisis  to  the 
Mor^fc^o^t  nngh  "^       to  brea^  their  spmts,  and  dispose  them  to  receive  the 

obnoxious  edict  with  less  resistance.  .    -    i  i.  m      „i„  „u\^  +v,o 

On  the  apix)inted  day  the  magistrates  of  the  pnncipal  tribunals,  with  the 
correddor  o^^Gmn^^^^  at  their  h^d,  went  in  solemn  procession  to  the  Albaicin, 
Tq^arTer  ocaW  by  the  Moriscoes.  They  marched  to  the^ 
druiSs,  trumpets:  and  other  instruments;. and  the  in^^bitonts  aU^^^^^^ 
the  n  Jise  anffond  of  novelty,  came  running  from  tlier  houses  to  s^eli^^^^^ 
ranks  of  the  nrocession  on  its  way  to  the  great  square  of  ^x6  el  Bonat.  inis 
wi  an  OT^n  spacf  large  extent,  where  the  people  of  Granada,  in  ancient 
TimeruSd  VaLemble  to^elebrat*  the  coronation  of  a  new  sovereign  ;  and 
thTtowe^s  were  sdll  standing  from  which  the  Moslem  banners  waved,  on  those 
d^vs  over  tTe  hea^^^  Siouting  multitude.    As  the  people  now  gathered 

&rously  around  these  ancient  buildings,  the  public  f  ^f  r,  from  ^^^^ 
Dlace  read  in  audible  tones  and  in  the  Arabic  language,  the  royal  or«i"ance^ 
SnfmlTi^^ne  the  emotions  of  shame,  sorrow,  and  indignation  with  which 
the  vast^asS^^^^^^^  of  both  sexes,  listened  to  the  words  of  an  instru^ 

ment  every  sentence  of  which  seemed  to  convey  a  personal  indignity  to  the 
hSrerl-In"g^  on  all  those  idea^  of  decorum  and  decency  in  which  they 
hS  tSn  nSrt  red  from  infancy  ;  which  rudely  rent  asunder  all  the  fond  tics 
Sf  co^tVanfkfndred;  which' violated  the  privacv  of  d— ^^^^^^ 
thpm  of  the  use  of  their  own  speech,  and  reduced  them  to  a  state  oi  uii«r 
SlMon^nkntn  to  the  meilfest  if  their  slaves.  .  Some  oftf^  weaker  sort 
eave  way  to  piteous  and  passionate  exclamations,  wringing  their  hands  in  aii 
leon^o?  grief  Others,  ol  sterner  temper,  broke  forth  fnto  menaces  and  fierce 
fifvXKmpanied'with  the  most'furions  gesticulations     Others^g^^i, 

listened^with  that  dogged,  determined  air  *hich  to^^/!.***  t^*  "^^^^^ 
not  the  less  danceious  that  it  was  a  silent  one.  The  whole  inultitnae  wto  in 
altlte  of  such'a^tation  that  an  accident  might  have  [ead^^^  ClnlteW 
exDlosion  which  would  have  shaken  Granada  to  its  foundations,  i^  ortunateiy, 
therfrre  a  fe^^^^^  persons  in  the  assembly,  older  and  more  temperate 
Ihan  the  rest,  who  had  suLient  authority  over  .their  countrymen  to  pre^n^ 
a  tumult  They  reminded  them  that  in  their  fathers'  time  the  em^  or 
Charles  the  Fifth  had  consented  to  suspend  the  execution  of  a  similar  ordi- 
nance  At  al  events,  it  was  better  to  tr/first  what  could  be  done  by  arpnient 
and  persuLion!  When  these  failed,  it  would  be  time  enough  to  tEink  of 
vengeance.** 


One  of  the  older  Moriscoes.  a  man  of  much  considemtion  among  his 
countrymen,  was  accordingly  chosen  to  wait  on  the  president  and  explain 
their  views  in  regard  to  the  edict.    This  he  did  at  great  length,  and  ma 
manner  which  must  have  satisfied  any  fair  mind  of  the  groundlessness  of  the 
charges  brought  against  the  Moslems,  and  the  cruelty  and  impracticability  ot 
the  measures  proposed  by  the  government.    The  president,  having  granted  to 
the  envoy  a  patient  and  courteous  hearing,  made  a  short  and  not  very  success- 
ful attempt  to  vindicate  the  course  of  the  administration.    He  finally  disposed 
of  the  whole  question  by  declaring  that  "  the  law  was  too  just  and  holy,  and 
had  been  made  with  too  much  consideration,  ever  to  he  repealed  ;  and  that, 
in  fine,  regarded  as  a  question  of  interest,  his  majesty  estimated  the  salvat  on 
of  a  single  soul  as  of  greater  price  than  all  the  revenues  he  drew  from  the 
MoriscoS  "  «    An  ansler  hke  this  must  have  effectually  dispelled  all  thoughts 
of  a  composition,  such  as  had  formeriy  been  made  with  the  emperor. 

Defeated  in  this  quarter,  the  Moriscoes  determined  to  lay  their  remonstrance 
before  the  throne.  They  were  fortunate  in  obtaining  for  this  purpose  the 
services  of  Don  Juan  Henriquez,  a  nobleman  of  the  Sighest  rank  and  con- 
SatLn  who  had  large  estates  at  Beza,  in  the  heart  of  Granada,  and  who 
f ™?oAg  sympathy  for  the  unfortunate  natives.  Having  consented,  i^hough 
with  much  reluctance,  to  undertake  the  mission,  he  repaired  to  Madrid 
obtained  an  Sidience  of  the  king,  and  preseiited  to  him  a  n^emorial  on  ^^^^^^^^ 
of  his  unfortunate  subjects.  Philip  received  him  giaciously,  and  Promised  to 
Sve  all  attention  to  the  paper.  "  {vhat  I  have  done  in  this  matter,"  said  the 
li^g,  «  has  ten  done  by  the  axivice  of  wise  and  conscientious  men,  who  have 
given  me  to  understand  that  it  was  my  duty."  " 

^  Shortly  afterwards,  Henriquez  received  an  intimation  that  he  was  to  look 
for  his  answer  to  the  president  of  Castile.  Espinosa,  aftjCrliste^n^^^ 
memorial,  expressed  his  surprise  that  a  person  of  the  high  condition  of  Don 
Jiln  Henriquez  should  have  consent^  to  take  charg%of  such  a  ^^^^ 
"It  was  for^that  very  reason  I  undertook  it,"  ^ephed  the  nobleman  as 
affording  me  a  better  opportunity  of  being  .of  service  to  the  kmg  It  can 
hP  of  no  use"  said  the  minister:  "religious  men  have  represented  to  his 
majestrthat  it  h"r  lies  the  salvation^of  these  Moors ;  and  the  ordiiiance 
wh  ch  has  been  decreed,  he  has  determined  shall  be  carried  into  effect    " 

Cffled  in  this  direction,  the  persevering  envoy  laid  his  memonal  before  t^^^ 
coSors  of  state,  and  endeavoured  to  interest  them  mbeha^^^  11' 'S^^ 
In  this  he  met  with  more  success ;  and  several  of  that  body,  among  wnom 
may  be  menSed  the  duke  of  Alva  and  Luis  de  Avila,  the  grand  co.nmander 
S  ilcaSwhom  Charles  the  Fifth  had  honoured  witTj  his  friendship, 
entered  Sily  into  his  views.  But  it  availed  little  with  the  minister,  who 
would  not  eve^^  consent  to  delay  the  execution  of  the  ordinance  until  time 
To  Id  have  been  given  for  further  inquiry,  or  to  confine  the  operation  of  it 
arthe  outse'rto  one  or  two  of  the  provisions,  in  order  to  ascertain  what 


»'  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  lo«  Moriscos,  torn. 
1.  pp.  147-151.— Circourt,  Hist,  des  Arabes 


d'Kspagne,  torn.  li.  p.  283.— Ferreras,  Hist. 
d'Espagne,  torn.  Ix.  p.  53j.— Dr.  Salazar  de 


Mendoza  conBldere  that  nothing  but  a  real 
love  of  rebellion  could  have  induced  the  Mo- 
riscoes to  find  a  pretext  for  it  In  a  mea.sure  so 
just  and  praiseworthy,  and  every  way  so  con- 
ducive to  their  own  salvation,  as  this  ordi- 
nance •  "  Tomaron  por  achaque  esta  accion  un 
justiHcada  y  meritoria  del  Rey,  y  para  sus 
almas  ten  provechtwa  y  saludable.  Monar- 
quia  de  Espafta,  torn.  ii.  p.  137. 

»"  ••  Y  al  fin  concluy6  con  decirle  resoluta- 
mente,  que  su  Magestid  queria  mas  fe  que 


farda,  y  que  preciabamas  salvar  una  alma,  que 
todo  quanto  le  po<iijn  dar  de  rente  los  Mons- 
C08  nuftvamente  convertidos."  Marmol,  Re- 
belion de  los  Moriscos,  torn.  i.  p.  163. 

"  "Queel  habiaconsultado  aquel  negocio 
con  horabres  de  ciencia  y  conciencia,  y  le 
decian  que  estaba  obligado  a  hacer  lo  que 
hacia."    Ibid,,  p.  175. 

=♦  ••  Que  el  negocio  de  la  prematica  estaba 
determinado,  y  su  Magestad  resolute  en  que 
se  cumpliese."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


504  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

would  probably  be  the  temper  of  the  Moriscoes."    Nothing  would  suit  the 
peremptory  humour  of  Espinosa  but  the  instant  execution  of  the  law  in  all  its 

^Nor'would  he  abate  anything  of  this  haughty  tone  in  favour  of  the  captain- 
general,  the  marquis  of  Mondejar.  That  nobleman,  with  good  reason,  had 
felt  himself  aggrieved  that  in  discussions  so  materuilly  attecting  his  own 
government  he  should  not  have  been  invited  to  take  a  part.  From  motives  of 
Expediency,  as  much  as  of  humanity,  he  was  decidedly  opposed  to  the  passage 
of  the  ordinance.  It  was  perhaps  a  knowledge  of  this  that  had  excluded 
him  from  a  seat  in  the  junta.  His  representations  made  no  impression  on 
Espinosa ;  and  when  he  urged  that,  if  the  law  were  to  be  carried  into  effect, 
he  ought  to  be  provided  with  such  a  force  as  would  enable  him  to  quell  any 
attempt  at  resistance,  the  minister  made  light  of  the  danger,  assuring  him 
that  three  hundred  additional  troops  were  as  many  as  the  occasion  demandexl. 
Espinosa  then  peremptorily  adjourned  all  further  discussion,  by  telling  the 
captain-general  that  it  would  be  well  for  him  to  return  at  once  to  branada, 
where  his  presence  would  be  needed  to  enforce  the  execution  of  the  law 

It  was  clear  that  no  door  was  left  open  to  further  discussion,  and  that, 
under  the  present  government,  no  chance  remained  to  the  unfortunate  Moris- 
coes  of  buying  off  the  law  by  the  payment  of  a  round  sum,  as  in  the  time  ot 
Charles  the  Fifth.  All  negotiations  were  at  an  end.  They  had  only  to  choose 
between  implicit  obedience  and  open  rebellion.  It  was  not  strange  that  they 
chose  the  latter. 


CHAPTER  IL 

REBELLION  OP  THE  MORISCOES. 

Resistance  of  the  Moriscoes— Night- Assault  on  Granada— Rising  in  the  Alpt^Jarras— Election 

of  a  King— Massacre  of  the  Cbristiana. 

1568. 

The  same  day  on  which  the  ordinance  was  published  in  the  capital,  it  was 
proclaimed  in  every  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Granada.  Everywhere  it  was 
received  with  the  same  feeUngs  of  shame,  sorrow,  and  indignation.  Before 
giving  way  to  these  feelings  by  any  precipitate  action^  the  Moriscoes  of  the 
Alpujarras  were  discreet  enough  to  confer  with  their  countrymen  in  the 
Albaicin,  who  advised  them  to  remain  quiet  until  they  should  learn  the  result 
of  the  conferences  going  on  at  Madrid.  , .  ,  .,        , , ,  i 

Before  these  were  concluded,  the  year  expired  after  which  it  would  be  penal 
for  a  Morisco  to  wear  garments  of  silk.  By  the  president's  orders  it  was 
proclaimed  by  the  clergy,  in  the  Pjdpits  throughout  the  city,  that  the  law 
would  be  enforced  to  the  letter.  This  was  followed  by  more  than  one  edict 
relating  to  other  matters,  but  yet  tending  to  irritate  still  further  the  minds  of 
the  Moriscoes.^ 


RESISTANCE  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


505 


»•  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  los  Morlscos,  tom. 
i.  p.  176.— Cabrera,  Fllipe  Segundo,  lib.  vii. 
cap.  21. 

**  "  A  estas  y  otras  muchas  razones  que  el 
Marques  de  Sfondejar  daba,  Don  Diego  de 
Espinosa  le  respondi**,  que  la  voluntad  de  su 
Magestad  era  aquella,  y  que  se  fuese  al  reypo 


de  Granada,  donde  seria  de  raucha  importanria 
su  persona,  atropellando  como  siempre  t«xia8 
las  dificultades  que  le  ponian  por  delantc." 
Marmol,  Kebeliou  de  los  Moriscos,  tom.  i.  p. 
168. 

'  An  ordinance  was  passed  at  this  time.  tJiat 
the  Moriscoes  who  had  come  from  the  country 


\ 


All  hope  of  relieving  themselves  of  the  detested  ordH^a,'?ce,^\^"^/i'"l 
vanished  the  leaders  of  the  Albaicin  took  counsel  as  to  the  best  mode  of 
reS^'the  government.  The  first  step  seemed  to  be  to  get  possession  of 
the  c^^itaL  There  wL  at  this  time  in  Granada  a  Morisco  named  Farax 
Abe.rFarax,  who  followed  the  tmde  of  a  dyer  But,  though  l^e  ^as  e^g^?^f 
1^  this  humble  calling,  the  best  blood  of  the  Abencerrages  f  ow^d^^^.^^^^^^^^^^ 
He  was  a  man  of  a  fierce,  indeed  ferocious  nature,  hating  the  ^hnstians  with 
h^s  Xle  hSrt,  and  longing  for  the  hour  when  he  could  avenge  on  their  heads 

theoriamit^sof  his  coSntW- .  As  his  o<^.^^JP,-^;,«J;,X^ii^^^^^^^^ 
into  the  Alpujarras,  he  was  extensively  acquainted  with  the  i"h*^X  ^^^- ,^^® 
undercook  t^o  iaise  a  force  there  of^  eiglit  .thousand  men  and  b^^^^^^^^^^^  down 
secretly  by  night  into  the  vega,  where,  with  the  aid  of  his  countrymen  in  the 
AlbS  he  Kt  effect  an  entrance  into  the  city,  overpower  the  garrison  in 
tli^Xmta™  put  ^11  who  resisted  to  the  sword,  -d  -f  e,^^^^^^^^  ^^^^f^ 
the  canital  The  time  fixed  upon  for  the  execution  of  the  plan  was  lioiy 
Thursfa^  in  the  ensuing  month  of  April,  when  the  attention  of  the  Spaniards 
would  be  occupied  with  their  religious  solemnities.  , 

A  secret  known  to  so  many  could  not  be  so  well  kep\and  for  so   ong  a 
time  but  that  some  information  of  it  reached  the  ears  of  the  Christians     It 
Ss  to  have  given  little  uneasiness  to  Deza,  who  had  anticipated  some  such 
aSipt  from  the  turbulent  spirit  of  the  JMoriscoes.    The  captain-general, 
howeier  thought  it  prudent  to  take  additional  precautions  agamst  it ;  and  he 
LToSgrdlribu^d  arms  among  the  citizens,  strengthened  the  garrison  o 
Te  ffiifbra,  and  visited  several  of  the  great  towns  o%the  frontier^  w^^^^^ 
he  placed  in  a  better  posture  of  defence.    The  Moriscoes,  finding  their  purpose 
exiSSo  the  authorities,  resolved  to  defer  the  execution  of  ^\i<>l^^^.^^^'^; 
Thev  even  postponed  it  to  as  late  a  date  as  the  beginning  of  the  following 
yel7  1569  ^o  this  they  were  led,  we  are  told,  by  a  nrediction  found  m  their 
Sous  Lks!  that  the  year  of  their  liberation  wmild  be  one  that  began  on  a 
sSXy     It  is  probabli  that  the  wiser  men  of  the  Albaicin  were  less  influ- 
enced by  their  own  belief  in  the  truth  of  the  prophecy  than  by  the  influence 
P  would  exert^ve^       sunerstitious  minds  of  the  momitaineers,  among  whom 

''  H^vingfeU^^^^^^^^^  of  January  for  the  rising  the  Moslems  of  Gn.^ 

nada  strove,  by  every  outward  show  of  loyalty  to  quiet  the  suspicions  of  the 
Prnment.  W  in  this  they  were  thwarted  ^7  the  m  orma^^^^^^^^^^ 
fatter  obtained  through  more  trustworthy  channels.    Still  surer  e^^ 
their  intentions  was  found  in  a  letter  which  fell  by  ^c^^^f^V"  w^^^^ 
thp  maruuis  of  Mondeiar.    It  was  addressed  by  one  of  the  leader^  oi  ine 
AlbaTdn  to  the  Moslems  of  the  Barhary  coast,  invoking  their  aid  by  the  ties  of 
cci™bitrann  a  common  faith.  '"  We  are  sorely  beseV'  says  the  writer 
"TndTr  enemies  encon.pass  us  all  around  like  a  consuming  fire.  Our  troubles 
are  too  gri^^^^^     to  be  endured.    Written,"  concludes  the  passionate  author  of 


to  reside,  with  their  families,  in  Granada, 
should  leave  the  city  and  return  whence  they 
came,  under  pain  of  death.  (Marmol,  Re- 
belion de  los  Moriscos,  torn.  i.  p.  169.)  Uy 
another  ordinance,  the  Moriscoes  were  re- 
quired to  give  up  tiieir  children  between  the 
ages  of  three  and  fliteen,  to  be  j  laced  in 
etbools  and  educated  in  the  Christian  doctrine 
and  the  Castiiian  tongue.  (Ibid.,  p.  170.) 
The  Aueva  Jiecopilacion  contains  two  laws 
passed  about  this  lime,  mailing  it  a  capital 
offence  to  hold  any  intercourse  with  lurks  or 


Moors  who  might  visit  Granada,  even  though 
they  came  not  as  corsairs,  but  for  purposes  of 
traffic.  (Lib.  viii.  tit.  26.  leyes  16, 18.)  Such 
a  law  proves  the  constant  apprehensions  m 
which  the  Spaniards  lived  of  a  treasonable 
correspondence  between  their  Morisco  subjects 
and  the  foreign  Moslems. 

»  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  los  Moriscos,  tom.  i. 
pp.  223-233.— Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada 
(Valencia,  1776),  p.  43.— Hita,  Guerras  de 
Granada,  tom.  ii.  p.  724. 


i 


506  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORLSCOES. 

the  epistle,  *'in  nights  of  tears  and  anguish,  with  hope  vet  lingering-such 
hope  as  still  survives  amidst  all  the  bitterness  of  the  soul.  »         ,,     ,     ,    . 

But  the  Barbary  powers  were  too  much  occupied  by  their  petty  feuds  to 
rive  much  more  than  fair  words  to  their  unfortunate  brethren  of  Granada. 
Perhaps  they  distrusted  the  efficacy  of  any  aid  they  could  render  in  so  unequal 
a  contest  as  that  against  the  Spanish  monarchy.  Yet  they  allowed  their 
subjects  to  embark  as  volunteers  in  the  war ;  and  some  good  service  was 
rendered  by  the  Barbary  corsairs,  who  infested  the  coasts  of  the  Mediterra- 
nean, as  well  as  by  the  rwon/w -as  the  African  adventurers  were  called  who 
took  part  with  their  brethren  in  the  Alpujarras,  where  they  made  themselves 
conspicuous  by  their  implacable  ferocity  against  the  Chnstians.  , ,     . , 

Meanwhile  the  hot  blood  of  the  mountaineers  was  too  much  inflamed  by  the 
prospect  of  regaining  their  independence  to  allow  them  to  wait  patiently  for 
the  day  fixed  upon  for  the  outbreak.  Before  that  time  arrived,  several  acts  of 
violence  were  perpetrated,- forerunners  of  the  bloody  work  that  was  at  hand. 
In  the  month  of  December,  1568,  a  body  of  Spanish  alguazils,  with  some  other 
officers  of  justice,  were  cut  off  in  the  neigh tiourhood  of  Granada,  on  their  way 
to  that  city.  A  party  of  fifty  soldiers,  as  they  were  bearing  to  the  capital  a 
considerable  quantity  of  musl(ets,-a  tempting  nrize  to  the  unarnied  Mons- 
coes,— were  all  murdered,  most  of  them  in  their  beds,  in  a  little  village  among 
the  mountains  where  they  had  halted  for  the  night*  After  this  outrage,  Aben- 
Farax,  the  bold  dyer  of  Granada,  aware  of  the  excitement  it  must  create  m  the 
capital,  became  convinced  it  would  not  be  safe  for  him  to  posti)one  his  intended 

^  At  the  hLd"of^  only  a  hundred  and  .eighty  followers  without  waiting  to 
collect  a  larger  force,  he  made  his  descent  on  the  night  of  the  t^^-enty -sixth  of 
December,  a  week  before  the  appointed  time,  into  the  ver/a  of  Granada  Jt 
was  a  dreadful  night.  A  snow-storm  was  raging  wildly  among  the  mountains 
and  sweeping  down  in  pitiless  fury  on  the  plains  below.*  Favoured  by  the 
commotion  of  the  elements,  Aben-Farax  succeeded,  without  attracting  obser- 
vation, in  forcing  an  entrance  through  the  dilapidated  walls  of  the  city,  pene- 
trated at  once  into  the  Albaicin,  and  endeavoured  to  rouse  the  inhabitonts 
from  their  slumbers.  Some  few  came  to  their  windows,  it  is  said,  but,  on 
learning  the  nature  of  the  summons,  hastily  closed  the  casements  and  with- 
drew, telling  Aben-Farax  that  "  it  was  madness  to  undertake  the  enterprise 
with  so  small  a  force,  and  that  he  had  come  before  his  time,"'  It  was  m  vam 
that  the  enraged  chief  poured  forth  imprecations  on  their  perfidy  and  cowar- 
dice in  vain  that  he  marched  through  the  deserted  streets,  demolishing  cruci- 
fixe:^  and  other  symbols  of  Christian  worship  which  he  found  in  his  way,  or 
that  he  shouted  out  the  watchword  of  the  faithful,  "There  is  but  one  God, 

»  "  Escrita  en  noches  de  angustia  y  de  la- 
grimas  corrientes,  su8tentada8cone8peranza,y 
la  esperanza  se  deri va  de  la  amargura."  Mar- 
mol,  Rebelion  de  los  Moriscos,  torn.  i.  p.  219. 

*  Mannol,  Rebelion  de  los  Moriscos,  torn.  L 
D.  235. 


NIGHT-ASSAULT  ON  GRANADA. 


607 


»  "  Iji  furia  horrible  de  los  torbellinos 
Cada  mometito  maa  se  vee  yr  creciendo, 
Cubre  la  blanca  nieve  los  carainos 
TamMen   los    hombres    luego  va  cubri- 
endo." 

So  sings,  or  rather  says,  the  poet-chronicler 
Rufo,  whose  epic  of  four-and-twtnty  cantos 
Bhows  him  to  have  been  much  more  of  a 
chronicler  than  a  poet.    Indeed,  in  his  preface 


he  avows  that  strict  conformity  to  truth  which 
is  the  cardinal  virtue  of  the  chronicler.  &  e 
the  A ustriada  (Madrid,  1584). 

•  •'  Pucos  sois,  i  venfs  presto."  Mendoza, 
Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  47.— Hita  gives  a 
canciim  in  his  work,  the  burden  of  which  is  a 
complaint  that  the  mountaineers  had  made 
their  attack  too  late  instead  of  too  early  : 

'*  Pocos  sois,  y  venis  tarde." 

(Guerras  de  pranada,  torn.  ii.  p.  32.)  The 
difference  is  explained  by  the  circumstance 
that  the  author  of  the  verses— probably  HiU 
himself— considers  that  Christmas  Eve,  not 
New  Year's  Eve,  was  the  time  fixed  for  the 
assault. 


.( 


and  Mahomet  is  the  prophet  of  God ! "  The  uproar  of  the  ^empe  Mortun^^^^^ 
for  him,  drowned  every  other  noise  ;  and  no  alarm  was  given  till  he  stunibled 
on  a  guard  of  some  five  or  six  soldiers  who  were  huddled  round  a  fi^e  in  one  of 
the  public  squares.  One  of  these  Farax  despatched ;  th^others  made  the  r 
escape,  raising  the  cry  that  the  enemy  was  upon  them.  The  ^eat  bell  of  ^t 
Salvador  rani  violentlv,  calling  the  inhabitants  to  arms.  l)awn  was  fast 
approaching ;  and  the  Aloorish  chief,  who  felt  himself  unequal  to  an  encounter 
in  which  he  was  not  to  be  supported  by  his  brethren  in  the  Albaicin,  thought 
it  p  udent  to  make  his  retr^t.  This  he  did  with  coloui^  flying  and  music 
playing,  all  in  as  cool  and  orderiy  a  manner  as  if  it  had  been  only  a  holiday 

^"^Melntime  the  citizens,  thus  suddenly  startled  from  their  beds,  gathered 
toSer" with  eager  looks  and  faces  white  with  fear,  to  learn  the  cause  of  the 
UiS  [  and  thdr  alarm  was  not  diminished  by  findmg  that  the  enemy  had 
been  prowling  round  their  dwellings,  like  a  troop  of  mountain  wolves,  while 
they  C  S  buried  in  slumber.  The  marquis  of  Mondejar  called  his  men  t^ 
horse^d  would  have  instantly  given  chase  to  the  invaders,  but  waited  until 
h^Karned  the  actual  condfti?n  of  the  Albaicin,  where  a  popidation  of  te^^ 
thousand  Moriscoes,  liad  they  been  mischievously  inclined,  might,  notwith- 
Sg  the  timely  efforts  of  [^e  government  to  d^rm  then,  h^^^^^^^^ 
Rtrniiff  for  the  slender  Span  sh  garrison  m  the  Alhambra.  All,  however,  was 
quS  the  M^^^^^^^^  ;  and,  assured  of  this,  ^^^J^Vj^^-^^^^l  f'^, 

out  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry  and  a  small  corps  of  foot,  in  quest  ot  tne 
enemv     But  he  had  stmck  int6  the  mountain  passes  south  of  Granada ;  and 
'4;iza,  after  keeping  on  his  track  as  well  a.  .the  bhnd^^^^^ 
permit,  through  the  greater  part  of  the  day,  at  nightfall  gave  up  the  pur*uit 
as  hooeless  and  brought  back  his  way-worn  cavalcade  t^  the  city. 

Aben-Flmx  and  Kis  troop,  meanwhile,  traversing  the  snowy  skirts  of  the 
Sierra  NevSa  came  out  on  the  broad  and  populous  valley  of  Lecrin,  snread- 
iW  the  tSgs  ev^^^^^^^  as  they  went,  that  the  insurrection  was  tegun, 
that  the  aS  calling  on  all  tnieJ>eX,^^,,^^^ 

up  arms  in  defence  of  their  faith.  The  summons  did  not  fall  on  deaf  ears  A 
train  had  been  fired  which  ran  along  the  mountain-regions  to  the  south  of 
G^inadfstSiin^^^^^^  Almeria  and  the  Murcian  borders  on  the  east  to  the 
neT-WxTuV^^^  Malaga  on  the  west.    In  three  day«  the  ^^ole  country 

was  in  aruS^  Then  burst  forth  the  fierce  passions  of  the  Arab,-all  that 
unquenchabe  hate  which  seventy  years  of  oppression  had  nourished  in  his 
Sm  and  which  now  showed  itsel!  in  one  universal  cry  for  vengeanc^^  The 
WoX  drania  opened  with  the  massacre  of  nearly  every  Christian  man 
Sn  tie  Moor^h  borders,- and  that  too  with  circumstances  of  a  refined 
.^d  deli^^^^^^^^  of  which,  happily,  few  examples  are  to  be  found  m 

^"  The^first  step,  however,  in  the  revolutionary  movement  had  been  a  false  one 
inimuch  as  th^e  insurgents  had  failed  to  secure  possession  of  the  capital,  which 
S  have  furnlshel  so  important  a  point  S^a^uiio^  ^"S/St'her  iS 
Ypt  if  contemnorary  chroniclers  are  correct,  this  failure  should  rather  t)e 
Lp^tti  rSSa'tion  than  to  cowardice.  According  to  them  the  p^^^^^^^ 
o?most  consideration  in  the  Albaicin  were  many  o  them  w^lthy  cit^en^ 
accustomed  to  the  easy,  luxurious  way  of  life  so  well  suited  to  the  Moorisn 
S     They  had  never  intended  to  peril  their  fortunes  by  engaging  per.on- 


»  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  los  Moriscos,  torn.  1. 
p  238  —Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp. 
45-52.— Miniana,  Hist,  de  h^pafia,  p.  367.— 


Herrera,  Hi8t<»ria  general,  torn.  i.  p.  726.-- 
Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  tom.  ix.  pp.  57J- 
576. 


508 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


ally  in  so  formidable  a  contest  as  that  with  the  Castilian  crown.  They  Iiad 
only  proposed  to  urge  their  simple  countrymen  in  the  Alpujarras  to  such  a 
show  of  resistance  as  should  intimidate  the  Spaniards  and  lead  them  to  miti- 
gate, if  not  indeed  to  rescind,  the  hated  ordinance."  If  such  was  their  calcu- 
lation, as  the  result  showed,  it  miserably  failed. 

As  the  Moriscoes  had  now  proclaimed  their  independence,  it  became  neces- 
sary to  choose  a  sovereign  in  place  of  the  one  whose  authority  they  had  cast 
aside.  The  leaders  in  the  Albaicin  selected  for  this  dangerous  pre-eminence  a 
young  man  who  was  known  to  the  Spaniards  by  his  Castilian  name  of  Don 
Fernaiido  de  Valor.  He  was  descended  in  a  direct  line  from  the  ancient  house 
of  the  Oraeyas,'  who  for  nearly  four  centuries  had  sat  with  glory  on  the  throne 
of  Cordova.  He  was  but  twenty-two  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  his  election, 
and  according  to  a  contemporary,  who  had  seen  him,  possessed  a  comely  person 
and  engaging  manners.  His  complexion  was  of  a  deep  olive ;  his  beard 
was  thni ;  his  eyes  were  large  and  dark,  with  eyebrows  well  defined  and 
nearly  approaching  each  other.  His  deportment  was  truly  royal ;  and  his 
lofty  sentmients  were  worthy  of  the  princely  line  from  which  he  was  de- 
scended.'•  Notwithstanding  this  flatternig  portrait  from  the  pen  of  a  Castilian, 
his  best  recommendation,  to  judge  from  his  subsequent  career,  seems  to  have 
been  his  descent  from  a  Hue  of  kmgs.  He  had  been  so  prodigal  in  his  way  of 
life  that,  though  so  young,  he  had  squandered  his  patrimony  and  was  at  this 

^^^7^"?®  ""^®^  ^^^^^^  ^*^^  *^^^*-  He  had  the  fiery  temperament  of  his  nation, 
and  had  given  evidence  of  it  by  murdering  with  his  own  hand  a  man  who  had 
borne  testimony  against  his  father  in  a  criminal  prosecution.  Amidst  his 
luxurious  self-indulgence  he  must  be  allowed  to  have  shown  some  energy  of 
character  and  an  unquestionable  courage.  He  was  attached  to  the  institu- 
tions of  his  country ;  and  his  ferocious  nature  was  veiled  under  a  bland  and 
plausible  exterior,  that  won  him  golden  opinions  from  the  multitude." 

Soon  after  his  election,  and  just  before  the  irruption  of  Aben-Farax,  the 
Morisco  prince  succeeded  in  making  his  escape  from  Granada,  and,  flying  to 
u  "^^"".^^"^  ^^^  refuge  among  his  own  kindred,  the  powerful  family  of 
the  Valoris,  in  the  village  of  Beznar.  Here  his  countrymen  gathered  round 
him,  and  confirmed  by  acclamation  the  choice  of  the  people  of  Granada.  For 
this  the  young  chieftain  was  greatly  indebted  to  the  ertbrts  of  his  uncle,  Aben- 
Jahuar,  commonly  called  El  Zaguer,  a  man  of  nuich  authority  among  his 
tribe,  who,  waiving  his  own  claims  to  the  sceptre,  employed  his  influence  in 
favour  of  his  nephew. 

The  ceremony  of  the  coronation  was  of  a  martial  kind,  well  suited  to  the 
rough  fortunes  of  the  adventurer.    Four  standards,  emblazoned  with  the 


•  "Creyendo  que  lo  uno  y  lo  otro  serla 
parte  para  qu»'  por  bien  de  paz  se  diese  nueva 
orden  en  lo  de  la  prematica,  sin  aventurar 
ellos  8U9  personas  y  haciendas."  Marmol, 
Rebelion  de  los  Moriscos,  torn.  i.  p.  2^9. 

*  Beni  Umeyyah  in  tho  Arabic,  according 
to  an  indisputable  authority,  my  learned 
friend  Don  Paacual  de  Gayangos.  See  bis 
Mohammedan  Dynasties  in  Spain,  pcusim. 

'"  "Era  mancebo  de  veinte  y  dos  aiios,  de 
poca  barba,  color  moreno,  verdinegro,  cejl- 
Junto,  ojo8  negr<>8  y  grandes,  gentil  hombre 
de  cuerpt) :  mosfraba  eu  su  talle  y  gar  bo  ser 
de  8angre  real,  como  en  verdad  lo  era,  teni- 
endo  loa  pensamientos  corr*»spondientes." 
Hita,  Guerras  <le  Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  13. — 
Few  will  be  disposed  tu   acquiesce  io  the 


savage  tone  of  criticism  with  which  the 
learned  Nic.  Antonio  denounces  Hita's  charm- 
ing V.  lunies  as  "Milesian  tales,  fit  onlv  to 
amuse  the  lazy  and  the  listless."  (Diblio- 
theca  Nova,  torn.  i.  p.  536.)  Hita  was  un- 
doubtedly the  prince  of  romancers ;  but  fic- 
tion is  not  falsehood  ;  and  when  the  novelist, 
who  served  in  the  wars  of  the  Alpujarras, 
tells  us  of  things  which  he  professes  to  have 
seen  with  his  own  eyes,  we  may  surely  cite 
him  as  an  historical  authority. 

' '  "  Usava  de  blandura  general ;  queria  ser 
tenido  por  Cabeza,  i  no  por  Rel :  la  crueldad, 
la  codicia  cubierta  engafio  i  muchos  en  los 
principios."  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p. 
129. 


I 


ELECTION  OF  A  KING. 


509 


' 


Moslem  crescent,  were  spread  upon  the  ground,  with  their  spear-heads  seve- 
rally turned  towards  the  four  points  of  the  compass.  The  Moorish  prince, 
who  had  been  previously  arrayed  in  a  purple  robe,  with  a  crimson  scarf  or 
shawl,  the  insignia  of  royalty,  enveloping  his  shoulders,  knelt  down  on  the 
banners,  with  his  face  turned  towards  Mecca,  and,  after  a  brief  prayer, 
solemnly  swore  to  live  and  die  in  defence  of  his  crown,  his  faith,  and  his  sub- 
jects. One  of  the  principal  attendants,  prostrating  himself  on  the  ground, 
kissed  the  footprints  of  the  newly-elected  monarch,  in  token  of  the  allegiance 
of  the  people.  He  was  then  raised  on  the  shoulders  of  four  of  the  assistants, 
and  borne  aloft  amidst  the  waving  of  banners  and  the  loud  shouts  of  the 
multitude, ''  Allah  exalt  Muley-Mohammed-Aben-Humeva,  lord  of  Andalucia 
and  Granada  ! "  "^  Such  were  the  simple  forms  practised  in  ancient  times  by 
the  Spanish- Arabian  princes,  when  their  empire,  instead  of  being  contracted 
within  the  rocky  girdle  of  the  mountains,  stretched  over  the  fairest  portions 
of  thp  Pcniiisulft 

The  first  act  of  Aben-IIumeya  was  to  make  his  appointments  to  the  chief 
militarv  offices.  El  Zaguer,  his  uncle,  he  made  captain -general  of  his  forces. 
Aben-Farax,  who  had  himself  aspired  to  the  diadem,  he  removed  to  a  dis- 
tance, by  sending  him  on  an  expedition  to  collect  such  treasures  as  could  be 
gather^  from  the  Christian  churches  in  the  Alpujarras.  He  appointed 
olficers  to  take  charge  of  the  different  tahas,  or  districts,  into  which  the 
country  was  divided.  Having  completed  these  arrangements,  the  new  mon- 
arch—the reyezuelo,  or  "  little  king,"  of  the  Alpujarras,  as  he  was  contemp- 
tuously styled  by  the  Spaniards— transferred  his  residence  to  the  central  part 
of  his  dominions,  where  he  repeated  the  ceremony  of  his  coronation.  He 
made  a  rapid  visit  to  the  most  important  places  in  the  sierra,  everywhere 
calling  on  the  inhabitants  to  return  to  their  ancient  faith  and  to  throw  oft 
the  hated  yoke  of  the  Spaniards.  He  then  established  himself  m  the  wildest 
parts  of  the  Alpujarras,  where  he  endeavoured  to  draw  his  forces  to  a  head, 
and  formed  the  plan  of  his  campaign.  It  was  such  as  was  naturally  sug- 
gested by  the  character  of  the  country,  which,  broken  and  precipitous,  inter- 
sected by  many  a  deep  ravine  and  dangerous  pass,  afforded  excellent  oppor- 
tunities  for  harassing  an  invading  foe,  and  for  entangling  hira  m  those 
inextricable  defiles,  where  a  few  mountaineers  acquainted  with  the  ground 
would  be  more  than  a  match  for  an  enemy  far  superior  in  disciplme  and 

numbers.  .  ,  .  .      *     xi.     ^        i    ^.v. 

While  Aben-Humeya  was  thus  occupied  m  preparing  for  the  struggle,  the 
work  of  death  had  already  begun  among  the  Spanish  population  of  the  Alpu- 
iarras  ;  and  Spaniards  were  to  be  found,  in  greater  or  less  numbers,  m  all  the 
'Moorish  towns  and  hamlets  that  dotted  the  dark  sides  of  the  sierras  or  nestled 
in  the  green  valleys  at  their  base.  Here  they  dwelt  side  by  side  with  the 
Moriscoes,  employed,  probably,  less  in  the  labours  of  the  loom,  for  which  the 
natives  of  this  region  had  long  been  famous,  than  m  that  careful  husbandry 
which  they  might  readily  have  learned  from  their  Moorish  neighbours,  and 
which,  under  their  hands,  had  clothed  every  spot  with  verdure,  making  the 


"  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  40.— 
The  ceremonies  of  the  coronation  make,  of 
course,  a  brave  show  in  Rufo's  epic.  One 
stanza  will  suffice : 

"  Entonces  con  aplauso  le  pusieron 
A 1  nuevo  Rey  de  purpura  un  vestldo, 
Y  a  raanera  de  beca  le  cineron 
Al  cuello  y  ombros  un  cendal  brufiido, 
Quatro  vauderas  a  bus  pies  teudierou, 


Una  hazia  el  Ijcvante  esclarecido, 
Otra  a  do  el  sol  se  cubre  en  negro  velo, 
Y  otras  dos  a  los  polos  dos  del  cielo." 

La  Austriada,  fol,  24. 

"  "Tal  era  la  antigua  ceremoniacon  que 
eligjan  los  Reyes  de  la  Andalucia,  i  despues 
los  de  Granada."  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Gra- 
nada, p.  40. 


510  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

wilderness  to  blossom  like  the  rose."  Thus  livinj?  in  the  midst  of  those  who 
professed  the  same  religion  with  themselves,  and  in  the  occasional  mterchange, 
at  least,  of  the  kind  othces  of  social  intercourse,  A'hich  sometnnes  led  to  nearer 
domestic  ties,  the  Christians  of  the  Alpujarras  dwelt  in  blind  security,  httle 
dreaming  of  the  mine  beneath  their  feet. 

But  no  sooner  was  the  first  note  of  insurrection  sounded  than  the  scene 
changed  as  if  by  magic.  Every  Morisco  threw  away  his  mask,  and,  turning 
on  the  Christians,  showed  himself  in  his  true  aspect,  as  their  avowed  and 

mortal  enemy.  ,,.,.,.,        ,  -j  *    4.    * 

A  simultaneous  movement  of  this  kind,  through  so  wide  an  extent  of 
country,  intimates  a  well-concerted  plan  of  operations  ;  and  we  may  share  m 
the  astonishment  of  the  Castilian  writers  that  a  secret  of  such  a  nature  and 
known  to  so  many  individuals  should  have  been  so  long  and  faithfully  kept,— 
in  the  midst,  too,  of  those  who  had  the  greatest  interest  in  detecting  it,»*  - 
some  of  them,  it  may  be  added,  spies  ot  the  Inquisition,  endowed,  as  they 
seem  to  have  been,  with  almost  supernatural  powers  for  scenting  out  the 
taint  of  heresy.**  It  argues  an  intense  feeling  of  hatred  in  the  Morisco  that 
he  could  have  been  so  long  proof  against  the  garrulity  that  loosens  the  tongue, 
and  against  the  sympathy  that  so  often,  in  similar  situations,  unlocks  the 
heart  to  save  some  friend  from  the  doom  of  his  companions.  But  no  such 
instance  either  of  levity  or  lenity  occurred  among  this  extraordinary  people. 
And  when  the  hour  arrived,  and  the  Christians  discerned  their  danger  in  the 
menacing  looks  and  gestures  of  their  Moslem  neighbours,  they  were  as  much 
astounded  by  it  as  the  unsuspecting  traveller  on  whom,  as  he  heedlessly 
journeys  through  some  pleasant  country,  the  highwayman  has  darted  from 

his  covert  by  the  roadside.  „   ..   ^  i 

The  first  impulse  of  the  Christians  seems  to  have  been  very  generally  to  take 
refuge  in  the  churches ;  and  every  village,  however  small,  had  at  least  one 
church,  where  the  two  races  met  together  to  join  in  the  forms  of  Christian 
worship.  The  fugitives  thought  to  find  protection  in  their  holy  places  and  in 
the  presence  of  their  venerated  pastors,  whose  spiritual  authority  had  extended 
over  all  the  inhabitants.  But  the  wild  animal  of  the  forest,  now  that  he  had 
regained  his  freedom,  gave  little  heed  to  the  call  of  his  former  keeper,— unless 

it  were  to  turn  and  rend  him.  ,.,   ^u    u       a 

Here,  crowded  together  like  a  herd  of  panic-stricken  deer  with  the  hounds 
upon  their  track,  the  terrified  people  soon  found  the  church  was  no  place  of 
security,  and  they  took  refuge  in  the  adjoining  tower,  as  a  place  of  greater 
strength  and  affording  a  better  means  of  defence  against  an  enemy.  The  mob 
of  their  pursuers  then  broke  into  the  church,  which  they  speedilv  desnoiled  of 
its  ornaments,  trampling  the  crucifixes  and  other  religious  symbols  under  their 
feet,  rolling  the  sacred  images  in  the  dust,  and  desecrating  the  altars  by  the 
sacrifice  of  swine,  or  by  some  other  act  denoting  their  scorn  and  hatred  of  the 
Christian  worship." 


»•  t« 


•' Que  en  la  asnicultnra  tlenen 
Tal  estudio,  tal  destreza. 
Que  a  prefieces  de  8U  bazada 
Uacen  fecundas  las  piedras." 

Calderon,  A  mar  despues  de  la 
Muerte,  Jornada  II. 

"  Tree  afio8  tuvo  en  silenclo 
Esta  traicion  encubieru 
Tanto  nuniero  de  gentes, 
Cosa,  que  admira  y  cleva." 

Ibid.,  ubl  Bupra. 

Una  cosa  mui  de  notar  caUfica  los  prin- 


cipins  desta  rebeUon,  que  gente  de  medlana 
condicion  niustrada  a  guardar  poco  pecreto  i 
hablar  juntoB,  caUasen  tanto  tiempo,  i  tantos 
hombres,  en  tierra  donde  hai  Alcaldes  de 
C'Tte  i  Inquisidores,  cuya  profesion  es  des- 
cubrir  delitos."  Mendoza,  Guerrade  Granada, 
p.  36. 

"  Bleda,  Cronica  de  Espafia,  p.  680.— 
•♦Robaron  la  iglsia,  hitieron  peiazoe  los 
retablos  y  imagines,  destruyeron  todas  las 
cosas  wigradas,  y  no  dexaron  nialdad  ni  pacri- 
legio  que  no  cometieron."  Marmol,  Rebelion 
de  Granada,  torn.  i.  p.  275. 


MASSACRE  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS. 


511 


They  next  assailed  the  towers,  the  entrances  to  which  the  Spaniards  had 
barricaded  as  strongly  as  they  could  ;  though,  unpiovided  as  they  were  with 
means  of  defence,  except  such  arms  as  they  had  snatched  in  the  hurry  ot  theu: 
fiight,  they  could  have  little  hope  of  standing  a  siege.  Unfortunately,  these 
towers  were  built  more  or  less  of  wood,  which  the  assailants  readily  set  on  hre, 
and  thus  compelled  the  miserable  inmates  either  to  surrender  or  to  perish  m 
the  flames.  In  some  instances  they  chose  the  latter ;  and  the  little  garrison- 
men,  women,  and  children— were  consumed  together  on  one  common  funeral 
pile  More  frequently  they  shrank  from  this  fearf lU  death,  and  surrendered  at 
the  mercy  of  their  conquerors,— such  mercy  as  made  them  soon  regret  that 
thev  had  not  stayed  by  the  blazing  rafters. 

I'he  men  were  speedily  separated  from  the  women,  and  driven,  with  blows 
and  imprecations,  like  so  many  cattle,  to  a  place  of  confinement,  l^rom  this 
loathsome  prison  they  were  dragged  out,  three  or  four  at  a  time,  day  after  day. 
the  longer  to  protract  their  sufieriugs ;  then,  with  their  arms  pinioned  behind 
them,  and  stopped  of  their  clothing,  they  were  thrown  into  the  midst  of  an 
infuriated  mob,  consisting  of  both  sexes,  who,  armed  with  swords,  hatchet^ 
and  bludgeons,  soon  feUed  their  victims  to  the  ground  and  completed  the 

^^  The  mode"  of  death  was  often  varied  to  suit  the  capricious  cruelty  of  the 
executioners.  At  Gueciia,  where  the  oUve  grew  abundant,  there  was  a  con- 
vent of  Augustine  monVs,  who  were  all  murdered  by  being  thrown  into 
Sons  of  Whng  oil."  Sometimes  the  death  of  the  victim  was  attended 
with  circumstance!  of  diabolical  cruelty  not  s^n;asjed  by  anvthing  r^^^^^^^ 
of  our  North  American  savages.  At  a  place  called  Pitres  de  Ferreyra,  th^ 
prie  t  of  the  village  was  raised  by  means  of  a  pulley  to  a  b^m  that  projected 
Cthe  tower,  and  was  then  allowed  to  drop  from  a  great  W  ur^n  the 
ground.  The  ^t  was  repeated  more  than  once,  in  the  presence  of  hisaged 
mother  who,  in  an  agony^  grief,  embracing  her  dying  son,  besought  him '  to 
?  ust'n  D  and  the  BlessedVir^n,  who  through  these  tormente  would  bnng 
hinrinto  eternal  life  "  The  mangled  carcass  of  the  poor  victim,  broken  and 
dis^oSted  in  e^^^^^^^  then  turned  over  to  the  Moorish  women,  who. 

wTthThdr  sciiorsf  b^kins,  and  other  feminine  implements,  speedily  despatched 

The  women  indeed,  throughout  this  persecution,  seem  to  have  had  as  rabid 
a  thii^t  f o^venge^^^^  the  men.  EvelTthe  children  were  encouraged  to  play 
?heiJ  part  in  the  bloody  drama ;  and  many  a  miserable  captive  was  set  up  as 
a  tamPt  to  be  shot  at  with  the  arrows  of  the  Moorish  boys.  .    ,      , 

ThI  ra^e  of  the  barbarians  was  especiaUydirectod  against  the  pn^^^^^^ 
had  so  often  poured  forth  anathemas  against  the  pli^'io"  which  the  ^Moslems 
loved  and  who,  as  their  spiritual  directors,  had  so  often  called  them  to  account 
forortencl^^^^^^^^^  religion  which  they  abhorred.    At  Coadba  the  pnest 

was  streSrt  Lfo^^^^^^  brazier  of  live  coals  until  his  feet,  which  had  b^n 
smLrS  with  p  tch  and  oil,  were  burned  to  a  cmder.  His  two  sisters  were 
cmm/elled  to  wWs  the  agonies  of  their  brother,  which  were  stdl  further 
Tei^tened  by  the'bruW  treatment  which  he  saw  them  endure  from  their 
tormentors.*' 


'•  "Quemaron  por  vote  un  Convento  de 
Frailes  Augustinos,  que  se  recogieron  a  la 
Torre  ecbandoles  por  un  horado  de  lo  alto 
azeite  hirviendo :  sirviendose  de  la  abun- 
dancia  que  Dlos  les  di6  en  aqueUa  tierra, 
para  ahogar  bus  Frailes."    Mendoza,  Guerra 


de  Granada,  p.  60. 

'»  Marmol,  RebeUon  de  Granada,  torn.  1.  p. 
271.— Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  ix.  p. 

682. 

-o  "  Y  para  darle  mayor  tormento  traxeron 
alll  dos  hermanaa  doncellas  que  tenia,  para 


512  REBELLION  OF  THE  M0RI8C0ES. 

Fire  was  employed  a,  a  common  mode  of  .t°rt;;j«^,\U?y  "^^J^^^^^^^ 

war*e  fini;!!^  deKaW  proceeded  to  sever  each  of  the  jomts  of  his 
"'Cl?  hlmne^Urv  to  shock  the  reader  with  more  of  these  loathsome 

only  have  l^en  ajp^f  course  oi  cr"e>iyaii     ^y  christians  who,  in  the 


que  le  viesen  morir,  y  en  sti  prepencia  las 
vituperaron  y  maltraUron."  Marmol,  Ke- 
belion  de  Granada,  torn.  1.  p.  316. 

■"  "  Llego  un  herege  &  el  con  una  navaja,  y 
le  pereino  con  ella,  hendiendole  el  rostro  de 
altbabaxo,  y  por  traves;  y  luego  e  des- 
redaz6  coyuntura  por  coyuntnra,  y  miembro 
k  miembro."  Marmol,  R«.bellon  de  Granada, 
lom.  i.  p.  348. -Among  other  kinds  of  torture 
which  they  invented,  says  Mendoza,  they 
filled  the  curate  of  Manena  with  gunpowdor, 
and  then  blew  him  up.    Guerra  de  Granada, 

^'"  Of  all  the  Spanish  hiptorians  no  one  dis- 
covers so  insatiable  an  appetite  for  these 
horrors  as  Ferreras,  who  has  devoted  nearly 
fiftv  auarto  pages  to  an  account  of  the  dia- 
rUc.Tcn'elt'les'  practised  by  the  ^orisc-s 
In  this  persecution,— making  altogether  a 
SomentoSs  contribution  to  the/""*l«J^ 
Christian  martyrology .  One  may  doubt,  how- 
ever whether  tne  Spaniards  arc  ent^irely  just.- 
fild  n  claiming  the  cruvvn  of  martyrdom  for 


all  who  perished  In  this  persecution.  Thos^ 
undoubtedly,  have  a  right  to  it  ^bo  m  ght 
have  saved  their  lives  by  renouncing  their 
faith  ;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  this  grace 
was  extended  to  all ;  and  we  may  well  be- 
lieve that  the  Moriscoes  were  Btimulatcd  by 
other  motives  besides  those  of  a  rel^.ous 
nature,-Buch  motives  as  would  naturally 
operate  on  a  conquered  race,  b"^"'"^  7;*}^ 
hatred  of  their  conquerors  and  with  the  thirst 
of  vengeance  for  the  manifold  wrongs  which 
they  had  endured. 

"  '•  Murieron  en  pocos  mas  de  quatro  aiaa, 
con  muertes  exquesitas  y  no  imapinados  tor- 
mentos.  mas  de  tres  mil  mart  ires.'  Vauder- 
hammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  70. 

»'  "Se  adelanto  nn  Moro,  que  solia  ser 
crrande  amigo  suyo.  y  haciendose  encontra- 
dlzo  con  el  en  el  umbral  de  la  puerta,  le  atra- 
ves^S  una  espada  por  el  cu.>rpo,  diciendole : 
Toroa,  amigo,  que  mas  vale  que  te  mate  yo 
qurotro."  Marmol,  Rebellon  de  Granada, 
tom.  i.  p.  277. 


MASSACRE  OF  THE  CHRISTIANS. 


513 


The  Morisco  women,  especially,  who  had  married  Chnstian  husbands  and 
embraced  Christianity,  4ich  they  refused  to  abjure,  became  the  ob  ects  ot 
ven™  to  their  oJn  sex.  Sad'to  say,  even  the  i»'>oce„ce  and  I'clp  essness 
of  childhood  proved  no  protection  against  the  f nry  of  persecution  The  hi»to- 
?L'i^  record  the  names  of  several  boys,  from  ten  to  twelve  or  thirteen  years  of 
^e,Xo\vere  barbarously  murdered  because  they  «;ould  not  renounce  fte 
raiiion  in  which  they  had  been  nurtured  for  that  of  Mahomet.  If  they  were 
J^o  yo  1 «  tS  a  reason  for  their  faith,  they  had  at  least  earned  the  esson 
that  to  announce  it  was  a  great  sin ;  and,  when  led  out  like  lambs  to  the 
sia*  "lite?  hei  mothers,  we  are  told,  stifling  the  suggestions  of  natuml  affec- 
1 0  hn  obeSce  to  a  higher  law,  ur^ed  their  children  not  t»  shnnkron  the 
trial  nor  to  purchase  a  few  years  of  life  at  the  price  of  their  o«n  souls.  It 
is  a  matter  0?  no  little  gratulation  to  a  Catholic  historian  that  amongst  all 
^■ose  X  i^riSU  in  th'ese  frightful  massacres  there  was  not  («,e  oU^y^age 
nr  either  sex  who  could  be  tempted  to  secure  personal  safety  by  the  sacriticeoi 
relkious  ^mictions"  On  the  contrary,  they  employed  the  brief  respite  that 
wal^leftttaih,  fortifying  one  anothers  courage,  and  in  bearing  testimony  to 
ht  rath  in  so  ^nest  a  Sianner  that  they  nn|it  almost  seem  t«  have  co.    ed 

rvalue  ol&T^rfrwhkh  th%  were  thus  prepared  to  lay  down  thur 

Sf  h  s  country^^^^^^^      the  work  of  destruction,  he  caused  the  Pn=;on/,t».>« 
1  JLd  and  ftie  wretched  inmates  to  be  butchered  betore  his  eyes    At  lip  ar 
he  thus  directed  the  execution  of  no  less  than  two  h^ndj^d  and  fo.  ty  M 
laymen  and  ecclesiastics."    Uis  progress  through  the  land  was  hterally  o\ei 

■  ?K^a^  tth?— 'ofTrero^i t  'rd,Xr^^^  for  a  while, 

^^^^^Tfrrsight,  and  the  wave  of  hi^-T  ejos^  -  f^/lt-- 

«*  Ferreras,  Hist.  d'Espagnc,  tom.  ix.  p. 


fil  ^ 

»«  *•  Fue  gran  tostimonio  de  nuestra  fe  i  de 
compararse  con  la  del  tien.iK)  do  los  Apostoles ; 
nue  en  tanto  nuniero  de  gei.te  como  muno  a 
manos  de  infieles  ninpuno  huvo  que  quisiese 
renegar."  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  61. 

-^  ''Todos  pstuvieron  tan  cousUntes  en 
la  Fe,  que  si  bien  fueron  coml.i<lado8  con 
grandes  riquczas  y  bienc   a  que  la  dejasen. 


con  ninguno  se  pudo  acabar ;  aunque  entre  los 
niartvrizadc*  huvo  muchas  mugeres,  ninos  y 
hombres  que  havian  vivido  descompu.  sta- 
n.ente."  Sal;iz,ir  de  Meudoza,  Monurquia  de 
E^ipana,  tom.  ii.  p-  139.  . 

-  "  iMurieron  este  dia  en  Uxixar  docientos 
y  quarenta  Christianos  clerip-.s  >'  iP.K^'^'.y 
entre  ellos  seis  canon igos  de  aquella  iplesia, 
que  es  colegial."  Marmol,  Rebel.on  de  Gra- 
nada, torn.  i.  p.  297. 

2  I* 


t 


514 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


CHAPTER  III. 

REBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES. 

Panic  in  Granada— Muster  of  Troops— Mondejar  takes  the  Field— Bold  Passage  at  Tablate— •' 
Retreat  of  the  Moriscoes— Combat  at  Alfajarali — Perilous  March.— Massacre  at  Jubiles— 
The  Liberated  Christians. 

1568-1569. 

As  day  after  day  brought  tidings  to  the  people  of  Granada  of  the  barbarities 
perpetrated  in  the  Alpujarras,  the  whole  citv  was  filled  with  grief  and  con- 
sternation. The  men  might  be  seen  gathered  together  in  knots  in  the  public 
SQuares  ;  the  women  ran  about  from  house  to  house,  telling  the  tale  of  horrors, 
wnich  could  hardly  be  exaggerated  in  the  recital.  They  thronged  to  the 
churches,  where  the  archbishop  and  the  clergy  were  all  day  long  offering  up 
prayers,  to  avert  the  wrath  of  Heaven  from  Granada.  The  places  of  busniess 
were  abandoned.  The  shops  and  booths  were  closed.*  As  men  called  to  mind 
the  late  irruption  of  Aben-Farax,  they  were  filled  with  apprehensions  that 
the  same  thing  would  be  attempted  again  ;  and  rumours  went  abroad 
that  the  mountaineers  were  plotting  another  descent  on  the  city,  and,  with 
the  aid  of  their  countrymen  in  the  Albaicin,  would  soon  deluge  the  streets 
with  the  blood  of  the  Christians.  Under  the  influence  of  these  fears,  some 
took  refuge  in  the  fortress  of  the  Alhambra ;  othere  fled  into  the  country. 
Many  kept  watch  during  the  long  night,  while  those  who  withdrew  to  rest 
started  from  their  slumbers  at  the  least  noise,  supposing  it  to  be  the  war-cry 
of  the  Moslem  and  that  the  enemy  was  at  the  cates. 

Nor  was  the  alarm  less  that  was  felt  by  the  Moriscoes  in  the  city,  as  it  was 
certainly  better  founded, — for  the  Moriscoes  were  the  weaker  party  of  the  two. 
They  knew  the  apprehensions  entertained  of  them  by  the  Christians,  and  that 
when  men  have  the  power  to  relieve  themselves  of  their  fears  they  are  not 
apt  to  be  very  scrupulous  as  to  the  means  of  doing  so.  They  were  afraid  to 
venture  into  the  streeets  by  day,  and  at  night  they  barricaaed  their  houses 
as  in  a  time  of  siege.*  They  well  knew  that  a  single  act  of  imprudence  on 
their  part,  or  even  the  merest  accident,  might  bring  the  Spaniards  upon  them 
and  lead  to  a  general  massacre.  They  were  like  the  traveller  who  sees  the 
avalanche  trembling  above  him,  which  the  least  jar  of  the  elements,  or  his  own 
unwary  movements,  may  dislodge  from  its  slippery  basis  and  bring  down  in 
ruin  on  his  head.  Thus  the  two  races,  inhabitants  of  the  same  city,  were  like 
two  hostile  camps,  looking  on  each  other  with  watchful  and  malignant  eyts 
and  ready  at  any  moment  to  come  into  deadly  conflict. 

In  this  state  of  things,  the  Moriscoes,  anxious  to  allay  the  apprehensions 
of  the  Spaniards,  were  profuse  in  their  professions  of  loyalty  and  in  their 
assurances  that  there  was  neither  concert  nor  sympathy  between  them  and 
their  countrymen  in  the  Alpujarras.  The  government,  to  give  still  greater 
confidence  to  the  Christians,  freely  distributed  arms  among  them,  thus  en- 
abling them,  as  far  as  possible,  to  provide  for  their  own  security.  The  inhabi- 
tants enrolled  themselves  in  companies.     The  citizen  was  speedily  converted 

'  **  Estavan  las  casas  yermas  i  tiendas  cer- 
radas,  suspenso  el  trato,  mudadas  las  horas 
de  oflcio'-  di  vinos  i  humanos  ;  atentos  los  Re- 
lig'osos  i  ocupados  en  oraciones  i  plegarias, 
como  se  sutle  en  timipo  i  puntu  de  grunde3 


peligros."  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granadi,  p. 
54. — Mendoza  paints  the  panic  of  Granada 
with  the  p  ncil  of  Titcitus. 

Circuurt,   Hist,   des   Arabes  d'Espagne, 
torn  ii.  p.  622. 


MUSTER  OF  TROOPS. 


615 


into  the  soldier  ;  and  every  man,  of  whatever  trade  or  profession,— the  me- 
chanic, the  ujerchant,  the  lawyer,— took  his  turn  of  military  service.  Even  the 
advocates,  when  attending  the  courts  of  justice,  appeared  with  their  weapons 

But  what  contributed  above  all  to  revive  the  pivblic  confidence  was  the  care 
of  the  government  to  strengthen  the  garrison  in  the  Alhambia  by  the  addition 
of  hve  hundred  regular  troops.  When,  by  these  various  means,  the  marquis  of 
Mondejar  saw  that  tranquillity  was  restored  to  the  capital,  he  bestowed  all 
his  thoughts  on  an  expedition  into  the  Alpujarras,  desirous  to  cnish  the 
insurrection  in  its  bud,  and  to  rescue  the  unfortunate  captives,  whose  fate 
there  excited  the  n)ost  dismal  apprehensions  among  their  friends  and  relatives 
in  Granada.  He  sent  forth  his  summons  accordingly  to  the  great  lords  and 
the  cities  of  Andalusia  to  furnish  him  at  once  with  their  contingents  for 
carrying  on  the  war.  The  feudal  principle  still  ohtained  in  this  quarter, 
requiring  the  several  towns  to  do  military  service  for  their  possessions,  by 
maintaining,  when  called  upon,  a  certain  number  of  troops  in  the  field,  at  their 
own  expense  for  three  months,  and  at  the  joint  expense  of  themselves  and  the 
government  for  six  months  longer.*  The  system  worked  well  enough  in  tliose 
ancient  times  when  a  season  rarely  passed  without  a  foray  again>t  the  Moslems. 
But  since  the  fall  of  Granada  a  long  period  of  inactivity  had  followed,  and  the 
citizen,  rarely  summoned  to  the  field,  had  lost  all  the  essential  attributes  of 
the  soldier.  The  usual  term  of  service  was  too  short  to  supply  the  experience 
and  the  discipline  which  he  needed  ;  and,  far  from  entering  on  a  campaign 
with  the  patriotic  or  the  chivalrous  feeling  that  gives  dignity  to  the  profession 
of  arms,  he  brought  with  him  the  mercenary  spirit  of  a  trader,  intent  only  on 
his  personal  gains,  and  eager,  as  soon  as  he  had  enriched  himself  by  a  lucky 
foray  or  the  sack  of  some  ill-fated  city,  to  return  home,  and  give  place  to 
others,  as  inexperienced  and  possessed  of  as  little  subordination  as  himself.* 

But,  however  deficient  this  civic  militia  might  be  in  tactics,  the  men  were 
well  provided  with  arms  and  military  accoutrements ;  and,  as  the  motley  array 
of  troops  passed  over  the  ve/a,  they  made  a  gallant  show,  with  their  gay  uni- 
forms and  bright  weapons  glanciu'^  in  the  sun,  while  they  proudly  displayed  the 
ancient  banners  of  their  cities,  which  had  waved  over  many  a  field  of  battle 
against  the  infidel." 

But  no  part  of  the  wariike  spectacle  was  so  brilliant  as  that  afforded  by  the 
chivalry  of  the  country,— the  nobles  and  cavaliers,  who,  with  their  retainer? 
and  household  troops,  had  taken  the  field  with  as  much  alacrity  on  the  present 
occasion  as  their  fathers  had  ever  shown  when  roused  by  the  cry  that  the 
enemy  was  over  the  borders.'  They  were  much  inferior  in  numbers  to  the 
mihtia  of  the  towns.    But  inferiority  of  numbers  was  more  than  compensated 


*  "En  un  pnnto  se  mndaron  todos  los 
oflcios  y  tr.ttos  en  soldadesca,  tanto  que  los 
relatorea,  secretarios,  letrados,  pr.>c'iradores 
de  la  Audiencia  entraban  con  espadas  en  los 
estrados,  y  no  dexabaii  de  paresccr  rauv  bien 
en  aquella  coyuntiira."  Marmol,  Rebelion 
de  Granada,  toin.  i.  p.  358. 

*  "  Servian  tres  meses  pagados  por  sus 
pueblos  enteramente,  i  seis  uioses  adelante 

Kigavan  los  pueblos  la  mitad,  i  otra  mitad  el 
ei."     Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Gr.mada,  p.  53. 

*  Mendoza,  with  a  few  vigorous  touches, 
has  sketched,  or  rather  sculptured  in  bold 
relief,  the  rude  and  rapacious  character  of  the 
Audalusian   soldiery :    "  Mai  pagada  1  por 


eeto  no  bien  disciplinada ;  mantenida  del 
robo,  i  a  trueco  de  alcanzar  o  cunservar  este 
niucha  libertad,  poca  verguenza,  i  menos 
honra."     Ibid.,  p.  103. 

"  "  Toda  gente  liicida  y  bien  aiTeada  d 
punto  d  •  guerra,  que  cierto  representaban  la 
pompa  y  nubleza  de  sus  ciiidados."  Marznol, 
Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  i.  p.  396. 

'  "  Muchos  capitinos  fuertes, 
muchos  lucidos  soldados, 
ricas  bandera.->  tendidas, 
y  su  estindarte  dora<lo." 

Hita,  Guenas  de  Granada, 
torn.  ii.  p.  61. 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


^*)^tVLTh^'oS    high-mettled  cavaliers  to  suDport  him,  Mondejar  could 
not  feel  S  f ul  of  the  success  of  his  arms.    They  Wd,  however,  already  met 
w^th  onrreverse ;  and  he  received  tidin-s  that  his  advance-guard,  sent  to 
occupy  a  sTrong  pass  that  led  into  the  mountains,  had  been  driven  froni  its 
SSsS  and  hid  sustained  something  like  a  defeat.    This  would  have  been 
S  more  decisive  had  it  not  been  for  the  courage  of  certain  ecclesiastics,  eight 
in  uSei;^  our  of  them  Franciscans  and  four  of  the  Society  of  ^esus,-wfjo 
Ls  the  troops  gave  way,  threw  themselves  into  the  thick  of  the  fight  and  by 
?he  r  exa^L  fhamed  the  soldiers  into  making  a  more  deterimned  resistance. 
The  present  war  took  the  form  of  a  religious  war ;  and  many  a  valiant  church- 
man,  armed  with  sword  and  crucifix,  bore  his  part  in  it  as  in  a  .cr"f  de     .  ^^ 
Hkstening  his  preparations,  the  captain-general,  without  waiting  for  further 
reinforcements,  marched  out  of  Granada  on  the  second  of  January,  1569  at 
the  head  of  a  small  body,  which  did  not  exceed  in  all  two  thousand  foot  and 
four  h^dred  horse.    He  was  speedily  joined  by  levies  froin  the  neifi^ibouring 
towns^-from  Jaen,  Loja,  Albania,  Ante^niera,  and  P^^er  places^-wT^ic^^^^^^^ 
few  days  swelled  his  little  army  to  double  its  original  size.    The  capital  he 
eft  in  the  hands  of  his  son,  the  count  of  Tendilla,  a  man  of  less  discretion 
than  his  father,  of  a  sterner  and  more  iuii^atient  teinper,  and  one  who  had 
S  sympathy  for  the  Morisco.    By  his  directions  the  peasantry  of  the  vega 
>vere  recmired  to  supply  the  army  with  twenty  thousand  pomi^is  obre^d 
daily »    The  additional  troops  stationed  in  the  city,  as  well  as  those  who  met 
there,  as  in  a  place  of  rendezvous,  on  their  way  to  the  sierra,  were  all  quartered 

on  the  inhabitonts  of  the  Albaicin,  where  they  fre.«ly;»^"lf  ^V  Ut  ipSs 
habits  of  military  license.  The  Moriscoes  still  reUined  mucb  of  that  jealou^ 
sensibility  whichMeads  the  natives  of  the  East  to  seclude  their  wives  and 
daughters  from  the  eye  of  the  stranger.  It  was  in  vain,  however,  that  they 
urged  their  complaints  in  the  most  respectful  and  deprecatory  terms  before 
thS  governor.  The  haughty  Spaniard  only  answered  them  with  a  stern  rebuk^ 
which  made  the  Moriscoes  too  late  repent  that  they  had  not  profited  by  the 
opportunity  offered  them  by  Aben-Farax  of  regaining  their  '^dependence 

Leaving  Granada,  the  captain-general  took  the  most  direct  route,  leading 
along  the  western  slant  of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  that  mountain-range  which,  with 
its  frosty  peaks  glistening  in  the  sun  like  palisades  of  silver,  fences  round  the 
city  on  the  south,  and  screens  it  in  the  summer  from  the  scorching  winds  of 
Africa.  Thence  he  rapidly  descended  into  the  beautiful  vale  of  Lecnii,  which 
spreads  out,  like  a  gay  carpet  embroidered  with  many  a  wUd  flower,  to  the 


'  Circourt,  Hist,  des  Arabes  d'Espagne, 
torn.  il.  p.  32«.— SeviUe  alone  furnished  two 
thou-and  troops,  with  one  of  the  most  illup- 
irious  c^ivaliers  of  the  city  at  their  head. 
Tliev  did  not  arrive,  however,  till  a  later 
period  of  the  war.  See  Zufiiga,  Annales  de 
Sevilla  (Madrid,  1677,  fol.),  p.  533. 

•  "Repartio  lo?  Ingares  de  la  vega  en  siete 
paiiidos,  y  mandoles,  que  cada  uno  tuviese 


cuidado  de  Unvar  diez  mil  panes  ama.'mdos  de 
ji  dus  libra*  al  canipo  el  dia  que  le  toca.se  de 
la  semana."    Marmol,  K»belion  de  Granada, 

torn.  i.  p.  404. 

">  "  Paso  este  nejrocio  tan  adclante,  que 
niuchos  Moriscos  afrentados  y  gaRtado-*  se 
arrei)\ntier.)n.  p«ir  no  habor  toniado  las  annas 
quando  Abenfarax  lo3  llamaba."  Ibid.,  p. 
407. 


THE  PASS  OF  TABLATE. 


517 


vorcrp  nf  the  AlDuiarras     It  was  now,  however,  the  dead  of  winter,  when  the 
rr  |h^1ofrt  ^^^^  even  in  this  favoured  re^^^^^^^ 

^^H^lJhir^nisht  at  Padul  to  refresh  his  troops,  Mondejar  pressed  forward 

^X^^XS'XZ!^Z^^  ^^  valley 
^T'l  f  r  ^1  a  '^!^'Z^^M.t'^^"^nZ.in.^^,  foxing  the 
this  structure  was  »o","«»riy  f  molished  hy  tte  M^^^^^  ^^^^^/ 

their  countrymen  in  the  valley  position  which  commanded  the 

Meanwhile  the  Moslems  had  ^^ke"  "P  a  positim^^  approach  of  the 

farther  end  of  the  b"dge,  where  they  S^^^^^  at  different 

Spaniards.    Their  army,  which  g[ea%  A^  ^^^  worse 

periods  of  the  campaign,  ^^^^  af^tfirnf  "onmcLs-bows^  had  only 

Lmed.    Some  of  the  men  ^f  "^d  fi  f  1^^^^^^^^^  Telpon,  in  short,  how- 

slings  or  javelins,  or  even  ^'^ai^ppointed  s^  >         ^^  ^^^^^^ 

ever  rude,  which  they  had  eontnved  to  secrete  Jjom  ^        ^g^  ^^     ^^^6 

^:z^ttA:^^^^^i^^         ^^^^^  ^'^y  ^  ^" 

nurtured  from  infancy.  ^  saluted  by  the  enemy. 

As  the  Spaniards  ^PFoach^  the  ^av  n^^^^^       e^  J^,^.^^  ^^^-^^^ 

from  the  other  side  with  f.  ^^^^'^r  Vs  " /i  Is  ^^^^^  ^f  the  Christians 

at  random,  did  little  mischief.    But  as  soon  as  ^ne  m  ^  ^^^^^^ 

-S^ISXSrtTru«S^£|f«.e^ 

lengLU  a  iia.1  ^^^  ^^   „„,„„BA  mas  de  una  persona, 

•>  «•  Apenaa  podia  ir  por  ella  un  hombre 
suelto;  y  aun  Ste  poco  pa.so.le  ten.an  des- 
S^S  y  sulapado  ^los  ciudenios.  de  ma- 


npra  one  8l  cargase  mas  de  una  persona, 
?S  alTxo  "  M^ol.  Rebeliou  deG.auada. 
torn.  i.  p.  409. 


7 


518 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


RETREAT  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


519 


'the  emprise.  It  was  a^in  an  ecclesiastic  who  was  to  lead  the  way  in  the  path 
of  danger.  Slinging  his  shield  across  his  hack,  with  his  rohe  tucked  closely 
around  him,  graspin.^  a  crucifix  in  his  left  hand,  and  with  his  ri^i^ht  brandishing 
his  sword,  the  valiant  friar  set  his  foot  upon  the  bridge.'^  All  eyes  were 
fastened  upon  him,  as,  invoking  the  name  of  Je^us,  he  went  courageously  but 
cautiously  forward,  picking  his  way  along  the  skeleton  fabric,  which  trembled 
under  his  weight,  as  if  about  to  fall  in  pieces  and  T)reci|»itate  him  into  the  gulf 
below.  But  he  was  not  so  to  perish  ;  and  his  safe  arrival  on  the  farther  side 
was  greeted  with  the  shouts  ot  the  soldiery,  who,  ashamed  of  their  hesitation, 
now  pressed  forward  to  follow  in  his  footsteps. 

The  first  who  ventured  had  the  same  good  fortune  as  his  predecessor.  The 
second,  missing  his  step  or  becoming  dizzy,  lost  his  foothold,  and,  tumbling 
headlong,  was  dashed  to  pieces  on  the  bottom  of  the  ravine.  One  after 
another,  the  soldiers  followed,  and  with  fewer  casualties  than  might  have  been 
expected  from  the  perilous  nature  of  the  passage.  During  all  this  time  they 
experienced  no  molestation  from  the  enemy,  intimidated,  perhaps,  by  the 
unexpected  audacity  of  the  Spaniards,  and  not  caring  to  come  within  the  range 
of  the  deadly  fire  of  their  artillery.  No  sooner  had  the  arquebusiers  crossed  in 
sutticieut  strength  than  Mondejar,  putting  himself  at  their  head,  led  them 
against  the  Moslems.  He  was  received  with  a  spiriteil  volley,  which  had 
wellnigh  proved  fatal  to  him  ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  his  good  cuirass,  that 
turned  the  ball  of  an  arquebuse,  his  campaign  would  have  l)een  brought  to  a 
close  at  its  commencement.  The  skirmish  lasted  but  a  short  time,  as  the 
Moriscoes,  already  disheartened  by  the  success  of  the  assailants,  or  in  obe- 
dience to  the  plan  of  operations  marked  out  by  their  leader,  abandoned  their 
position  and  arew  oft'  rapidly  towards  the  niountains.  It  was  the  intention  of 
Aben-Humeya,  as  already  noticed,  to  entangle  his  enemies  in  the  defiles  of  the 
sierra,  where,  independently  of  the  advantage  he  possessed  from  a  knowledge 
of  the  country,  the  rugged  character  of  the  ground,  he  conceived,  would  make 
it  imnracticable  for  both  cavalry  and  artillery,  with  neither  of  which  he  was 
proviaed.'' 

The  Spanish  commander,  resuming  his  former  station,  employed  the  night 
in  restoring  the  bridge,  on  which  his  men  lalwured  to  such  purpose  that  by 
morning  it  was  in  a  condition  for  both  his  horse  and  his  heavy  guns  to  cross 
in  safety.  Meanwhile  he  received  tidings  that  a  body  of  a  hundred  and  eighty 
Spaniards,  in  the  neighbouring  town  of  Orgiba,  who  had  thrown  themselves 
into  the  tower  of  the  church  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  insurrection,  were  still 
holding  their  position,  and  anxiously  looking  for  succour  from  their  country- 
men. Pushing  forward,  therefore,  without  loss  of  time,  he  resumed  his  niarch 
across  the  valley,  which  was  here  defended  on  either  side  by  rugged  hills,  that, 
growing  bolder  as  he  advanced,  announced  his  entrance  into  the  gorges  of  the 


"  "  Mas  un  bendito  frayle  de  la  ordpn  del 
Berafico  parire  San  Francisco,  llaiuado  fray 
(Jliristuval  de  Molina,  con  un  crucifi.xo  en  la 
inano  izquierda,  y  la  espa«la  desnuda  en  la 
derecha.  Ids  habited  cogidos  en  la  cinta,  y  una 
rodela  echada  4  las  espaldas,  invocando  el 
poderoRo  nombre  de  JeBiis,  1  eg6  al  peliproso 
paao,  V  pe  rnetl6  determinadanv  nte  [>or  el." 
Marmol,  Rf-beion  de  Granada,  torn.  i.  p.  410. 

'■'  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Grana<lH,  torn.  i.  p, 
410,  et  Feq. — Meitdoza,  Guerradf  Granada,  pp. 
67,  68. — Herrera,  Histoiia  general,  tonj.  i.  p, 
73B,  —  Hita  has  con)memor.(te<i  the  boid 
pass  ge  of  the  bridge  at  Tublate  in  one  of  the 


romances,  or  ballads,  with  which  lie  has 
plentifully  besprinkled  the  second  volunu-  of 
his  work,  and  which  present  a  sorry  contrast 
to  the  i)allad8  in  the  preceding  volume. 
These,  which  form  part  of  the  popular  niin- 
strelsj-  of  an  early  age,  have  all  the  raciness 
and  flavour  that  belong  to  the  native  >\ild 
flower  of  the  soil,  'i'he  f):il!ads  in  th<»  second 
volume  are  probably  the  work  of  Hita  him- 
self,— poor  imiiatitins  of  the  antique,  and 
proving  that,  if  his  rich  and  redundant  prose 
is  akin  to  pottry,  his  poetry  is  still  nearer 
allitd  to  prose. 


I 


A-Duianas.  The  weather  was  tempestuous.  The  roads  were  rendered  worse 
UuuS?  bv  the  heavy  rains  and'by  the  torre.its  that  descended  trom  he 
h  s  The  Spaniards,  moreover,  suffered  much  from  stra^shng  parties  of  the 
emny,  who  if^  possession  of  the  heights,  whence  they  rolled  down  huge  rocks 
and  Imrled  missiles  of  every  kind  on  the  heads  of  the  "'vaders.  To  nd  h.m- 
self  of  this  annovance,  Mondejar  ordered  detachments  of  ''"^e^-""' »«  *7, 
under  the  command  of  his  son,  Don  Antonio  de  M«"doza-to  scour  the  crests 

of  the  hills  and  dislodge  the  skirmishers  ?'»"« ^--^^J"^^^' The  stvi™ 
level  the  ground  and  render  it  practicable  for  the  <=a™'ry.The  service  wis 
admirably  performed  ;  and  the  mountaineers,  little  a»|l"Ji'''^d  mth  the  horse 
which  thev  seem  to  have  held  n  as  much  terror  a-s  did  the  ancient  .Vlexicans, 

e  \o '/sto^^^^^  by  seeing  the  light-footed  Andalusian  steed  scahng  t^i^ 
rough  sides  of  the  sierra,  along  paths  where  the  sport^^^ii  ^.^^/^^  the  Lund 
tuie,  that,  without  waiting  for  the  charge,  they  speedily  quitted  the  grouna 
and  fell  back  on  the  main  body  of  their  army. 

This  was  posted  at  Lanjaron,  a  place  but  a  few  miles  off,  where  the  Moiis- 
coeslmd  prated  by  a  gentle  eminence  that  commanded  a  narrow  defile  to 
throw^p  aTeastwork  o^f  stone  and  earth,  behind  which  they  were  mtrenched, 
nrpnared  as  it  would  seem,  to  give  battle  to  the  iSpaniards 
^X  dS  ^^deas  the  latter  drew  near  the  enemy's en(^mp- 

ment  and  as  he  was  unacquainted  with  the  ground,  Mondejar  resolved  to 
pos  pine  &s  atte^^  till  the  following  morning.  The  night  set  m  dark  and 
threEinc^  But  a  hundred  watchfires  blazing  on  the  hill-tops  illumined  the 
skv  and  sent  a  feeble  radiance  into  the  gloom  of  the  val  ey.  All,  night  Ion- 
the  w  Id  noies  of  the  musical  instruments  peculiar  to  the  Moors,  mingling  with 

heirshrill  war  cries,  soun^  in  the  ears  of  the  Christians,  k^pii^gh^^^ 
under  arms  and  apprehensive  every  moment  of  an  attack."  But  a  nigiit 
a  tack  wa  contr^^^^^  the  usual  tactics  of  the  Moors.  Nor,  as  it  appeared, 
did  thev  hitend  to  foin  battle  with  the  Spaniards  at  all  in  this  place  At  least, 
ffluc^  UHeeu  tie^  design,  they  changed  it  For  at  ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
s.irDT-ise  of  the  Spaniards,  no  vestige  was  to  be  seen  of  the  Moriscoes,  wuo, 
Sdoning  tfieir  &  tak?n  flight,  like  their  own  birds  of  prey,  mto 

%Sil''no^^  spared  the  delay  which  an  encounter  must  have 

Pni^pd  hhn  at  a  time'when  every  moment  was  so  precious,  now  ramdiy  pushed 

reduced  almott  to  the  last  extremity,  and  to  put  to  flight  the  labbie  wno 

^^InfhVfldness  of  their  hearts,  and  with  the  tears  streaming  from  their  eyes, 
the  P(Lr  pr  Ss^^^^^^^^  forth  frim  their  fortress  to  embrace  the  deliverers  who 
had^rrcKiem  the  most  terrible  of  death..    Their  apprehensions  of 

such  a  fat^  had  alone  nerved  their  souls  to  so  long  and  heroic  a  resistance 
Yet  thefimist  have  sunk  ere  this  from  famine,  had  it  iiot  been  for  their  politic 
nrP^Iutfoi^of  taSn-  with  them  into  the  tower  several  of  the  Morisco  children, 
who^Daients  sS^etly  su^         them  with  food,  which  served  as  the  means  of 
Tub^st^nc^-^^^^^^  it  was-for  the  garrison     But,  as  the  atter  caine 

forth  into  view,  their  wasW  forms  and  famine-stncken  visages  told  a  tale  ot 
woe  that  would  have  softened  a  heart  of  flint. 


"*  ••  Estuvo  alii  aquella  noche  4  vista  de  los 
enf-migos,  que  teniendo  ocupado  el  paso  con 
grandls  fuegos  por  aqu^Um  cerros,  no  hac.an 
lino  tocar  sus  atabalejos,  dulzaynas  y  xalxH.AS, 
haciendo  algazuras  para  atemonzar  nuestios 


Christian. s,  que  con  grandi^'imo  recato  estu- 
vieron  todos  con  las  armas  en  las  mano.. 
Marmol,  RebL-lion  de  Granada,  torn.  i.  p.  413. 
'^  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn   i.  p. 
414,_Herrera,  Historia  general,  torn,  i  p.  737. 


5^ 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORTSCOES. 


COMBAT  AT  ALFAJARALL 


521 


The  situation  of  Orgiba  pointed  it  out  as  suitable  for  a  fortified  post,  to 
cover  the  retreat  of  the  army,  if  necessary,  and  to  protect  the  convoys  of 
supplies  to  be  re^larly  forwarded  from  Granada.  Leaving  a  small  garrison 
there,  the  captain-general,  without  longer  delay,  resumed  his  pursuit  of  the 
enemy. 

Aben-Humeya  had  retreated  into  Poq^ueira,  a  nigged  district  of  the  Alpu- 
jarras.  Here  he  had  posted  himself,  with  an  armvamounting  to  more  than 
double  its  former  numbers,  at  the  extremity  of  a  dangerous  defile,  called  the 
Pass  of  Alfajarali.  Behind  lav  the  town  of  "Bubion,  the  capital  of  the  district, 
in  which,  considering  it  as  a  place  of  safety,  many  of  the  wealthier  Moriscoes 
had  deposited  their  women  and  their  treasures. 

Mondejar's  line  of  march  now  took  him  into  the  heart  of  the  wildest  regions 
of  the  Alpiijarras,  where  the  scenery  assumed  a  character  of  sublimity  very 
different  from  what  he  had  met  with  in  the  lower  levels  of  the  countrv.  Here 
mountain  rose  beyond  mountain,  till  their  hoary  heads,  soaring  above  the 
clouds,  entered  far  into  the  re<pon  of  eternal  snow.  The  scene  was  as  gloomy 
as  it  was  grand.  Instead  of  the  wide- spreading  woods  that  usually  hang 
round  the  skirts  of  lofty  mountains,  covering  up  their  nakedness  from  the  eye, 
nothing  here  was  to  be  seen  but  masses  of  shattered  rock,  back  as  if  scathed 
by  volcanic  fires,  and  heaped  one  upon  another  in  a  sort  of  wild  confusion,  as 
if  some  tremendous  convulsion  of  nature  had  torn  the  hills  from  their  founda- 
tions and  thrown  them  into  primitive  chaos.  Yet  the  industry  of  the  Moris- 
coes  had  contrived  to  relieve  the  savage  features  of  the  landscape,  by  scooping 
out  terraces  wherever  the  rocky  soil  allowed  it,  and  raising  there  the  vine  ana 
other  plants,  in  bright  patches  of  variegated  culture,  that  hung  like  a  garland 
round  the  gaunt  and  swarthy  sierra. 

The  temperature  was  now  greatly  changed  from  what  the  army  had  expe- 
rienced in  the  valley.  The  wind,  sweeping  down  the  icy  sides  of  the  mountains, 
found  its  way  through  the  harness  of  the  cavaliers  and  the  light  covering  of 
trie  soldiers,  benumbing  their  hmbs  and  piercing  them  to  the  very  bone.  Great 
diriiculty  was  exnerienced  in  dragging  tne  cannon  up  the  steep  heights,  and 
aiung  roads  and  passes  which,  however  easily  traversed  by  the  light-footed 
mountaineer,  were  but  ill  suited  to  the  movements  of  an  army  clad  in  the  heavy 
panoply  of  war. 

The  march  was  conducted  in  perfect  order,  the  arquebusiers  occupying  the 
van,  and  the  cavalry  riding  on  either  flank,  while  detachments  of  infantry,  the 
main  body  of  which  occupied  the  centre,  were  thrown  out  to  the  right  and  left, 
on  the  higher  grounds  along  the  route  of  the  army  to  save  it  from  annoyance 
from  the  mountaineers. 

On  the  thirteenth  of  January,  Mondejar  entered  the  narrow  defile  of  Alfa- 
jarali. at  the  farther  end  of  which  the  motley  multitude  that  had  gathered 
round  the  standard  of  Aben-Humeya  were  already  drawn  up  in  battle-array. 
His  right  wing  rested  on  the  bold  side  of  the  sierra.  The  left  was  defended 
by  a  deep  ravine,  and  his  position  was  strengthened  by  more  than  one  ambus- 
cade, for  which  the  nature  of  the  ground  was  eminently  favourable."  Indeed, 
ambushes  and  surprises  formed  part  of  the  regular  strategy  of  the  Moorish 
warrior,  who  lost  heart  if  he  failed  in  these,— liTce  the  lion,  Avho,  if  balked  in 
the  first  spring  upon  his  prey,  is  said  rarely  to  attempt  another. 

Putting  these  wily  tactics  into  practice,  the  Morisco  chief,  as  soon  as  the 

— Bleda,  Cronica  de  K>pifia,  p.   684. — Men-  ceros  i  vallesteros,  dpoijis  desto  otra  embos- 

doza, Guerra de  «iranada,  pp.  69, 70.— Ferreras,  cada  en  lo  liondo del  barranco de  mucbo  maj'or 

Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  X.  p.  17.  numero   de    gente."     Mendoza,  (juerra   de 

'*  ♦*  A  la  niano  derecha  cubicrtos  con  un  Granada,  torn.  i.  p.  71. 
sierro,  havia  eiuboscadus  quinieiitos  arcabu- 


I 


Spaniards  were  fairly  entangled  in  the  defile  without  waiting  for  them  to  come 
hito  order  of  battle,  gave  the  signal;  and  his  men,  sUrting  up  from  glen, 
thkket  and  ravine,  or  bursting  down  the  hill-sides  like  their  own  winter- 
to  rents,  fell  at  once  on  the  cWians,_frcMit,  flank    and  reai.-assa^m^^ 
them  on  every  quarter."    Astounded  by  the  fiery  suddenness  of  the  assault, 
the™ea"  ^larl  retreated  on  the  centre,  while  the  arquebusiers  in  the  van  were 
thrown  into  still  greater  disorder.    For  a  few  moments  it  seemed  as  if  the 
panic  would  become  general.    But  the.voice  of  the  leader  was  heard  abox'e  the 
tumult,  and  bv  his  prompt  and  sagacious  measures  he  fortimately  s"cceeded 
in  restoring  or'der  and  reviving  the  confidence  of  his  men     He  ^etaclied  one 
body  of  cavalry,  under  his  son-in-law  to  the  support  of  the  r^f' ^^^  another 
to  the  front  under  the  command  of  his  son   Antomo  de  Mendoza     Both 
excuted  their  commissions  with  spirit;  and  Mendoza,  outstripping  ^'^  •  f^ 
pSs  in  the  haste  with  which  he  galloped  tj,  the  /rout,  threw  Inmself  into 
the  thickest  of  the  fight,  where  he  was  struck  from  his  hor.^e  by  ^  heavy  stone 
and  was  speedily  sunounded  by  the  enemy,  from  whose  grasp  he  was  ^Mth 
dlmculty,  Ind  not  till  after  much  hard  figliting,  rescued  by  his  companions. 
His  friend,  Don  Alonso  Portocarrero,  the  scion  of  a  noble  [^ouse  in  Andalusi^ 
whose  sons  had  always  claimed  the  front  of  battle  against  the  mfide  ,  was  twice 
Zmded  by  poisoned  arrows ;  for  the  Moors  of  the  A  pujarras  tipped  their 
wSpons  with  a  deadly  poison  distilled  from  a  weed  that  grew  wild  among  the 

"' A'Se'struggle  now  ensued.  For  the  Morisco  was  spurred  on  by  hate  and 
the  recollectionif  a  thousand  wrongs  III  provided  ^^;:th  >vearK)ns^^^^^^^^^^ 
and  destitute  of  defensive  armour,  he  expo.^ed  himself  to  the  hottest  of  is 
enemy's  fire,  and  endeavoured  to  drag  the  horsemen  from  their  ^add.es  w  n^e 
stones  and  arrows,  with  which  some  imisketballs  ^^^^^"tff  ^^/^SJf^^^^^^  ^^^^ 
rain  on  the  weli-tempered  harness  of  the  Andahisian  knights.  Ihe  'after  now 
Sy  aroused,  plunged  boldly  into  the  tJiickest  of  the  Moorish  nn^Hitude 
tramplin-  them  under  foot,  and  hewing  them  down,  right  and  left,  with  their 
Sblades  The  arquebusiers,  at  the  same  time,  delivered  a  well-directed 
fie^onlhe  flank  of  t\ie  Moriscoes,  who,  after  a  ^^^ve  stniggle  o  an  hou^^ 
duration  in  which  they  were  baftied  on  every  quarter  quitted  the  field,  covered 
wit^  their  slain' as  precipitately  as  they  had  entered  it,  and,  vanishing  among 
t.lift  mountains,  were  soon  far  beyond  pursuit. 

From  the  field  of  battle  Mondeiar  marched  at  once  upon  Bnbion,  the 
ca,,i  a"  of  the  d  strict,  now  left  wholly  unprotected  by  the  Moslen.s  Yet 
mW  of  their  wives  And  daughters  remained  in  .t ;  and  what  rejo«;ed  the 
heart  of  Mondeiar  more  than  111  was  the  liberation  of  a  hundred  and  eighty 
ChrStkn  wc^men,  who  came  forth,  frantic  with  joy  and  gratitude,  to  embra-e 
the  kne^  of  their  deliverers.  They  had  many  a  tale  of  horror  to  tell  their 
countrvmen  who  had  now  rei^cued  tfiem  from  a  fate  worse  than  that  of  death 
S  X  arraiurements  had  been  made,  it  was  *^aid,  to  send  away  ho  e 
wTose'  persons  oHered  the  greatest  attractions,  to  swell  the  harems  of  the 

drop  min«?ld  with  the  blood  flowing  from 
a  w  ound  the  virus  would  ascend  the  sti  earn 
and  diffuse  itself  over   the  whole  systeni ! 


EUos  quando  pensaron  que  nuestra 
irentc  iva  cansiida  aconittierou  por  la  frente, 
por  el  costado,  i  i>or  la  retaguardia,  todo  a  un 
tiempo;  de  manera  que  quasi  una  h.Ma  se 
peleo  con  ellos  a  todas  partes  i  a  las  espald  ts, 
no  sin  Igualdad  i  peligro."  Mendoza.  Guerra 
de  Granada,  torn.  i.  ubi  supra. 

'•  This  poison    was   extracted    from    tne 
aconite,  or  wolFs-bane,  that  grew  rife  among 
tJi  •  Alpujarras.     It  was  of  so  malignant 
nature  that  the  historian  assures  us  that  U  a 


Quince-juice  was  said  to  fumish  the  best 
antidote.  Mendoza,  Guerra  do  Granada,  torn, 
i.  pp.  73, 74.  ^     .        i 

'••  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  torn,  i  pp. 
7l_74._Cabrera,  Filipe  .'^- gun  to,  p.  554  — 
Marmol.  Rebelion  de  Granada,  tom.  i.  i>p. 
416-418.— Herrera  Hisioria  jrpneral,  torn,  i  p. 
737.— Bleda,  Cr  nica  de  Espufia,  p.  t)B4. 


522 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


MASSACRE  AT  JUBILES. 


523 


fierce  Barbary  princes  in  alliance  with  the  Moriscoes.  The  town  afforded  a 
rich  booty  to  the  victorious  troops,  in  gold,  silver,  and  jewels,  together  with 
the  finest  stutfs,  especially  of  silk,  for  tlie  manufacture  of  which  the  people  of 
the  country  were  celebrated.  As  the  Spanish  commander,  unwilling  to  be 
encumbered  with  unnecessary  baggaj^e,  bad  made  no  provision  for  transport- 
ing the  more  bulky  articles,  the  grciitcr  part  of  them,  in  the  usual  extermi- 
nating spirit  of  war,  was  consigned  to  the  fiames.***  The  soldiers  would 
willingly  have  appropriated  to  themselves  the  Moorish  women  whom  they 
found  in  the  place,  regarding  them  as  the  spoils  of  victory  ;  but  the  marquis, 
greatly  to  the  disgust  of  his  followers,  humanely  interfered  for  their  pro- 
tection. 

Mondejar  now  learned  that  Aben-IIumeya,  gathering  the  wreck  of  his 
forces  about  him,  had  taken  the  route  to  Jubiles, — a  place  situated  in  the 
wildest  part  of  the  country,  where  there  was  a  fortress  of  nmch  strength,  in 
which  he  proposed  to  make  a  final  stand  against  his  enemies.  Desirous  to 
follow  up  the  blow  before  the  enemy  had  time  to  recover  from  its  eflects, 
Mondejar  resumed  his  march.  He  had  not  advanced  many  leagues  before  he 
reached  Pities,  the  principal  town  in  the  district  of  Ferreiras.  It  was  a  place 
of  some  importance,  and  was  rich  in  the  connnodities  usually  found  in  the 
great  Moorish  towns,  where  the  more  wealthy  of  the  inhal)itants  rivalled 
their  brethren  of  Granada  in  their  taste  for  sumptuous-dress  and  in  the  costly 
decorations  of  their  houses. 

The  conquerors  had  here  the  satisfaction  of  releasing  a  hundred  and  fifty 
of  their  poor  countrywomen  from  the  captivity  in  whicTi  they  had  been  held, 
after  witnessing  the  massacre  of  their  friends  and  relatives.  The  place  was 
given  up  to  pillage  ;  but  the  marquis,  true  to  his  principles,  notwithstanding 
the  murmurs,  and  even  menaces,  of  his  soldiers,  would  allow  no  injury  to  be 
done  to  the  Moori^h  women  who  remained  in  it.  In  this  he  acted  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  dictates  of  sound  policy,  no  less  than  of  hunianity,  which  indeed, 
happily  for  mankind,  can  never  be  dissevered  from  each  other.  He  had  no 
desire  to  pusli  the  war  to  extremities,  or  to  exterminate  a  race  whose  ingenuity 
and  industry  were  a  fruitful  source  of  revenue  to  the  country.  He  wishetf, 
therefore,  to  leave  the  door  of  reconciliation  still  open  ;  and,  while  he  carried 
fire  and  sword  into  tiie  enemy's  territory,  he  held  out  the  prospect  of  grace 
to  those  who  were  willing  to  submit  and  return  to  their  allegiance. 

The  route  of  the  army  lay  through  a  wild  and  desolate  region,  which,  from 
its  great  elevation,  was  cool  even  in  midsummer,  and  which  now,  in  the  month 
of  Jaimary,  wore  the  dreary  aspect  of  a  polar  winter.  Tlie  snow,  which  never 
melted  on  the  highest  peaks  of  the  mountains,  lay  heavily  on  their  broad 
shoulders,  and,  sweeping  far  down  their  sides,  covered  up  the  path  of  the 
Simniards.  It  was  with  no  little  dirticulty  that  thev  could  find  a  practicable 
passage,  especially  for  the  train  of  heavy  guns,  which  were  dragged  along  with 
incredible  toil  by  the  united  efforts  of  men  and  horses.  The  soldiers,  born 
and  bred  in  the  sunny  plains  of  Andalusia,  were  but  ill  provided  against  an 
intensity  of  cold  of  which  they  had  never  formed  a  conception.  The  hands 
and  feet  of  many  were  frozen.  Others,  benumbed,  and  exhausted  by  exces- 
sive toil,  straggled  in  the  rejir,  and  sank  down  in  the  snow-drifts,  or  disap- 
peared in  the  treacheroiis  ravines  and  crevices,  which,  under  their  glittering 
mantle,  lay  concealed  from  the  eye.  It  fared  still  worse  with  the  Moriscoes, 
e  pecially  with  the  women  and  children,  who,  after  hanging  on  the  skirts  of 


II 


the  retreatin"  army,  had,  the  better  to  elude  pursuit,  scaled  the  more  'n- 
acUfbirJ^rts  o7tl.e  fountains,  where,  takin,'  refuge  m  caverns,  they 

had  accompanied  the  army  in  its  retreat,  and  three  hundiea  men,  wno,  iru 

pitv  on  their  ^-Hf "ug.  and  to  "J^^^^f  *«'^r7t«  s  JviSlat,  ho^^ever 
and  woman  found  m  *«  P'*«^„*";!l\  ^  crown  of  marty  rather  than 

prepared  they  may  have  bee,  to  acce^  o  the  nobtt  of  L  precepts,  which 
abjure  then-  faith,  they  gave  iiiue  "*^*^^"  ^,  , .  .^.^^ppf  xiondeiar  proved 
e..  oin«l  the  forpveness  of  thejr  enem^^  fo^"f4  he  stoned  iitil  com- 
himself  decidedly  the  bettor  l-hristian     lor  w  ne 

^S;r?.rwtrU  Sr  ttrt' o^^hreaptlves,  male  or 
femalrnor  ?esign  them  to  the  brutality  of  las  soM^r^^^^ 

tors  of  the  captives  »»d  ^t^ernDtol  to  toke  son«^  fr«^^^ 

maiden.    It  so  happened  that  Wrlmerdsj^u^^m  wo  ^^^^  ^^^ 

her  side,  havin?  remained  with  her  for  "er    7«^"0"-  ,    ^  ^^   j^^  body  of 
fired  at  the  insuVt^and  he  re^ntod  it  ^y  f  ^n  g  h^s  i^nar^u      ^^^^.  y 

llifpCty  ter^rtL^'om^Mrc^rwro.  now  brandishing  a  sword 


'°  "  Mas  1;«  prlesa  de  caminnr  en  nigiiimiento 
de  1<>8  enemigos,  i  la  falta  <le  l>a2;.gps  en  que 
la  Cargar  i  genie  con  que  aseguralla,  fue  causa 


de  quemar  la  mayor  rnrtp,  porqne  elloB  no  se 
aprovechasen."  M'  ndoza,  Guerrade  Granada, 
turn.  i.  p.  75. 


«»  "  I»8  Moros  tomaron  lo  alto  de  la  pierra, 
vno  pararoii  hasta  meterse  en  la  nieve,  donde 
L4ie  on  cantid.«d  de  mugen-s  y  de  cr.atura 
de  frio."    Marniol,  Uebeliun  de  Granada,  turn. 

*•  2.'  »^E1  Marquef*  les  din  &  saco  todo  el  mne- 
ble  en  que  hania  rica.s  co8a8  de  seda,  oro. 
p  ala  y  aVJof- ,  de  qu.  cupo  la  mejor  y  n^ayor 
parte  &  los  que  habiau  ulo  dciante.      Ibid.,  p. 


^ '  "  No  tomen,  sefSores,  &  vida  hombre  ni 
niuger  de  aquestos  hereges  que  tan  n.alos  ban 
bldo.  y  tanto  mal  nos  hm  becbo.       H.id.. 

p   440 
■"  ""e1  Marques  se  enterneci6  de  ver  aque- 

Uas  pobres  mug-res  tan  If^^!"^*^' 1^5^"^',,; 
landolas  lo  m^or  que  pudo,    etc.    Ibid.,  uui 

Bupra. 


524  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

which  he  had  snatched  from  the  disabled  man,  laid  about  him  so  valiantly 
that  several  others  were  wounded.    The  cry  rose  that  there  were  armed  men, 
disi;uised  as  women,  among  the  prisoners.    More  soldiers  poured  m  to  the 
support  of  their  comrades,  and  fell  with  furv  on  their  helpless  victims     ihe 
uproar  was  nniversal.    On  the  one  side  might  be  heard  moans  and  petitions 
for  mercy  ;  on  the  other,  brutal  imprecations,  followed  ^^^'^''^^1^  blows  that 
showed  how  little  the  prayers  for  mercy  had  availed.    The  hearts  of  the 
soldiers  were  harder  than  the  steel  with  which  they  struck;  for  they^called 
to  mind  the  cruelties  intlicted  on  their  own  countrymen  by  the  Moriscoes. 
Striking  to  the  right  and  left,  they  hewed  down  men  and  women  indiscrimi- 
nately ,-both  eqSally  defenceless.    In  their  blind  fury  they  even  wounded 
one  another  ;  for  it  was  not  easy  to  discern  friend  from  foe  m  the  obscurity, 
in  which  little  light  was  to  be  had,  says  the  chronicler,  except  such  as  came 
from  the  sparks  of  clashing  steel  or  the  flash  of  fire-arras."    It  wa^  in  vam 
that  the  otticers  endeavoured  to  call  oft"  the  men  from  their  work  of  butchery. 
The  hot  temper  of  the  Andalusian  was  fully  roused  ;  and  it  would  have  been 
as  easv  to  stop  the  explosion  of  the  mine  when  the  tram  has  been  hred,  as  to 
stay  his  fury.    It  was  not  till  the  morning  light  showed  the  pavement  swim- 
ming in  gore,  and  the  corpses  of  the  helpless  victims  lying  in  heaps  on  one 
anotlier,  that  his  appetite  for  blood  was  satisfied.    Great  numbers  of  the 
women,  and  nearly  all  the  men,  perished  in  this  massacre."    Those  m  the 
church  succeeded  in  making  fast  the  doors  and  thus  excluding  their  enemies, 
who  made  repeated  ertbrts  to  enter  the  building.    The  inanpus  of  Mondejar, 
indignant  at  this  inhuman  outrage  perpetrated  by  his  followers,  and  at  their 
flagrant  disobedience  of  orders,  caused  an  inquiry  into  the  atiair  to  be  instantly 
made ;  and  the  execution  of  three  of  the  most  guilty  proved  a  salutary  warn- 
ing to  the  Andalusian  soldier  that  there  were  hmits  beyond  which  it  was  not 
safe  to  try  the  patience  of  his  commander."      ^         ,         ,         ^  . 

Before  leaving  Juhiles,  Mondejar  sent  oft"  to  Granada,  under  a  strong  escort, 
the  Christian  captives  who,  since  their  liberation,  had  remained  ^^^th  tfie 
army  There  were  eight  hundred  of  them,  women  and  children,— a  helpless 
multitude,  whose  wants  were  to  be  provided  for,  and  whose  presence  could  not 
fail  greatly  to  euibarrass  his  movements.  They  were  obliged  to  perform  that 
long  and  wearisome  journey  across  the  mountains  on  foot,  as  there  were  no 
means  of  transportation.  And  piteous  was  the  spectacle  which  they  presented 
when  thev  reached  the  capital.  As  the  way-worn  wanderers  entered  by  the 
gate  of  Bib-arranbla,  the  citizens  came  forth  in  crowds  to  welcome  them.  A 
body  of  cavalry  was  in  the  van,-each  of  the  troopers  holding  one  or  two 
children  on  the  saddle  before  him,  with  sometimes  a  third  on  the  crupper 
c'ino'incr  to  his  back.  The  infantry  brought  up  the  rear  ;  while  the  centre  of 
the  procession  was  occupied  by  the  women,-a  foriorn  and  me.ancholy  band, 
with  their  heads  undefended  by  any  covering  from  the  weather;  their  hair, 
bleached  by  the  winter's  tempests,  streaming  wildly  over  their  shouKlers ; 
their  clothes  scanty,  tattered,  and  soiled  with  travel ;  without  stockings, 
without  shoes,  to  protect  their  feet  against  the  cold  and  flinty  roads  ;  while 


THE  LIBERATED  CHRISTIANS. 


525 


"  "  Hubo  muchos  Boldados  beridos  los  mas 
que  se  herlan  unoa  &  otros,  entendiendo  los 
qup  venian  de  fuera,  que  los  que  luartillaban 
con  laa  espadas  eran  Moros,  poi  que  solamente 
les  alurabraba  el  centoUoar  del  acero,  y  el 
relampaguear  de  la  pi>lvora  de  los  arcabuces 
en  la  ten-  broaa  escuridad  de  la  noche."  Mar- 
mol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  i.  p.  445. 

■•  *•  i)e  los  Moriscos  quasi  ninguno  quedo 


vivo,  de  las  Moriscas  huvo  muchas  muertaa, 
de  loB  nuestros  algunos  beridos,  que  con  la 
«R.  uridad  de  la  noche  se  hacian  dafio  unos  d 
otros."     Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  77. 

"  Ibid.,  ubi  supra.— Hleda,  Cronica  de  Es- 
pafia,  p.  68f«.—Herrera.Histotia  general,  torn. 
i.  p.  7;J7. — Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn. 
I.  p.  441,  et  seq.— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  p. 
65(5. 


in  the  lines  traced  upon  their  countenances  the  dullest  eye  might  read  the 
ory  of  th\ir  impar^^^       sutterings.    Many  of  the  company  were  Pers^^^^ 

who,  unaccustomed  to  toil,  and  delicately  ""^^^Ff  .r'^!'^  vl^lubSd  " 
for  the  trials  and  privations  of  every  kind  to  which  they  had  been  sut^jected^^^ 
As  their  friends  and  countrymen  gathered  round  them,  to  t«st  fy  Ihe^r 
sympathy  and  listen  to  the  story  of  their  misfortunes,  the  voices  of  the  poor 
wanderers  were  choked  with  sobs  andjamentations.    The  f  \e  jv\s  ^on 
tagious  ;  and  the  sorrowing  and  sympathetic  multitude  accompanied  the  pro- 
cefsion  like  a  train  of  mourners  to  tfie  monastery  of  Our  Lady  of  V  ctory  m 
the  opposite  Quarter  of  the  city,  where  services  were  P^^^™^^,,;^!^^^^ 
solemnity  an3  thanks  were  ortered  up  for  their  ^ehjff  "^^^^^^ ."  ^^^^^^^^^^^ 
From  thi  church  they  proceeded  to  the  Alhambra,  where  they^  e  e  graao^^^^^^ 
received  by  the  marchioness  of  Mondejar,  the  wife  of  .the  captain -general 
who  did  wLt  she  could  to  alleviate  the  miseries  of  their  condition     Tho^e 
who  had  friends  and  relations  in  the  city  found  shelter  in  their  houses    wh  e 
the  rest  were  kindly  welcomed  by  the  archbishop  of  ^^  ^nad^^ 
charitable  people  of  the  town,  who  provided  .them  with  raiment  and^^^ 
was  necessary  for  their  comfort.'"    The  stories  which  the  fugitnes  had  to  ten 
rtheTorrilsceneTthey  had  -jtnessed  in  the  Alpujaja.  rou.^a  deep^ 
feeling  of  hatred  in  the  Spaniards  towards  the  Monscoes,  that  boded  ill  tor 
the  security  of  the  mhabitants  of  the  Albaicm. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

BEBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES. 

— M«88«cre  ill  Gran«da-Tbe  Insurrection  rcliraiiled. 

1569. 

T^PFORE  the  marauis  of  Mondejar  quitted  Jubfles,  he  received  a  visit  from 
Svent^n  of  trScipal  Moriscoesln  that  part  of  the  country,  «ho  came  to 
tender?hek  subiLsionVexculpating  themse.ves,  at  the  same  time  rom  any 
Kn  the  insurrection,  and' hu.nW  suing  for  the  c^Pjan'-gf-'f ^'^  F«^^ 
tk™  This  agreeably  to  his  po  cy,  he  promptly  accorded,  grantnig  them  a 
S:conduc't,^th  instructions  to  tell  tfteir  countrymen  what  he  had  doi.e^ 
lud  ^Se  them,  if  possible,  to  retj,r>i  to  their  allegmnce,  a^  ^H*  ?'''!  "^^f 
of  avertiuc  the  ruin  that  e  se  would  speedily  overtake  them,  lliis  act  ol 
clemency  so  repugnant  to  the  feelings  of  the  Spaniards  was  a  new  cause 
of  d  4,^1  to  hb  Sdiers,  who  felt  thit  the  fair  terms  thus  ^^cured  by  the 
rsholiwerp  little  better  than  a  v  ctory  over  themselves.'  Yet  the  good  enecp 
of  to  Mcy  were  sSn  made  visible  when  the  marquis  resumcl  his  march. 


«•  "  Habia  entre  ellas  muchas  duefias  nobles, 
apuestas  y  bemaosas  doncellaa,  criadas  con 
mucho  regalo,  que  iban  desnudasyd- scalzas, 
y  Un  maltratadrts  del  trabajo  del  captiverio  y 
d  1  camino,  que  no  solo  quebraban  los  cora- 
zones  a  l>9  que  las  conocian.  mas  aun  a  quien 
no  las  habia  visto."  Marmol,  liebehon  de 
Granada,  toni.  i.  p.  44S. 

.«  .>  Y  volvieiido  6  las  cazas  del  Arzobippo, 
las  que  teniun  paiieutes  las  llLvaron  a  bus 


P08  das.  y  las  otras  fueron  boppedadas  con 
cai  idad  entre  la  buena  gentc.  y  de  limosna  m 
Ifs  compro  de  vestir  y  de  calzar.  Marmol, 
Kebelion  de  (iranada,  ubi  supra.     ^ 

'  "  Los  soldados  no  podian  ll.var  a  panencja 
ver  que  se  tratase  de  medios  con  lu.s  rebeldes ; 
y  quando  otro  dia  se  sup.,  que  los  admitia,  lue 
tan  graiide  la  tristeza  en  el  campo,  como  si 
hubieran  perdido  la  Jornada."  Marmol,  Re- 
belion de  Granada,  torn.  i.  p.  443. 


526  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

For,  as  his  favourable  dispositions  became  more  generally  known,  numbers  of 
the  Moriscoes,  and  several  places  on  the  route,  eagerly  tendered  their  sub- 
mission, imploring  his  mercy,  and  protection  agauist  his  followers. 

Aben-Humeyaf  meanwhile,  who  lay  at  Faterna,  with  his  wives  and  his 
warriors  gathered  around,  saw  with  dismay  that  his  mountain -throne  was  fast 
Sg  away  from  beneath  him.  The  spirit  of  distrust  and  d.>atlection  had 
crept  into  his  camp.  It  was  divided  into  two  parties.  One  of  these  despair- 
ing of  further  resistance,  would  have  come  instantly  to  terms  with  the  enem>^ 
The  other  still  adhered  to  a  bolder  policv  ;  but  its  leaders,  if  we  may  trust  the 
Castilian  writers,  were  less  intluenced  by  patriotic  than  by  personal  motives, 
being  for  the  most  part  men  who  had  borne  so  conspicuous  a  part  m  the 
insuFrection  that  they  could  scarcely  hope  to  be  included  m  any  amnesty 
gmnted  by  the  Spaniards.  Such,  in  particular,  were  the  African  adven- 
turers, who  had  distinguished  themselves  above  all  otl.ers  by  their  ferocious 
persecution  of  the  Christians.  They  directed,  at  this  time,  the  counsels  o 
the  Moorish  prince,  filling  his  mind  with  suspicions  of  the  loyalty  of  some  of 
his  followers,  especially  of  the  father  of  one  of  iis  wives,  a  ye  son  of  much 
authority  among  the  Moriscoes.  To  suspect  and  to  slay  ^ere  words  of  much 
the  same  import  with  Aben-Humeya.  He  sent  for  his  illative,  and,  on  his 
entering  the  apartment,  caused  him  to  be  despatched  before  his  eyes.  He 
would  have  followed  this  up  by  the  murder  of  some  others  of  the  family,  if  they 
had  not  eluded  his  grasp  ;  thus  establishing  his  title  to  a  descent  from  those 
despots  of  the  East  with  whom  the  lives  of  their  kindred  were  of  as  little 

account  as  the  vermin  in  their  path.'  ir^AaoA  an  mint 

He  was  still  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army.  Its  nuinber,  indeed,  amount- 
ing to  six  thousand  men,  constituted  its  greatest  strength  ;  for,  without  (lisci- 
plfne,  almost  without  arms,  it  was  n.ade  up  of  such  ^^^e,  incongr,K)uynaten^^^^^^^ 
that?as  he  had  already  experienced,  it  could  never  abide  the  shock  of  l-attle 
from' the  militia  of  Castile.  The  Moorish  P""9^  ^ad  otto  causes 
couragement,  in  the  tidings  he  was  houriy  receiving  of  the  defects  of  hs 
snbiects  The  clemencv  shown  bv  the  conqueror  was  doing  more  for  hin  than 
ms  arniVis^^^^^^  the  blasts  of  winter  have  only  bound  more  closely 

to  the  hill-side  loo>ens  its  hold  and  falls  away  under  the  soft  touch  of  spring. 
Notwithstanding  his  late  display  of  ^"dacity  the  unhappy  }-oung^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
lost  all  confidence  in  his  own  fortunes  and  in  his  followers.  Soiel)  perplexerl, 
he  knew  not  where  to  turn.  He  had  little  of  the  constancy  or  coiirage 
of  the  patriot  who  has  perilled  his  life  in  a  gre^xt  cause  ;  and  he  now  had 
recourse  to  the  same  expSient  which  he  had  so  lately  punished  with  death  in 

^'nf  s^^^^^^  to  the  marquis  of  Mondejar,  offering  to  surrender  a^^^^ 

if  time  were  given,  to  persuade  his  people  to  follow  his  example  Meanwhile 
he  rSiue 'ted^the  Spanish  commander  to  stay  his  march,  ^"d^hns  prevent  a 
collision  with  his  tW)ps.  Mondejar,  though  he  would  not  consent  to  thrs 
advanced  more  leisurely,  while  he  opened  a  "^gotiation  with  his  ene^ny  He 
had  already  come  in  sight  of  the  rebel  forces,  when  he  consented,  at  the 
muiest  0  iben-Hunieya,  to  halt  for  a  night  in  the  neighbouring  vdlage  of 
Ifi  za,  in  order  to  give  time  for  a  personal  interview.  This  required  the  troops 
soniTof  whom  haS  now  advanced  within  musket-range  of  the  enemy,  to  fall 

.  Mannol.Rebelion  de  Granada,  ton,,  i.  p.        ^^^  JS'n^Tn'iS^v^^^^^ 

*''•  Abderrahman-or,  as  .pelt  by  Oayang.  a.        --^['-J^^r  tll^l^'sld^^^^^^  "^  ^ 

Abdu-r-rhamiin-the  First,  the  foun.ler  of  th^       the  scimiur  or  the  bo*  -string, 
dynasty  from  which  Aben-Humoya  claimed 


FATE  OF  THE   MOORISH  PRISONERS. 


527 


back  and  take  up  ground  in  the  rear  of  their  present  position.  In  executing 
this  mana^uvre  they  came  almost  in  contact  with  a  detachment  of  the  Moorish 
army,  who,  in  their  ignorance  of  its  real  object,  regarding  the  movement  as  a 
hostile  demonstration,  sent  a  shower  of  arrows  and  other  missiles  among  the 
Spaniards,  which  they  returned  with  hearty  good  will  by  a  volley  of  musketry. 
The  engagement  soon  became  general.  Aben-Humeya  at  the  time  was  read- 
ing a  letter,  which  he  had  just  received  from  one  of  xMondejar's  statt,  arranging 
the  place  for  the  interview,  when  he  was  startled  by  the  firing,  and  saw 
with  consternation  his  own  men  warndy  engaged  with  the  enemy.  Supposing 
he  had  been  deceived  by  the  Spaniards,  he  tlung  the  letter  on  the  ground, 
and,  throwing  himself  into  the  saddle,  without  so  much  as  attempting  to 
rally  his  forces,  which  were  now  tiying  over  the  field  in  all  directions,  he  took 
the  road  to  the  Sierra  Nevada,  followed  by  only  five  or  six  of  his  attendants 
His  horse  was  fleet,  and  he  soon  gained  the  defiles  of  the  mountains.  IJiit 
he  was  hotly  pursued ;  and,  thinking  it  safer  to  irust  to  himself  than  to  his 
horse,  he  dismounted,  cut  the  hamstrings  of  the  animal  to  prevent  his  being 
of  service  to  his  pursuers,  and  disappeared  in  the  obscure  depths  of  the  sierra, 
where  it  would  have  been  fruitless  to  follow  him. 

The  rout  of  his  army  was  complete ;  and  the  victors  might  have  inflicted  an 
incalculable  loss  on  the  fugitives,  had  not  the  raarnuis  of  Mondejar  called  oil 
his  troops  and  put  a  stop  to  the  work  of  death.  lie  wished  to  keep  open  as 
widely  as  possible  the  door  of  reconciliation.  His  conduct,  which  was  not 
understood  and  could  not  have  been  appreciated  by  his  men,  was  stigmatized 
by  them  as  treacherv.  They  found  some  amends  for  their  disappointment  ni 
the  pillage  of  Patefna,  the  residence  of  Aben-Humeya,  which,  well  provided 
with  the  costly  finery  so  much  loved  by  the  Moriscoes,  furnished  a  welcome 
booty  to  the  conquerors.*  .,        ^         ,  ,  • 

Among  the  Moorish  captives  were  Aben-Humeya's  mother,  two  of  his 
sisters,  and  one  of  his  wives,  to  whom,  as  usual,  Mondejar  extended  his 

Yet  the  disposal  of  his  prisoners  was  a  subject  of  perplexity  to  the  Spanish 
commander.  His  soldiers,  as  we  have  seen,  would  have  settled  it  at  once, 
had  their  captain  consented,  by  appropriating  them  all  as  the  spoils  of  victory. 
There  were  many  persons,  higher  in  authority  than  the  e  soldiers,  Wiio  were 
of  the  same  way  of  thinking  on  the  subject  with  them.  The  question  was  one 
of  surticient  importance  to  come  before  the  government.  Philip  referred  it  to 
the  council  of  state ;  and,  re,^arding  it  as  a  case  of  conscience,  in  which  the 
interests  of  religion  were  concerned,  he  asked  the  opinion  of  the  Royal  Audience 
of  Granada,  over  which  Deza  presided.  The  final  decision  was  what  mis^ht 
have  been  expected  from  tribunals  with  inquisitors  at  their  head.  Ihe 
Moriscoes,  men  and  women,  were  declared  to  have  incurred  by  their  rebellion 
the  doom  of  slavery.  What  is  more  remarkable  is  the  precedent  cited  for  this 
iud"iuent,  it  being  no  other  than  a  decision  of  the  Council  of  Toledo,  as  far 
bac^  as  the  time  of  the  Visigoths,  when  certain  rebellious  Jews  were  held  to 
have  forfeited  their  liberty  by  an  act  of  rebellion."  The  Morisco,  it  was  said, 
should  fare  no  better  than  the  Jew,  since  he  was  not  only,  like  him,  a  rebel 


♦  **  Y  como  vio  quo  los  Christianos  iban  la 
siprra  arriba  y  que  los  siiyos  liufan  desvergon- 
zadameiit*^,  eiiteii<Heiulo  que  todo  lo  que  Don 
Alonso  Venegas  tratiba  era  eng  ifio,  echo  las 
cartas  en  el  suelo,  y  8u'»iendo  a  gran  priesa  en 
un  caballo,  dexo  su  fyniilia  atnis,  y  hnyo 
tambien  la  vu^-lta  de  la  sierra."  Marmol, 
Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  i.  p.  460. 


*  Ibid.,  p.  458,etseq.— 
pagne.  torn.  x.  pp.  2J-31 
de  Granada,  pp.  80,  81.- 
gundo,  pp.  560,  561.  - 
general,  torn.  i.  p.  737. 

•  The  decision  referred 
in  the  last.  Council  of  T« 
Mariana,  Hist,  de  Espafia 


-Ferreras,  H  st.d'Es- 
.— Meiidoza,  Guerra 
-Cabrera,  Filipe  Se- 
-  Horrcra,    llL-toria 

to  was  probably  one 
)ledo,  AD.  690.    See 
torn  i.  p.  452. 


528  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

and  an  infidel,  but  an  apostate  to  boot.  The  decision,  it  was  understood,  was 
very^  sSry  to  Philip,  who,  however,  "with  the  pio.is  mojleration  that 
dttmSed  so  just  and  considerate  a  prince,"  ^  so  far  mitigated  the  seventy 
0    the  sente^^  the  pracrmatic  whicli  he  published,  as  to  exeinpt  from  its 

opemtioTbo^^^  under  ten  years  of  age  and  girls  under  eleven     These  were  to 
bTplaced  in  the  care  of  responsible  persons  who  ^^^^^^^give  them  the  b^^^ 
of  a  Christian  education.    Unhappily,  there  is  reason  to  ^hnk  that  the  good 
intentions  of  the  government  were  not  very  conscientiously  carried  out  in 
respect  to  this  provision  by  those  intrusted  with  the  execution  of  it 

^hile  the  question  was  pending,  Jubiles  fell  into  the  hands  o    the  victors ; 
and  xMondejar,  not  feeling  himself  at  liberty  to  re  ease  his  female  captives  of 
thorn  more  than  a  thousand,  by  this  event,,  had  come  into  his  posse  sion 
de  ivered  them  in  charge  to  three  of  the  principal  Moriscoes,  to  whom,  it 
mayTreme^^^^^^^^  he^had  .^ven  letters  of  safe-conduct     They  were  al  W 
to  restore  the  women  to  their  families,  on  condition  that  they  should  al   be 
s  irrendered  on  the  demand  of  the  government.    Such  an  act   it  must  be 
adiSd  hnplies  great  confidence  in  the  good  faith  of  the  Moslems,-a  con- 
fi  I'e  fully  istihed  by  the  result.    When,  in  obedience  to  the  pragmatic, 
thev  were  cla  med  by  the  government,  they  were  delivered  up  by  their  families, 
-N^rthe  Exception  of  some  who  had  died  in  the  mean  time,-and  the  greater 
Tiart  of  them  were  sold  by  public  auction  in  Granada.** 
^TiieoiSy  place  of  any  fmporUince  which  now  held  out  against  Mondejar  was 
LaV  Guiiaras,  situated  in  the  plains  of  Salobrefia,  in  the  direction  of  Velez 
Malaga     This  was  a  rocky,  precipitous  hill,  on  the  summit  of  which  nature, 
Sule  assfsta^ce  from  art,  ha5  constructed  a  sort  of  rude  fortress     It  was 
held  by  a  fierce  band  of  Moriscoes,  who  descending  from  the  heights  swept 
over  the  plains,  carrying  on  devastating  forays,  that  made  them  the  terror  of 
the  surrounding  country.     Mondejar,  moved  by  the  coniplaints  of  the  inhabi- 
Unte TefruSia^^^^^   tbe  fifth  of  February,  at  the  head  of  his  whole  array, 
^ow  much  augmented  by  the  arrival  of  recent  levies,  and  marched  rapidly  on 
Guliaras.    He  met  with  a  more  formidable  resistance  than  he  had  exnected^ 
Kst  att^n^^^^^^^^  carry  the  place  was  repulsed  with  a  heavy  bss  on  tfie  part 
of  the  assa  tos.    The  Moorish  garrison,  from  its  elevated  position,  poured  a 
s  0  m  of  missiles  on  their  heads,  and,  what  was  worse,  rolled  do;vn  huge  masses 
of  rock,  which,  ploughing  through  the  Castilian  ranks,  overthrew  men  and 
horses    and  did  as  great  execution  as  would  have  been  done  by  artillery. 
St  himdred  SBanfards  were  left  dead  on  the  field  ;  and  many  a  noble  house 
in  Andalusia  had  to  go  into  mourning  for  that  day  s  disaster.  '^„,^^ 

Mondejar,  stung  by  this  repiilse,-the  first  reverse  his  arms  had  expenenced, 
_de?eiSd  to  lead  the  attick  in  person  on  the  following  day  His  approaches 
were  made  with  greater  caution  than  before  ;  and,  without  much  inJ"?T'fi,.p 
svicceeded  in  bringing  his  arquebusiers  on  a  higher  level,  ^h^^e  tjieir  fi  e 
swept  the  enemy's  intrenchments  and  inflicted  on  him  a  temple  te^  Still, 
the  sun  went  down,  and  the  place  had  not  surrendered.  But  El  Zamar,  it. 
brave  defender,  without  ammunition,  almost  without  arms,  felt  that  there  wa.> 
no  longer  hope  for  his  little  garrison.  Silently  evacuating  the  P^ace,  therefor  , 
at  dead  of  night,  the  Moriscoes,  among  whom  were  both  women  and  children, 


»  I  quote  the  words  of  Marmol :  "  Con  una 
moderacioo  piadosa,  de  que  quis.)  usar  como 
principe  considerado  y  justo."  Kebelion  de 
Granada,  torn.  i.  p.  495. 

•  Ib.d.,  ubi  supra. 

•  Ibid.,  pp.  466,  498 — Mendoza  says  they 


were  aU  returned,-"  a  thing  never  before 
seen,  whether  it  iirose  from  f<ar  or  ol)edienc«', 
or  that  there  was  such  an  abundance  of  women 
tliat  they  were  regarded  as  little  better  than 
household  furniture. "  Gueria  de  Gran>.da,  p. 
9ti. 


ESCAPE  OF  ABEN-HUJVIEYA. 


529 


scrambled  down  the  precipice  with  the  fearie^sness  ^^  ^^e  m^^^^-f  ^^^^^ 
made  their  escape  without  attracting  the  notice  of  f^e  ^pama^rds      ^  e^^^^^ 
behind  only  such  as,  from  age  or  infirmity,  were  unable  to  follow  them  in  their 

^'olrihe^texfdav,  when  the  Spanish  general  prepared  to  renew  the  assault 
great  was  his  astonishment  to  find  that  the  enemy  had  yanis^ied,  except  only 
I  few  wretched  beings,  incapable  of  ^"aking  any  resistance  A 1  the 
passions  of  Mondejar'S  nature  had  been  io»>t^  ^^  the  obstinate  defen^^^^^^^^^  the 
)  ace  and  the  lives  it  had  cost  him.  In  the  heat  of  his  wrath,  he  ordered  the 
e^pL^  garrison  to  be  put  to  the  sword.  No  prayer  for  mercy  was  heeded 
N?  egai^was  had  to  a|e  or  to  sex.  All  were  cut  down  m  the  presence  of 
the  general,  who  is  even  sai'd  to  have  stimulated  the  faltenng  soldiers  to  go 
through  with  their  bloody  work.'"  An  act  so  hard  to  be  reconciled  with  his 
previous  conduct  has  beeri  referred  by  some  to  the  annoyance  which  he  felt  at 
hein  'so  frequently  taxed  with  excessive  lenity  to  the  Moriscoes,  an  accusation 
wh  ch  was  carried,  indeed,  before  the  crown,  and  which  the  pre^^ent  occasion 
atforded  him  the  means  of  eflectuallv  disproving.  However  this  n»ay  be,  the 
historLn  must  lament  the  tarnished  honour  of  a  brave  and  generous  chief, 
Xse  character  up  to  this  time  had  been  sullied  by  none  of  those  acts  of 
cruelty  which'  distinguished  this  sanguinary  war.''  Tn^^rinia 

But  even  this  cruelty  was  surpassed  by  that  of  his  son,  the  count  of  lendilla. 
El  Zamar,  the  gallant  defender  of  'the  fortress,  wandered  about  among  the 
crags  with  his  little  daughter,  whom  he  carried  in  his  arms.  Famishwl  and 
fainting  from  fatigue,  he  was  at  length  overtaken  by  his  enemies  and  sent 
off  as  a  prisoner  to  Granada,  where  the  fierce  Tendilla  caused  the  flesh  to  be 
torn  from  his  bones  with  red-hot  pincers,  and  his  mangled  carcase,  yet  palpi- 
tating with  life,  to  be  afterwards  quartered.  The  crime  of  El  Zamar  was  that 
he  had  fought  too  bravely  for  the  independence  of  his  nation. 

Having  razed  the  walls  of  Guajaras  to  the  ground,  Mondejar  returned  with 
his  blood  stained  laurels  to  his  head-quarters  at  OrgiV.a.  Tower  and  town  had 
gone  down  before  him.  On  every  side  his  arms  had  proved  victorious.  But 
one  thing  was  wanting,-the  capture  of  Aben-Humeya,  the  liitle  king  of 
the  Alpularras.  So  long  as  he  lived,  the  insurrection,  now  smothered,  might 
be  rekindled  at  any  time.  He  had  taken  refuge,  it  was  known,  m  the  wilds  of 
the  Sierra  Nevada,  where,  as  the  captain-general  wrote,  he. was  wandering 
from  rock  to  rock  with  only  a  handful  of  followers."  Mondejar  sent  two  de- 
tachments  of  soldiers  into  the  sierra,  to  discover  his  haunts,  if  possible,  and 

^^*Tlie^ommamle?"of  one  of  these  parties,  named  Maldonado,  ascertained 
that  Al)en-Humeya,  secreting  himself  among  the  fastnesses  of  the  mountains 
by  day,  would  steal  forth  at  night,  and  repair,  with  a  few  of  his  followers,  to 


I"  «  pue  tanta  la  indignacion  del  Marques 
de  Mondejar,  que,  tin  perdonar  a  ninguna 
edad  nl  sexo,  mando  pasar  &  cuchillo  honibres 
y  mugeres.  quantos  habia  en  el  fuerte ;  y  en 
8u  preseiicia  loe  hacia  matar  &  los  alabarderos 
de  su  piiardia,  que  no  bastaban  los  ruegos  de 
1..S  cab..lleros  y  capiUnes,  ni  las  piadosaa 
lagriniiS de  las  que  pe<lian  la  miserable  vida. 
Marn.ol,  Kebelion  de  Granada,  toni.  i.  p.  493. 

"  Ibid.,  p.  -iW,  et  eeq.— Mendoza,  Guerra 
de  (Jranada,  pp.  85-95.— Ferreras,  Hist  d'Es- 
pagne,  torn.  x.  pp.  32-36.— Bleda,  Cronica 
de  E^pafia,  p.  688,  et  seq.— Herrera,  Histor.a 
general,   torn.  i.  p.  738.  —  Cabrera,    Filipe 


Segundo.  p.  569.— The  storming  of  Gufijaras 
is  a  favourite  theme  with  both  chroniclers 
and  bards.  Among  the  latter  Hita  has  not 
failed  lo  hang  his  garland  of  verse  on  the 
tombs  of  more  than  one  illustrious  cavalier 
who  perished  in  tliat  bloody  strife,  and  f<.r 
whose  losH  "  all  tlie  noble  dames  of  Sevill' ," 
as  he  tells  us,  "  went  into  mourning."  Giier- 
ras  de  Granada,  torn.  ii.  pp.  112-118. 

"»  "Que  no  habia  osado  parar  en  la  Al- 
puxarra,  y  con  solos  cincuetita  6  sesenta 
honibies,  que  le  seguian,  andab6,huyendo  de 
ppfia  en  pefia."  Marmol,  Kebelion  de  Gra- 
nada, tom.  i.  p.  464. 

2  M 


V 


530 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


OPERATIONS  OF  LOS  VELEZ. 


531 


a  place  called  Mecina,  on  the  skirts  of  the  sierra.  Here  he  found  shelter  in 
the  house  of  his  kinsman,  Aben-Aboo,  one  of  tho?e  Moriscoes  who,  after  the 
affair  of  Jubfles,  had  obtaine^l  a  safe-conduct  from  Mondejar.  Havnig  gained 
this  intelligence  and  learned  the  situation  of  the  house,  the  Spanish  captain 
marched,  with  his  little  band  of  two  hundred  soldiers,  in  that  direction.  He 
made  his  approach  with  the  greatest  secrecy.  Travelling  by  night,  he  reached 
undiscovered  the  neighbourhood  of  Aben-Aboo's  residence.  Advancing  under 
cover  of  the  darkness,  he  had  arrived  within  gunshot  of  the  dwelling,  when,  at 
this  critical  moment,  all  his  precautions  were  defeated  by  the  carelessness  of 
one  of  his  company,  whose  arquebuse  was  accidentally  discharged.  The  report, 
reverberating  from  the  hills  in  the  silence  of  the  night,  roused  the  inmates  of 
the  house,  who  slept  as  the  wearied  mariner  sleeps  when  his  ship  is  in  danger 
of  foundering.  One  of  them.  El  Zaguer.  the  uncle  of  Aben-Humeya,  and  the 
person  who  had  been  mainly  instrumental  in  securing  him  his  crown,— acro\\n 
of  thorns,— was  the  first  roused,  and,  springing  to  the  window,  he  threw  him- 
self down,  though  the  height  was  considerable,  and  made  his  way  to  the 
mountains. 

His  nephew,  who  lay  in  another  part  of  the  building,  was  not  so  fortunate. 
When  he  reached  the  window  he  saw  with  dismay  the  ground  in  front  occui)ied 
by  a  body  of  Castilian  troops.  Hastening  to  another  window,  he  found  it  still 
the  same :  his  enemies  were  everywhere  around  the  house.  Bewildered  and 
sorely  distressed,  he  knew  not  where  to  turn.  Thus  entrapped,  and  ^yithout 
the  means  of  making  any  terms  with  his  enemies,  he  knew  he  had  as  little  to 
hope  from  their  mercy  as  the  wolf  has  from  the  hunters  who  have  caught  him 
in  his  lair.  The  Spaniards,  meanwhile,  were  thundering  at  the  door  of  the 
building  for  admittance.  Fortunately,  it  was  well  secured.  A  sudden  thought 
occurred  to  Aben-Humeya,  which  he  instantly  put  into  execution.  Hastening 
down-stairs,  he  took  his  station  behind  the  door,  and  gently  drew  the  bolts. 
The  noise  was  not  heard  amidst  the  din  made  by  the  assailants,  who,  finding 
the  door  give  way,  supposed  they  had  forced  the  fastenings,  and,  pouring  in, 
soon  spread  themselves  in  every  direction  over  the  house  in  search  of  the 
fugitive.  Aben-IIumeya,  ensconced  behind  the  door,  escaped  observation, 
and,  when  his  enemies  had  disappeared,  stole  out  into  the  darkness,  and, 
under  its  friendly  mantle,  succeedea  in  finding  his  way  to  the  mountains. 

It  was  in  vain  that  the  Spaniards,  enraged  at  the  loss  of  the  quarry,  ques- 
tioned Aben-Aboo  as  to  the  haunts  of  his  kinsman,  and  of  El  Zaguer,  his  uncle. 
In  the  sierra.  Nor  could  the  most  excruciating  tortures  shake  his  constancy. 
"I  may  die,"  said  the  brave  Morisco,  "but  my  friends  will  live."  Leaving 
him  for  dead,  the  soldiers  returned  to  the  camp,  taking  with  them  a  number 
of  prisoners,  his  comi)anions.  There  was  no  one  of  them,  however,  that  was 
not  provided  with  a  safe-conduct  from  the  marquis,  who  accordingly  set  them 
at  liberty,  showing  a  respect  for  his  engagements  in  which,  unhappily,  as  we 
shall  see  hereafter,  he  was  not  too  well  imitated  by  his  soldiers.  The  heroic 
Aben-Aboo,  though  left  for  dead,  did  not  die,  but  lived  to  head  another  insur- 
rection and  to  take  ample  vengeance  on  his  enemies." 

While  the  arms  of  the  marciuisof  Mondejar  were  thus  crowned  with  success, 
the  war  raged  yet  more  fiercely  on  the  eastern  slopes  of  the  Alpujarras,  where 
a  martial  race  of  mountaineers  threatened  a  descent  on  Aimeria  and  the 


'*  The  Castilian  chronicler  cannot  refuse 
his  admiration— somewhat  roughly  expressed 
— to  this  brave  Morisco, — '*  este  barbaro,"  as 
he  calls  him,  "  hijo  de  aspereza  y  frialdad 
indomable,  y  menospreciador  de  la  mueite." 
(Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn-   i.  p. 


503.)  The  story  of  the  escape  of  Aben- 
Humeya  is  also  told,  and  w  ith  little  discre- 
pancy, by  Cabrera  (Filipe  Segundo,  p.  673) 
and  Ferreras  (Hist.  d'Espagne,  torn.  x.  pp. 
39,  40). 


neighbouring  places,  keeping  the  inhabitants  m  perpetual  alarm.  They 
accordingly  inH)lored  the  government  at  Granada  to  take  some  effectual 
measures  ior  their  relief.  The  president,  Deza,  m  consequence,  desired  the 
marquis  of  Los  Velez,  who  held  the  office  of  adelantado  of  the  adjo  n  ng 
province  of  Murcia,  to  muster  a  force  and  provide  for  the  defence  of  the 
frontier.  This  proceeding  was  regarded  by  Mondejar's  fnends  as  an  insult  to 
that  nobleman,  whose  mititary  authority  extended  over  th^ountry  menaced 
by  the  Moriscoes.  The  act  was  the  more  annoying  that  the  Pfr^^n  invitea 
to  assume  the  command  was  a  rival,  between  whose  house  and  that  of  the 
Mendozas  there  existed  an  ancient  feud.  Yet  the  king  ^a^f/^ned  the  pro- 
ceeding, thinking  perhaps  that  Mondejar  was  not  in  sufficient  force  to  protect 
the  while  region  S  the  Alpujarras.  However  this  may  be,  Philip,  hy  this 
act  brought  two  commanders  if  equal  authority  on  the  theiitre  of  action  nien 
who  in  their  characters  and  habitual  policy  were  so  opposed  to  each  other  that 
little  concert  could  be  expected  between  them. 

Don  Luis  Fajardo,  nmrquis  of  Los  Velez,  was  a  «ot)?man  somewhat  ad- 
vanced in  years,  most  of  which  had  been  passed  m  the  active  duties  of  military 
Uff  He  had  studied  the  art  of  war  under  the  g^^f  ,«."^P«^^^' ^"^  ^ ^ f  H^d 
the  reputation  of  a  prompt  and  resolute  soldier,  bold  in  ^^^y»' ^f  "f  ^' "^^^^^ 
overbeariuLr,  in  his  deportment,  and  with  an  inflexible  will,  not  to  be  shaken 
by  friend  0^  foe.  The  severity  of  his  nature  had  not  been  softened  under  the 
stem  traiLg  of  the  camp ;  and,  as  his  conduct  in  the  present  expedition 
showerhe^i  troubled  with  noni  of  those  scruples  on  the  score  of  humanity 
wh'ch  so  often  turned  the  edge  of  Mondejar's  sword  from  the  defencela^^^^ 
thP  weak.  The  Moriscoes,  who  understfX)d  his  character  well,  held  him  m 
lerroT,^  they  prov^^^  familiar  sobriquet  which  they  gave  him  of  the 

"  T^e  n^n^^^^  the  invitation  of  Deza,  lost  no  time  in  gathering 

his  kind  effl  numerous  vassals  around  him  ;  and  they  came  with  an  alacrity 
whichlhowed  how  willingly  they  obeyed  the  summons  te  a  oray  over  the  k^rder 
His  own  family  was  a  v^lriike  race,  reared  from  the  cradle  amidst  the  dm  of 
arms  in  the  present  expedition  he  was  attended  by  three  of  his  sons,  the 
Zn%st  of  whor^  a  boy^of  thirteen,  had  the  proud  distinction  of  canymg 
S?s?at4Vs  banner.'"  With  the  levies  promptly  ^""^;«h«d  fr^™^^^^^^^^  'oft^li 
ing  places,  Los  Velez  soon  found  hiWl!  supported  ^Y  a  /orce  of  greater 

stfength  than  that  which  followed  the  ^tand^^^  ^^^^"g^J"^^^^^^^    the  he^^^^ 
of  his  valiant  but  ill-disciplined  array,  he  struck  mte  the  g/^omy  gorges  oi 
fViP  mnnntains.  resolved  on  bringing  the  enemy  at  once  te  battle. 
%rUmr.^irnot  Iw  roon?  for  the  details  of  a  eampai^^^^^^^^ 
frpneral  features  bears  so  close  a  resemblance  to  that  already  descnnea     in 
feK  coS  was  too  unequal  te  afford  a  ^^^ject^of  much  i^^^^^ 
ffPneral  reader  while  the  details  are  of  still  less  importance  in  a  military  view, 
frTmTKal  Wnorance  shown  by  the  f<-^^^Zf'^^^^^^^ 

The  fate  of  tL  campaign  was  decided  by  three  batt^s  fought  s^^^^^^ 
at  Huecija,  Filix,  and  Ohanez,-places  all  lying  m  the  eastern  ranges  oi  ine 


»*  "  Quando  entendieron  que  peleaban  con- 
tra el  campo  del  Marques  de  los  Velez,  & 
quien  los  Moros  de  aquella  tierra  soHan 
llamar  Ibiliz  Arraez  el  Hadid,  que  qu.ere 
decir,  diabolo  cabeza  de  hierro  |>erdieron 
esperanza  de  vitoria."  Marmol,  Rebelion  de 
Granada,  tom.  i.  p.  451.-Hita,  who  was  a 
native  of  Murcia,  and  followed  Ix)s  Vehz  to 
the  war,  gives  an  elaborate  portrait  of  tliis 


powerful  chief,  whom  he  extols  as  one  of  the 
inost  valiant  captains  in  the  world,  'iv.'lling 
in  his  achievements  the  ad,  Bernardo  del 
Carpio,  or  any  other  hero  of  gre^u-st  renown 
in  Spain.    Guerras  de  Granada,  tom.  il.  p.  b8, 

^^'^Circourt,  Hist,  des  Arabes  en  Espagne, 
tom.  ii.  p.  346. 


632  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

Alpuiarras.  That  of  Filix  was  the  most  sanoniinary  A  ?reat  number  of 
stracrglers  hiin?  on  the  skirts  of  the  Morisco  army  ;  and  besides  six  thousand 
-many  of  them  women  »«-left  dead  upon  the  field,  there  were  two  thousand 
children,  we  are  told,  butchered  by  the  Spaniards  "  Some  tied  /or  refuge  to 
the  caves  and  thickets ;  but  they  were  speedily  dragged  from  their  hiding- 
places  and  massacred  by  the  soldiers  in  cold  blood.  Others,  to  escape  death 
from  the  hands  of  their  enemies,  threw  themselves  headlong  down  the  preci- 
pices,-some  of  them  with  their  infants  in  their  arms,-and  thus  miserably 
perisked.  "  The  cruelties  committed  by  the  troops,"  says  one  of  the  army  who 
chronicles  its  achievements,  "were  such  as  the  pen  refuses  to  record.  1 
myself,"  he  adds,  "saw  the  cor[)se  of  a  Morisco  woman,  covered  with  wounds, 
stretched  upon  the  ground,  with  six  of  her  children  lying  dead  around  her 
She  had  succeeded  in  protecting  a  seventh,  still  an  infant,  with  her  body , 
and,  though  the  lances  wnich  pierced  her  had  passed  through  its  clothes,  it 
had  marvellously  escaped  any  injury.  It  was  clinging,"  he  continues,  to  its 
dead  mother's  bosom,  from  which  it  drew  milk  that  was  mingled  with  blood. 
I  carried  it  away  and  saved  it." '»  For  the  credit  of  human  nature  he  records 
some  other  instances  of  the  like  kind,  showing  that  a  spark  of  humanity  might 
occasionally  be  struck  out  from  the  thnty  breasts  of  these  marauders. 

The  field  of  battle  afforded  a  rich  harvest  for  the  victors,  who  stripped  the 
dead,  and  rified  the  bodies  of  the  women,  of  collars,  bracelets,  ornaments  ot 
gold  and  silver,  and  costly  jewels,  with  which  the  Moorish  female  loved  to 
Secorate  her  person.  Sated  with  plunder,  the  soldiers  took  the  first  occasion 
to  leave  their  colours  and  return  to  their  homes.  Their  places  were  soon  sup- 
plied, as  the  display  of  their  riches  sharpened  the  appetites  of  their  country- 
men, who  eagerly  fiocked  to  the  banner  of  a  chief  that  was  sure  to  lead  them 
on  to  victory  and  plunder.  But  that  chief,  with  all  his  stern  authority,  was  no 
match  for  the  spirit  of  insubordination  that  reigned  among  his  troops ;  and 
when  he  attempted  to  punish  one  of  their  number  for  a  gross  act  of  disobedi- 
ence, he  was  made  to  understand  that  there  were  three  thousand  in  the  camp 
ready  to  stand  by  their  comrade  and  protect  him  from  mJ"iT/  . 

The  wild  excesses  of  the  soldiery  were  strangely  mingled  with  a  respect  lor 
the  forms  of  religion  that  intimated  the  nature  of  the  war  in  which  they  were 
engaged.  Before  entering  into  action  the  whole  army  knelt  down  i»  Player, 
solemnly  invoking  the  protection  of  Heaven  on  its  champions.  After  the 
battle  of  Ohanez,  where  the  mountain-streams  were  so  polluted  with  core 
that  the  Spaniards  found  it  difficult  to  slake  their  thirst,  they  proceeded  to 
celebrate  tlie  fete  of  the  Purification  of  the  Virgin.''^  A  procession  was 
formed  to  the"  church,  which  was  headed  by  the  marquis  of  Los  Velez  and 


*•  "  Mas  mugeres  que  hombres,"  siiya  Men- 
doza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  S3. 

"  "  En  mpnos  de  dos  horas  fueron  muertas 
mas  de  seis  mil  personas  entre  hombres  y 
mugeres ;  y  de  ninos.  desde  uno  hasta  diez 
afios,  habia  mas  d»*  <los  mil  degolla<los." 
Hita.  GuPFTas  de  Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  126.— 
We  may  hoi*  this  is  an  exaggeration  of  the 
romancer.  Mendoza  says  nothing  of  the 
children,  and  re<luces  the  slain  to  seven  hun- 
dred.    But  Hita  was  in  the  action. 

'•  "La  Boldadesca  qne  andaba  suelta  por 
el  Ingar  cometio  crueldades  inaud  tas,  y  que 
la  pluma  se  resiste  &  transcribir."  Ibid.,  p. 
125, 

'"  "El  nifio  arrastrando  como  pudo  se Uego 
&  ella,  y  movido  del  deseo  de  mamar,  se  &&i6 


de  los  pechoa  de  la  madre.   sacando  leche 
mezdada  con  la  eangre  de  las  heridas."   Ibid., 

p.  126.  . 

">  "  Advirtiendo  al  mismo  tiempo  que  h.iy 
tres  mil  hombres  paisanos  >uyo8  ptiestos 
sohre  las  armas,  y  decididos  i  perder  la  vida 
por  salvarle."     Ibid.,  p.  1:^2. 

-'  Hita  has  devoted  one  of  the  most  spirited 
of  his  romances  to  tiie  rout  of  Ohaner,.  The 
opening  sUnza  may  show  the  Ume  of  it : 

"  La.s  tremolantes  banderas 
d  1  grande  Fajardo  parten 
para  las  Nevadas  Sierns, 
y  van  camino  de  Ohauez. 
Ay  de  Ohanez !  " 


I 


CABAL  AGAINST  MONDEJAR. 


533 


his  chivalry,  clad  in  complete  mail  and  bearing  white  tapers  m  their  hands. 
Then  came  the  Christian  women  who  had  been  rescued  from  captivity, 
dressed  brthe  general's  command,  in  robes  of  blue  and  v^1llte,  as  the  appro- 

and  other  ecclesiastics  who  had  taken  part  in  the  crusade  f/^^  processi^^^^ 
nassed  slowly  between  the  files  of  the  soldiery,  who  saluted  it  with  volleys 
Kusketry  aft  entered  the  church,  where  Te  Z>.z.m  was  chanted  and 
^LXole  company  prostrated  themselves  in  adoration  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts 

"""^^iS^'^tf^^^  proceeded  .to  the  work  of 

pilfag;  in  wlic^^^^^^  commander,  unlike  ^is ,  rival  the  mar^ui^^^^^^^^ 
ininpd  as  heartily  as  the  meanest  of  his  followers,     ihe  Moorish  captives 
i^"  he  nunClff  Ixteen  hundred,  among  ^ho"'  'J* '^f^.^^'^'t^^tl^nX^ 
voun-'  and  beautiful  maidens,  instead  of  meeting  with  the  P™***™"  ™^; 
ffi  ?eS  ved  from  the  more  'generous  Mondejar,  "«^«  d^^JXut  tL  camp 
r^ntimis  soldiery  •  and  for  a  fortnight  there  reigned  throughout  the  camp 
al^rral  0   thJ^iMest  riot  and  dibaud.ery."    In  this  strange  con  usion 
ofThereliSous  sentiment  and  of  Climes  most  revoltmg  to  humamty  «e 
sL  the  chSristic  features.of  the  crusade    Nowhere  do  we  find  sn  ha  free 
range  Wven  to  the  worst  passions  of  our  nature  as  in  the  ^^^J\p^^P^'^ 
where  ^a?iVty  consi<le4  itself  as  arrayed  against  the  enemies  of  G^^^^^^^ 
where  the  sinctity  of  the  cause  throws  a  veil  over  the  fouiest  transgressions, 
that  hides  their  enormity  from  the  eye  oJ  the  transgressor 

\vi,ilAthp  Moriscoes  were  stunned  by  the  fierce  blows  thus  dealt  in  rapiu 
suc^sfoX  he  SVe^rted  marquis,  the.mild  and  liberal  Pol.^y  of  h's  nval 
Sic^ill  mnrp  efl-ectuallv  reducing  his  enemies  to  obedience.   Disheartened  by 

larts,  to  act  as  a  ^o^^  «^ /""^ i^lS Uy  of VeZ^i^^^^^^^^^ 
S'SJSirrf^Sor^rrrffiswanderiiunmol^^ 

ItHE^ShI  ;^s*s^fto*^e7r2ry,fh  z 


f 


»»  "Todos  los  caballeros  y  capitanes  en  la 
procesio.1  armados  de  todas  sus  armas  con 
?elas  de  cera  blanca  en  las  manos  que  se  las 
habTan  enviado  para  aquel  dia  desde  su  casa. 

V  tX  la..  Christianas  en  n.edio  v.st,das  de 
azuly  bianco,  que  por  ser  colores  apl.cados  4 
nuestm  Seno;a:  mando  el  Marques  que  las 
visties^n  de  aquella  manera  a  su  costa 
Mamiol  Hebeli.n  de  Granada,  t..m.  i.  p.  ««>»• 
^*?r°.\T'ravendose  muchas  moras  herm  .sas. 
pues  pa-saron  de  trescientas  las  que  se  tomaron 
SlU;  V  habiendolaa  te.iido  los  soldados  a  sti 

V  j  mrad  n.as  de  quince  dias.  al  cabo  de  ellos 


mand6  el  marques  que  las   "^""f^"  ^  A* 
iglesia."    Hita,  Guerias  de  Granada,  torn.  il. 

D    155 

"  "For  manera que ya  estaba  la  Alpuxarra 
tan  liana,  que  diez  y  doce  soUjados  iban  d^ 
unos  lugares  en  otros,  sin  halUr  quieA  los 
enniase"  Marmol.  Rebelion  de  Granada, 
?om  i  p.  49S.-Mendoza  fully  confirms 
Marmol's  account  of  the  quiet  st^te  of  the 
country.    Guerra  de  Granada,  PP  5*6,  H7. 

»•  "I^  supUcase  de  su  parte  los  admit!  se. 
habiendose  misericor.liosaniet.te  con  los  que 
no  fuescu  muy  culpados.  para  que  el  pud.ew 


I 


834  REBELLION  OF  THE  iMORISCOES. 

another  communication,  to  the  marcj«is  of  Lo^^  th^^  n^leman 

to  co-operate  «ith  him  in  the  same  ^  ™^ne  poMy,  as  ^.^^  ^^ 

L^.j^ratr,!e%p»w^ 

%-te«?e^^:^o^^^^^  |1-er.e  at  .e^.urt 

metSu^ttS;I.U^e:.^e^p^t^^^^^^^^ 

STer^th1rs\t%rb"'4t  3  J^^^^  and  ol  the 

pStlty  «  deri;e  ^ ™m  the  contim.a„ce^f  the  .ar^  ^^__^^^ 

"^  Among  those  of  the  former  class  wa^  the  Pfg^!  t'^J^^'li^ays  viewing  the 
of  the  Audience  and  the  civil  a"thont'es  m  •j-ra'  a«J;  ^'  ^\  i^udfy  de- 
proceedings  of  the  »P«^L"S'c!nTelf.Vhi  i"^^^^^^^^^  ^™"' 
nounced  Kis  Pohcy Jo  the  k'n&,[»™^^"jh  f,  ^^^^  disasters  and  to  form  new 
race,  who  would  profit  by  it  to  ^''y  '^""' '"V[  "J  .  o„trages  like  those  perne- 
plans  of  rebellion.  It  was  not  "|ht,  tliey  sai.1,  that  orn^e  j^^ J., 
trated  against  both  j^»««e  anrf  tem"»  «»«.;f^^^^^^^^  the 
Mondejar's  enemies  did  not  stop  hefe.  »'  t  ^f^^f^^j  ;„  battle  from  the 
exchequer  of  its  dues -the  fi'th  fthe 'poiU  c^f  war^gaineo  m^  ^^^ 

iSil  aSii^n^f  ^tfl,'iromi'te"forunicate  to  them  Ets  plan 

nun   his   credit  vvith   tne  ^^/^^^^^  and  to  refute  the  accusations 

Madrid,  to  present  his  case  ^^f '^^J"' ffn„  ?pfms^t^  have  made  no  impression 
of  his  enemies.  The  charjje  of  P^f  "^^f  ?"  ^f  ^^en  slow  to^^^^^  had  there 
on  the  mind  of  a  prince  who  ^vould  not  have  been  «^^^^  ;„  ^  „,ds  for 

been  any  ground  for  suspicion.    There  n^a^h^^^^^  ^^^ 

the  complaint  of  want  of  f^^J^'lf^^^^^^^^^  „  ust^b^^^^^^^^^^  in  the  character 
best  vinSication  of  his^conduct  in  ^^is  ^^"^"'^^."^^"p'e^  aiid  the  municipality 
and  conduct  of  his  adversaries.     From  the  ^^'\^'  V^^^^    ^^  ^y^,,^,^  his  plans 

ha4  regarded  !»"^ -^^^^J.^jl^^^' ^^^^^  contid'ence. 

and  circumscribe  his  f^^hori^J- ^It  s  o^^  i„,patient  of  orpo- 

Kondejar,  early  amis  omed  f^^^XS^^andTun^^^^^^  thrown  in  his  way 
sition."    He  chafed  ""4^^,  ^^^^f  r^^'f  nieans  before  us  of  coming 

by  his  narrow-minded  nvals  We  have  not  J^^ J"^*^^"  ^  ^^^^  ^^om  what  we 
to  a  conclusive  judgment.on  the  merits  ^^f  ^.^^^f^^^^^^^^  ^t  t  'eir  head,  we 
know  of  the  marquis's  accusers,  with  ^^J^f^^^  fJX  ,J^^  the  frank  and 
shall  hardly  err  by  casting  our  sym^^^^^^^^^^^^  ^.,. 

generous-hearted  soldier  wM  Vy>^?.f,^'l'f,i  foUowin^^^^^  the  enemy  amidst  the 


cumplir  la  palabra  que  tenia  ya  dad«  i  lo8 
mlucidos.  entendiendo  ser  aquel  camino  el 
I^  brev;  para  acabar  con  eU(.9  por  U  v,a  de 
equidad."     Marmol.   Rebelion   de  Granada, 

'  "*  QtTe  Siiese  por  f^u  parte  lo  que  pudiese, 
porque  ansi  baria  el  de  la  suya.       Ibid.,  p. 

*'«  "Dexmr  sin  castigo  exemplar  i  qulen 


tenfos  crimcnes  habian  «^oT*'?K/°"r!'"aoo* 
Maeestid  ditdna  y  humana.  Ibid.,  p.  ^^J. 
»  "Kl  Marques."  says  Mendoza,  "hombre 
de  estrecba  i^rigurosa  disciplina,  criadu  al 
favor  de  mi  abuelo  1  padre  en  gran  oflcio.  ^m 
eual  .  i  contrailictor,  impaciente  de  tumar 
compaflia,  com.inicava  sus  consejos  consigo 
mlsmo."    Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  103. 


i 


; 


I 


i 


LICENSE  OF  THE  SOLDIERS. 


535 


more  than  a  month,  without  other  aid  than  the  disorderly  levies  of  the  cities, 
had  quelled  a  dangerous  revolt  and  restored  tranquillity  to  the  land. 

PhiUp  was  greatly  perplexed  by  the  different  accounts  sent  to  him  of  the 
iJture^of  affairs  ii/draLda.  Mondejar's  agent  suggested  to  the^c^^^^^^^^^^^ 
.state  that  it  would  be  well  if  his  majesty  would  do  as  his  father  Charles  tl^^ 
Fifth,  would  liave  done  in  the  like  case,-repair  himself  to  the  scene  of  action, 
and  observe  the  actual  state  of  things  with  liis  own  eyes.  But  the  suggest  urn 
found  no  favour  with  the  minister,  Espinosa,  who  atiected  to  hold  thelVIori^ 
coe  in  such  contempt  that  a  measure  of  this  kmd,  he  declared,  Wdb^ 
<lpro.ratorv  to  the  roval  dignity.  A  better  course  would  be  for  his  majesty  to 
seKone  one  as  h^is  re^^^^^^^  clothed  with  full  powers  to  take  charge 

of  the  wir  a  id  of  a  rank  .so  manifestly  pre-eminent  that  neither  of  the  two 
conimanders  now  in  the  field  could  tate  umbrage  at  his  appointment  over 

*^Thi 'tl'gestion,  as  the  politic  minister  doubtless  had  foreseen,  was  much 
more  to  K  as?^  than  that  of  his  going  in  person  to  the  scene  of  srifep 
fSr  hmvever  ittle  he  might  shrink  from  any  amount  of  labour  in  the  clo  .et 
he  harcafwriiave  seen,  a  shmgish  tempemment,  that  indisposed  him  to 
mc  1  bo(Slv  exertion.  The  plan  of  sending  some  one  to  represent  the  monarch 
"tt  sel  tof  war  was  acco.?lingly  approved  ;  and  the  person  selected  for  this 
responsible  office  was  Philip's  bastard  brother,  Don  John  of  Austiia 

lumours  of  what  was  going  on  in  the  cabinet  at  Madrid,  reaching  Oranada 
f ron  t  ^e  to  tinfe  were  followed  by  the  most  mischievous  conseciuences.  rhe 
troons  in  par  c^^^^^^^^^  no  sooner  learned  that  the  marquis  of  Mondejar 
^J^^!^S.ot  to  be  superseded  in  the  command  than  they  threw  off  the  little 
restra  nt  he  Ld  be^^^^^^^  able  to  impose  on  them,  and  abandoned  them- 
8owS  to  the  vio  en^^^  and  rapine  to  which  they  were  so  well  disposed,  and 
which  seemed  now  to  be  countenanced  by  the  Dresident  and  the  authorities  m 
O^nada  The  very  patrols  whom  Mondejar  liad  commissioned  to  keep  the 
neTe  were  the  ^  set  the  example  of  violating  it     They  invaded  the 

Kamfets  and  houses  they  were  sent  to  protect,  plundered  them  of  their  con- 
tont    and  con^  tt^d  the  foulest  outrages  on  their  inmates.    The  garrisons 
irthenrincina  towns  imitated  their  example,  carrying  on  their  depredations 
•    1  ./nri^Sill  la  ier  scale     Even  the  capital,  under  the  very  eyes  of  the 
indeed  on  a  St  11  l^^g^J  ^^^^^^^  ^f  soldier.;,  who  with  ruthless  violence 

Spled^down  t^^^^^^^^^  in  the  valleys,  .sacked  the  vd  a  e        ^ 

Sjd  away  the  inhabitants  from  the  midst  of  their  blazing  dwellings  mto 

some  of  the  most  atrociou^s  scenes  oi  t  -^  ^^  ^a^  caused  a  number  of 

J^:^.^Z:iifi^nS^t%Zn,r^  and  fifty,  it  is  said,  to  he 


«•  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  115,  et 

seq.-Marmol.  Rebelion  de  /^f "«f^V«nTAi 
PD.  511-5I3.-Miniana,  Historia  de  Espafla, 
p  3:6.-Cabreia,  Filipe  Segundo,  pp.  573, 
&74. 


»»  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  il.  p. 
8.  et  seq.-Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp. 
97  12H  -Miuiana,  Historia  de  bspafia,  p. 
376.— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  pp.  675,  676. 


^) 


536  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

arrested  and  thrown  into  the  prison  of  the  Chancery.  Certain  trea  onahle 
designs,  of  which  they  had  been  suspected  for  a  loiij?  tune,  furnished  the 
feeble  pretext  for  this  violent  proceeding.  Some  few,  indeed,  were  irni)nsoned 
for  debt.  But  the  greater  number  were  wealthy  men,  who  enjoyed  the 
hi<'hest  consideration  among  their  countrymen.  They  had  been  suttered  to 
remain  in  confinement  during  the  whole  of  the  campaign,  thus  servmg,  m 
some  sort,  as  hostages  for  the  good  behaviour  of  the  people  of  the  Albainn. 

Early  in  March,  a  rumour  was  circulated  that  the  mountaineers,  headed  by 
Aben-Humeya,  whose  father  and  brother  were  among  the  prisoners,  were 
prepared  to  make  a  descent  on  the  city  by  night,  and,  with  the  assistance  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Albaicin,  to  begin  the  work  of  destruction  by  assaulting 
the  prison  of  the  Chancery  and  liberating  their  countrymen.    This  report, 
readily  believed,  caused  the  greatest  alarm  among  the  citizens,  boding  no 
good  to  the  unhappy  prisoners.    On  the  evening  of  the  seventeenth,  Deza 
received  intelligence  that  lights  had  been  seen  on  some  of  the  neighbouring 
mountains,  which  seemed  to  be  of  the  nature  of  signals,  as  they  were  answered 
'  by  corresponding  lights  in  some  of  the  houses  in  the  Albaicin.    The  assault, 
it  was  said,  would  doubtless  be  made  that  very  night.    The  president  appears 
to  have  taken  no  measures  for  the  protection  of  the  city.    But  on  receiving 
the  information  he  at  once  communicated  it  to  the  alcayde  of  the  prison  and 
directed  him  to  provide  for  the  security  of  his  prisoners.    The  alcayde  lost  no 
time  in  gathering  his  friends  about  him,  and  caused  arms  to  be  distributed 
among  a  body  of  Spaniards,  of  whom  there  appears  to  have  been  a  consider- 
able number  confined  in  the  place  at  this  time.    Thus  prepared,  they  all 
remained,  as  in  silent  expectation  of  some  great  event. 

At  length,  some  time  before  midnight,  the  guard  posted  in  the  Campana. 
one  of  the  towers  of  the  Alhambra,  struck  the  bell  with  a  succession  of  rapid 
strokes,  such  as  were  used  to  give  an  alarm.    In  a  moment  every  Spaniard 
in  the  prison  was  on  his  feet ;  and,  the  alcayde  throwing  open  the  doors  and 
leading  the  way,  they  fell  at  once  on  their  defenceless  victims,  confined  in 
another  (luarter  of  the  building.     As  many  of  these  were  old  and  infirm,  and 
most  of  them  inoffensive  citizens,  whose  quiet  way  of  life  had  little  fitted  them 
for  brawl  or  battle,  and  who  were  now  destitute  of  arms  of  any  kind,  they 
seemed  to  be  as  easy  victims  as  the  sheep  into  whose  fold  the  famishing  wolves 
have  broken  in  the  absence  of  the  shepherd.    Yet  they  did  not  give  up  their 
lives  without  an  effort  to  save  them.    Despair  lent  them  strength,  and, 
snatching  up  chairs,  benches,  or  any  other  article  of  furniture  in  their  cells, 
they  endeavoured  to  make  good  their  defence  against  the  assailants.    Some, 
exerting  a  vigour  which  despair  only  could  have  given,  succeeded  in  wrench- 
ing stones  from  the  walls  or  iron  bars  from  the  windows,  and  thus  supplied 
themselves  with  the  means  not  merely  of  defence,  but  of  doing  some  mischief 
to  the  assailants  in  their  turn.    They  fought,  in  short,  like  men  who  are 
fighting  for  their  lives.    Some,  however,  losing  all  hope  of  escape,  piled  to- 
gether a  heap  of  mats,  bedding,  and  other  combustibles,  and,  kindling  them 
with  their  torches,  threw  themselves  into  the  flames,  intending  in  this  way  to 
set  fire  to  the  building  and  to  perish  in  one  general  conflagration  with  their 
murderers."    But  the  flames  they  had  kindled  were  soon  extinguished  in 
their  own  blood,  and  their  mangled  remains  were  left  to  blacken  among  the 
cinders  of  their  funeral  pile. 


MASSACRE  IN  GRANADA. 


Z37 


For  two  hours  the  deadly  conflict  between  parties  so  unequally  matched 
had  continued  ;  the  one  shouting  its  old  war-cry  of ''  Santiago,  as  if  fighting 
on  an  open  field  ;  the  other,  if  we  may  take  the  Castilian  account,  calling  on 
their  prophet  to  come  to  their  assistance.  But  no  pow-^r,  divme  or  human, 
interposed  in  their  behalf ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  wild  uproar  caused  by 
men  engaged  in  a  mortal  struggle,  by  the  sound  of  heavy  blows  and  fall  ng 
missiles?  by  the  yells  of  the  victors  and  the  dying  moans  and  agonies  of  tlie 
vanquishea,  no  noise  to  give  token  of  what  was  L^oing  on-if  .^^e  are  t«  credit 
the  chroniclers-found  its  way  beyond  the  wafls  o?  the  prison  Even  tj  e 
guard  stationed  in  the  court-yard,  we  are  assured,  were  not  roused  fiom  their 

^  At  length  some  rumour  of  what  was  passing  reached  the  city,  where  the 
story  ran  that  the  Moriscoes  were  in  arms  against  their  keepers  and  would 
soof  probably  get  possession  of  the  gaol.    This  report  was  enough  for  the 
people  who,  roused  by  the  alarm-bell,  were  now  in  a  state  of  excitement  that 
Sosed  them  to  an/ deed  of  violence.    Snatching  up  their  weapons  they 
rXd,  or  rather  flew,  like  vultures  snutting  the  carrion  from  afar  to  the 
Icene  of  slaughter.    Strengthened  by  this  reinforcement,  the  assailants  m  the 
Dri  on  soon  cSleted  the  work  of  death  ;  and  when  the  morning  light  broke 
KgHe  grated  windows  it  disclosed  the  full  extent  of  the  tragedy     Of 
K  Moriscoes  only  two  had  escaped,-the  father  ^^^^^^'J^^^^^ 
Humeya,  over  whom  a  guard  had  been  especially  set.    Five  Spaniards^vere 
slain,  and  seventeen  wounded,-showing  the  fierce  resistance  made  by  the 
Moslems,  though  destitute  of  arms.''  j       v  i,  „« 

Sue  was  the  massacre  in  the  prison  of  the  Chancery  of  Granada  which,  as 
ahe^dy  intimated,  nowhere  finds  a  more  fitting  parallel  than  in  the  murders 
DerSted  on  a  still  larger  scale  during  the  French  Revolution  in  the  famous 
fnas4  res  of  Sept^^^^^  But  the  miscreants  who  perpetrated  the^  enormi- 

ties were  the  tools  of  a  sanguinary  faction,  that  was  regarded  with  horror  by 
everrfriend  of  humanity  in  the  country.  In  Granada,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
^a^the  g^^^^^^^  itself,  or  at  least  those  of  highest  authority  in  it,  who 

were  ~  the  deed.    For  who  can  doubt  that  a  proce^mg,  the 

suc^e^s  cfwhich  depended  on  the  concurrence  of  so  many  circiimstances  as 
to  preclude  the  idea  of  accident,  must  have  been  countenanced,  if  not  con- 
trived bv  those  who  had  the  direction  of  affairs  (  .,      v,        v^^ 
Another  feature,  not  the  least  striking  in  the  case,  is  the  apathy  shown  by 
contXoraiy  w^                   who  on  more  than  one  occasion  have  been  willing 
JntPtFv  their  'vmnithy  for  the  sufferings  of  the  Moriscoes.    One  of  these 
cLonce^^^                            Pteous  tale,'coolly  remarks  that  it  was  a  ^ood 
?  hi^  forThe  alcLyde  of  the  prison,  who  pocketed  a  large  sum  of  money  ^^hich 
Me"  fouiK  the  perils  of  the  wealthy  Mooi.    Ano^^^^^^^^^^ 
thp  imniitation  of  an  intended  nsing  on  the  part  of  the  prisoners  as  in  iiie 
hlhestrsree  absurd,  dismisses  the  subject  by  telling  us  tUt  '  the  Mor.s«)es 
™i  a  wSkscatter  brained  race,  with  just  wit  enough  to  bring  on  them- 
;!  Is  suri^S"as  he  plea-^antly  iernis  the  n'^^F^j"Tl.e  govern^ 
nipnt  of  Madrid  received  the   argest  share  of  the  price  of  blood,    l^or  when 
rwi4s  and  fam^^^^^^^^^         deceased  claimed  the  inheritance  of  their  estates, 
[n^omf  c^es  v"r^^^^^       their  claims  were  rejected-on  what  grounds  we 


=*  ♦•  Otros,  como  desesperados,  Juntando 
esteras,  tascos  y  otras  cosas  secas,  que  pu- 
die^en  ardpr,  se  metlan  entre  sus  meflmas 
llamas,  y  las  avivaban,  para  que  ardiendo  la 


carcel  y  la  Audiencia,  pereciesen  todos  los 

Sue  estabao  dentro."    Marmol,  Rebelion  de 
ranada,  torn.  i.  p.  517. 


"  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  ubi  supra. 

"  "  Los  roataron  d  todos,  sin  dexar  honibre 
&  vida,  Bino  fueron  los  dos  que  defend)o  la 
cuardia  que  tenian."  Marmol,  HebMion  de 
Granada,  torn.  1.  p.  5l7.-See  also  Memoza, 
Quesra  de  Granada,  p.  122;  Herrera,  Historu 


general,  torn.  i.  p.  744.  ,  w        j 

^*  "  Havia  en  ellos  culpados  en  platlcas  i 
demonstraciones,  i  todos  en  deseo;  gente 
flaca,  liviana,  Inhabil  para  todo,  eino  para 
dar  ocasion  a  cu  desvcntura.'  Mendoza, 
Gutr.ade  Grai.ada,  p.  122. 


538  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

ora  nnr  fnlH—hv  the  alcaldes  of  the  Court  of  Audience  in  Granada,  and 
?he  esStes\ireLnL^^^^^  use  of  the  crown.   Such  a  decision,  remarks 

L^\m^cle;r^^^^^^^^  one  to  infer  that  the  Prisoners  had^en  ^^ty  of  ^^^^^^^^^ 
more  heinous  ofiences  than  those  commonly  miputed  to  them  ^"^  irajf^^^^^^^ 
reader  will  probably  come  to  a  very  ditierent  conclusion  ;  and,  since  it  was  the 
o^ent  bllh^^^^^^    -ere  thus  nfarked  out  for  dest-ction  h^^  naturalj 

infer  that  the  baser  passion  of  avarice  mingled  with  the  feelings  of  tear  antt 

n:trver1hgry  b:,\o^^^^^^^  placed  an  imrassable  g.ilf  between  the 
SpSSs  and  the'Lriicoes.  It  tauglJt  the  latter  tl;at  t^-^^^^^^^  ^^^]^^^^ 
relv  on  their  perfidious  enemy,  who,  while  he  was  holding  out  to  them  one 
handTn  token  of  reconciliation,  was  raising  the  other  to  smite  them  to  the 
tound  A  c?y  of  vengeance  ran  through  all  the  borders  o  the  Alpiijarras 
Si  the  mountaineers  rose  in  arms.  They  cut  oft  stragglers  waylaid  the 
pafro Is  wh^  S  had  distributed  throughout  the  country  and  even 

SracedThrmil^^^^^^  ^sts  of  the  Spaniards.  On  some  oe-ion^^^^^^^^^^ 
tiered  the  latter  w  th  success  m  the  open  field,  and  m  one  instance  aeieaieu 
^nd  slew  a  large  body  of  Christians  as  they  were  returning  from  a  foray  laden 
with  Plunder  Finally,  they  invited  Aben-Humeya  to  return  and  resume  the 
conS,Tr^^^^^^  to  stand  by  him  to  the  last.  The  chief  obeyed  the  call, 
S Trvinrhis  retreat  in  the  Sierra  Nevada,  again  took  possession  of  his 
domah?^  and,  planting  his  blood-red  flag  on  his  native  hills,''  soon  gathered 
aromii  him  a  Lre  fonnidable  host  than  before.  He  even  atlected  a  greater 
rimJn  than  he  had  before  displayed.  He  surrounded  himself  with  a  body- 
S  of  four  hSred  arqS^^  He  divided  his  army  into  battalions 

S  d  con^aK^^  endeavoured  to  introduce  i"to.it  somethii^of  he  organi- 
Si  ai^  tactics  of  the  Spaniards.'^  He  sent  his  brother  Al^dal  ah  to  Con- 
Snople,  to  represent  hiT  condition  to  the  sultan  and  to  implore  him  to 
nmke  common  (Luse  with  liis  Moslem  brethren  in  the  Peninsula.  In  short, 
?^lhon  run^d  a  more  audacious  front  than  at  anytime  durmgthe  pre. 
vSSnipaign  ;  and  the  Christians  of  Andalusia  and  Granada  looked  with 
irgr3ft?^xiety  for  the  coming  of  a  commander  possessed  of  sufficient 
authSy  to  infuse  harmony  into  the  counsels  of  the^  rival  chiefs,  to  enforce 
oSncVfrom  the  turbulent  soldiery,  and  to  bring  the  war  to  a  speedy  con- 
elusion. 


»*  "  Las  culpas  de  los  qnales  df'bieron  ser 
mayoTCS  de  lo  que  aqui  se.  esC'ibe,  |>orque 
despues  pidiendo  las  luugnres  y  hijos  de  loa 
muertos  sua  dotes  y  haciendas  ante  los  al- 
caldes del  crimen  de  aquella  Audiencia,  y 
saliendo  el  fiscal  &  la  causa,  se  fonno  proceso 
tn  furma ;  y  por  sentencias  y  revista  fueron 
condeiiados,  y  aplicados  todos  sus  bienes  al 
Keal  fisco."  Marmol,  Uebellon  de  Granada, 
torn.  i.  p.  517. 

*•  "Levanto  un  Estandarte  bennejo,  que 


mostrava  el  lugar  de  la  persona  del  Ret  a 
nianera  de  Guion."  Mendoza,  Guerra  de 
Granada,  p.  118. 

»•  "Para  8eguri<lad  de  su  persona  pago 
arcabuceria  de  guardla,  que  fue  creciendo 
basta   quatrocientos   hombres."      Ibid.,    ubl 

supra.  ,     ^ 

»*  "Sigui6  nuestra  orden  de  Guerra,  re- 
parti6  la  gente  por  esquadras,  ju<  tola  en 
companias,  nombro  CapiUiies."  Ibid.,  ubi 
supra. 


|i 


DON    JOHN    OF   AUSTRIA. 


DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA. 


539 


CHAPTER  V. 

EEBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 
the  Morlscoes.  1669 

A,  Don  John  of  Austria  is  to  occupy  an  i™l^rt^^^^^^^  ^  Z 

tl^:^^r?i^^^  SstV/orthr^torianhas  been 

''tt"J;n\'JpSr;^hat  he  was  born  in  *«  yea^MT^  Jhe  t^^^^^^^^^ 
of  Februap^s  assigned  by  co™^^^^^^^^^^^ 

-as  the  day  of  us  birth.  It  was  a^o, ''  '"*J  Barbara  Bloniberg,  was  an 
of  his  father,  Char les  «>«  F'^'^  ^.  H't^hTk  d^cribed  as  a  beautiful  young 
inhabitant  of  Ratuibon,  in  «c™  f  y-,i,^\^J'X^rafter  the  death  of  the 
girl,  who  attracted  the  engerors  "O^ce  -se^^ml^J^^^^  „oble  descent  for  Bar- 
Empress  Isabella.'     ine  fepanisn  ";  ""'"i  "    •    j  „„,,id  make  out  a  pedigree 

bar^.    f"^^^^'^^,t\tre'are^^^^^^^^^  suggest  K  Idea 

for  his  hero,     ^et  there  are  several  u  ^^^_^^^^^  position. 

tliat  the  mother  of  Don  J^hn  must  have  ^^^^^^^^^  ,  J.^^^^  ^  German  named 

Subsequently  to  her  connection  J 1^^^  commissary.*    The  only 

Kegell,  on  whom  the  emperor  oestowea  tne  omte  u  ^        mistress, 

other  notice,  so  far  as  ^^^^  Jf,«' ^fc^  hundred  tiorins,  which 

was  the  settlement  on  ^^r  o    a  yearly  pen^^^^^^^^  ^  princely  legacy, 

he  made  the  day  before   us  death       I^t;;*^^^^[^^^ /humble  condition  ^^  life 
and  infers  that  ^he  ohject  of  it  nuist  hav^^^^^^  ^^^  ^  ^^^  ^^,,. 

to  have  rendered  it  "^PO^^tantto  ^ej J^^^^^^^^  ^  ^^e  child,  forming  so 


>  This  which  is  two  years  later  than  the 
date  commonly  assigned  by  W«tumus,  s^ms 
t.V  hP  settled  by  the  research's  of  L.amenie. 
?^»^Hi2oria  general  de  Espana  (Madnd. 
i^^i^  torn  xiilp  437,  note.)     Among  other 

^-/rnSrmC^l5:>'n*'i"«n  de  Austria^ 
fol    3  -  Villatane.  Vid*  y  Virtudes  de  Dofia 

Ma«d  dona  de  Ulloa  C^^'^^^^^Jf  f  'aL^tom 
5^e  also  Lafuente,  Hist-ria  de  E>pafia,iom. 
*u1^D  4^2     This  last  histoiian  has  niade  the 
naJentage  of  John  of  Austria  the  subject  ofa 
^IcX  Slscussion  in  the  Revistade  Ambo. 


^3\1rnd?;Jn.men,  alluding  ,to  the  doubts 
thrown  on  the  rank  of  his  hero's  mother  coi»- 
sSfes  himself  with  the  reflection  that,  if  there 
wal  any  deficiency  in  this  particular,  uo  one 
^n  deny  that  it  was  more  than  compensated 
£t  the  proud  origin  of  her  imperial  lover. 
DonluandeAustria.  fol.  3. 
♦  Lafuente,  Hist,  de  E8pafia,.tom.  xiil.  p. 

*^^'Gachkrd  Retraite  et  Mort  de  Charles- 
Oulnt  torn  i  p  506.-ln  a  private  interview 
Si  S  Lm?  guixada,  the  evening  bef.^  b^ 
Jeath  tlie  emperor  gave  him  six  hundred  gold 
crJwns  to  purch^  the  above-mentioned 
peusion. 


i 


640 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


under  his  mother's  roof,  when,  by  Charles's  order,  he  was  placed  in  the  hands 
of  a  Fleming  named  Math,  a  musician  in  the  imperial  band.  Tliis  man  trans- 
ferred his  residence  to  Leganes,  a  village  in  Castile,  not  far  from  Madrid. 
The  instrument  still  exists  that  contains  the  figreement  by  which  Math,  after 
acknowledging  the  receipt  of  a  hundred  florins,  engages  for  fifty  florins 
annually  to  bring  up  the  child  with  as  much  care  as  if  he  were  his  own.*  It 
was  a  moderate  allowance,  certainly,  for  the  nurture  of  one  who  was  some  day 
to  come  before  tiie  world  as  the  son  of  an  emi)eror.  It  showed  that  Charles 
was  fond  of  a  bargain, — though  at  the  expense  of  his  own  offspring. 

No  instruction  was  provided  for  the  child  except  such  as  he  could  pick  up 
from  the  parish  priest,  who,  as  he  knew  as  little  as  Math  did  of  the  secret  of 
Geronimos  birth,  prolmbly  bestowed  no  more  attention  on  him  than  on  the 
other  lads  of  the  village.  And  we  cannot  doubt  that  a  boy  of  his  lively  temper 
roust  have  preferred  passing  his  days  in  the  open  fields,  to  confinement  in  the 
house  and  listening  to  the  homihes  of  his  teacher.  As  he  grew  in  years,  he 
distinguished  himself  above  his  young  companions  by  his  courage.  He  took 
the  lead  in  all  their  rustic  sports,  and  gave  token  of  his  belligerent  propen- 
sities by  making  war  on  the  birds  in  the  orchards,  on  whom  he  did  great 
execution  with  his  little  cross-bow.' 

Four  years  were  passed  iti  this  hardy  way  of  hfe,  which,  if  it  did  nothing 
else  for  the  boy,  had  the  advantage  of  strengthening  his  constitution  for  the 
serious  trials  of  manhood,  when  the  emperor  thought  it  was  time  to  p'ace  him 
in  a  situation  where  he  would  receive  a  better  training  than  could  l)e  found  in 
the  cottage  of  a  peasant.  He  was  accordingly  transferred  to  the  protection  of 
Luis  Quixada,  Charles's  trusty  major-domo,  who  received  the  child  into  his 
family  at  Villagarcia,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Valladolid.  The  emperor 
showed  his  usual  discernment  in  the  selection  of  a  guardian  for  his  son. 
Qjiixada,  with  his  zeal  for  the  faith,  his  loyalty,  his  nice  sentiment  of  honour, 
•was  the  very  type  of  the  Castilian  hidalgo  in  his  best  form  ;  while  he  possessed 
all  those  knightly  qualities  which  made  him  the  perfect  mirror  of  the  antique 
chivalry.  His  wife.  Dona  Magdalena  de  Ulloa,  sister  of  the  marquis  of  Mota, 
was  a  lady  yet  more  illustrious  for  her  virtues  than  f  r  her  rank.  She  had 
naturally  the  most  to  do  with  the  training  of  the  boy's  earlier  years ;  and 
under  her  discipline  it  was  scarcely  possible  that  one  of  so  generous  a  nature 
should  fail  to  acquire  the  courtly  breeding  and  refinement  of  taste  which  shed 
a  lustre  over  the  stern  character  of  the  soldier. 

However  much  Quixada  may  have  reposed  on  his  wife's  discretion,  he  did 
not  think  proper  to  try  it,  in  the  present  instance,  by  communicating  to  her 
the  secret  of  Geronimos  birth.  He  spoke  of  him  as  the  son  of  a  great  man, 
his  dear  friend,  expressing  his  desire  that  his  wife  would  receive  him  as  her 
own  child.  This  was  the  less  diflicult,  as  Magdalena  had  no  children  of  her 
own.  The  soHcitude  shown  by  her  lord  may  possibly  have  suggested  to  her  the 
idea  that  the  boy  was  more  nearly  related  to  him  than  he  chose  to  acknow- 
ledge,—in  short,  that  he  was  the  oft'snring  of  some  intrigue  of  Quixada  previous 
to  his  marriage.*  But  an  event  which  took  place  not  long  after  the  child's 
introduction  into  the  family  is  said  to  have  awakened  in  her  suspicions  of  an 
origin  more  in  accordance  with  the  truth.  The  house  at  Villagarcia  took  fire ; 
and,  as  it  was  in  the  night,  the  flames  gained  such  head  that  they  were  not 

•  This  interesting  document  was  found 
among  the  testamejitary  papers  of  Charles  the 
Fifth.      A  copy  of  it    has  been    pre-^erved 


among  the  manuscripts  of  Canlinal  Granvelle. 
PapitT"  d'fitat.  torn.  iv.  pp.  499,  500. 
*  "  Gaatava  bucna  parte  del  dia  en  tirar  con 


una  ballestilla  a  los  paxaros."    Vanderham- 
men,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  10. 

'  "  Y  puede  ger  llegase  a  sospechar,  si  acaso 
tendria  por  Padre  i  su  Esposo."  Villalaile, 
Vida  de  Magdalena  de  Ulloa,  p.  St. 


f' 


DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA. 


641 


discovered  till  they  burst  through  the  windows.    The  "»i^ej{;  *e  street 

rL^d  the  'leenini.' inmates ;  and  Quixada,  thniking  first  of ''"' f'f  "^f '^' f P"'> 

?r  h      bedTS  rushing  into'beronimos  »Pa«n'e»t.  snat    ed  up   the 

affrighted  chid  ani  here  him  in  his  arms  t«  a  P  =*«  °*  X' and  Ha  ' e", 
re  entered  the  house,  and,  forcing  his  way  t.hr<>»S '  *c  sn.ol^e  and  ^ai^^^^^^ 

contrary,  it  seemed  rather  to  strengthen  Eer  own  '"terest  in  the  ^^^^^^ 
unconmiin  beauty  and  affectionate  <1'^P»«'\>°'' f «"  ;^*"tl/fJ^,i,„\J^ 

Quixada  more  contented  with  his  situation,  ^A^  fi^.P;  "\,^ 

his  family  to  the  adjoining  village  of  Cuacos.  J^  ^  f  ^^^^^^^^^  Toua 

must  doibtless  sometimes  have  accomramed  h^^^^^^^^^  ^^^^^^ 

Magdalena,  in  her  visits  to  ^^^  ^^^f^^^^^^^^^^^^^^  t^fe  emptor's  health.- 
us  that  the  sidit  of  him  operated  ^^^.^^^^  J^^f  ,^u^^^^^  froni  Ynste  ;  and. 
We  find  no  allusion  to  him,  ^o^vever    n  any  of  the  ^etters^l^^^^^  i         ,  ^^,^j 

Tstbtin^g  S  otSs.''  'K'tiie  rf^n  "  of  the  future  hero 
^\r\s;nore..ntodc^t«^^ 

among  the  brethren  of  t^e  ^^^^^  ^^ral  cereSies  must  have  sunk  deep  into 
so  solemn  and  attecting  as  ineseuiiicio  veneration  w  th  which  he 

^i:.r;e|aXd\f^^^^^^^^^^^ 


•  "  Accion  singular  y  rara,  y  que  dexa  atrM 
quantas  la  Antiguedad  celebra  por  perecn- 
nas  "    Vanderhammen.  Don  Juan  de  Austria. 

fol.31.- According  to  «n«*''^'^i^'Pf  ^^'i^.^JiSa 
fires  occurred  to  Quixada,  one  in  Vilbgarcia 
and  one  in  Valladolid.  On  each  of  these 
occasions  the  house  was  destroyed,  but  his 
wd  was  saved,  borne  off  by  the  gojf  k"Jjht 
in  his  arms.  (ViUafafie.  Vida  de  Magdalena 
de  Ulh'a,  pp.  44.  53.)  The  coincidences  are 
?oo  much  Jppo«ed  to  ^the  doctHne  of  chances 
to  co.umend  then.selves  .readily  to  our  faitti 
Vand.  rh.»mmen's  reflection  ^aj  drawn  forth 
by  the  second  fire,  the  only  o"^  he  notices. 
It  applies,  however,  equally  well  to  both 
»•  Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 


"  Indeed,  Siguenza.  who  may  have  had  it 
from  the  monks  of  Yu=^te,  t;lls  us  tliat  the 
"bov  ^ometime8  was  casually  seen  by  the 
emperor,  who  was  careful  to  maintaui  his 
usual  reserve  and  dignified  demeanour,  so  that 
no  one  could  suspect  his  secret.  Once  or 
twice,"  adds  the  Je-onymite  /f  hrr,  "the  lad 
entered  the  apartment  of  his  father,  who 
doubtless  spoke  to  him  as  he  would  have 
6iK)ken  to  any  other  boy."  H'^tona  de  la 
Ordt-n  de  San  Geronimo.  tom.  ni.  P- 20&. 

'^  Relation  d'un  Relipi<>ux  de  Y  uste,  ap. 
Gachard.  Rf traite  et  Mort  de  Charles^uuit. 
turn.  ii.  p*  5S< 


642  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

after,  in  which  he  speaks  of  rumours  on  the  subject  as  current  in  the 

neighbourhood.'*  ,  char]^^  was  found  one  in  an  envelope 

Imong  the  testamentary  P^F^^^^^^^^r/'^^i^^n  p^^^  or,  in  case  of  his 
sealed  with  his  private  seal,  and  a^^^'^^^^^^.^ff  ^'fvS^^,!  ^J^e^sion  of  the  crown. 
d?ath,  to  his  grandson,  Carlos,  or  ^vhoever  nngl  t  ^/^P^^^^Xowledged  his 
It  was  dated  in  1554,  l^fore  his  retnenient  to  iiisie.    i  Qeronimo. 

connection  with  a  German  maiden,  and  the  bn^^  j>/^  the  quarter  where  infor- 
The  mother's  name  was  not  given     "f,  ^X  was  to  ^ith  the  violin- 

mation  could  be  got  respectmg  ^j^f  ^hild^sho jas  tn^^  g     ^^.^^^^        ^^^ 

player  at  Leganes.    He  ^.^P^^^^^^f  .^^^V  to  ^  ^e  should  enter  a 

the  ecclesiastica   profession,  and  Umt,  'll^J^^^^%^^^^i  however,  have  any 
convent  of  one  of  the  reformed  orders     Chaiiesw^  ,  ^j^rring  a 

constraint  put  on  the  "ichnations  of  t^f  Jl^^;^^^^^^^^^  i,,  the  ^kingdom  of 

secular  life  he  would  have  a  ^"^tjbl^J^J^^^^  thi  tv  and   "  ty  thousand  ducats. 

Naples,  with  an  annuannccmie  o   .^^\^^^X  em^^^^^^^^  that  he  should 

Whatever  course  Geroninio  might  take,  the  emperor  1^  ^.^  ^^^^^^ 

receive  all  the  honour  and  consideration  due  to  h^^^^^      ^  .^^^^^^^^ 

of  his  brother  till  his  return  to  Spam-  „  •  ,  ^irth  had  reached  the  ears 
Meanwhile,  the  rumours  in  regard  to  ^f^o"  "«^  """[^^^^^^  her  secretary  to 
of  the  regent,  Joanna.  With  "'«f"™' ™"f  ^.f'  report  The  trusty  hidalgo 
write  to  tjuixada  and  ascertan.  the  *,"'*  <^^  *'l?J?P°„,e  years  since  a  friend 
endeavoured  to  evjde  the  questjonbv  saying  tha^s^^^^^^^  ^^^^^ 

of  his  had  intrusted  a  boy  to  hi  care,  bu,  as  "»  f'";;^';!^,,,^;  ^  each  other 
to  the  child  in  the  emperoi-'s  mttthe  «t°^y  °J  ,"'«^  j'*'*" satisfy  Joanna,  who 
should  be  treated  as  idle  gossip.  .^5,i,.ttLinrv  was  well  founded.  She 
seems  to  have  settled  it  in  her  own  ™'"f,  *at  the  st^  n^was  weu  w^  husband's 

took  an  occasion  soon  after  to  ™"'«/°.V°'h\ftge,a3^„OTd  bring  the  boy 
absence  from  home,  expressing  her  * '^^  t^^"* ,  "•*  ,'*,/„„,o  Ue  fe  alout  to  1* 
where  she  could  see  h  ni.  The  place  selected  «a^  ^t  »»  ^"J'fhe  wis  felt  herself 
celebrated  in  Valladolid.  !>«"»  >•«*:''* iTa  fo  rS  as  a  conmTa^^  which  she 
compelled  to  receive  the  f^"e'*^f™"'f'*^3Xt  a  ceremony  so  heart- 
had  no  right  to  disobey..  One  ""Sl't  have  thought  «'*»  ^o  ,d  be  the  last  to 
rending  and  appalling  m  .ts  character  asan««'«  a  lifht  and  joyous  nature, 
be  selected  for  the  "'tjlg«°<=«»l,*"yi^rUeraee  regarded  this  as  the 
But  the  Spaniard  of  that  and  »*  «  ""'i'^.J^lT'iXtv    and  he  went  to  it 

-tfth^e  riltdS^nT'^rSir^t  £  S-P-»„S.*''^ 

-S^n'^h^lr^Xh^d-^^ia^mXtt^^ 

J^  on  thTcarpeted  platform  res«rved^r  perso-  of  ™»k  'u  Mlj,    '„  "J 

'»  "Que  pue«  Su  M'»J,  en  bu  testamento 
nl  codecilo,  no  hazla  memoria  del,  que  ora 
razon  Unello  por  burla.  y  que  no  sabja  que 
Doder  respon.ler  otra  co«a,  en  public.)  ni  t-u 
JSr/to  •'  Gachard,  Ketraite  et  Mort  de 
Charles-Quint,  tom.  i.  p.  4*6- 


I 


DON  JOHN  OF  AUSTRIA. 


543 


aauella  persona  que  V.  M»*'»  sabe  que  esU  i 
ml  cariro  que  me  ha  e^panudo.  y  CBpantame 
muchomas  las  particularid«de8  quesobrello 
oyo."  Gachard,  Retralte  et  Mort  de  Charlts- 
Qulnt,  tom.  I.  p.  449. 

'*  A  copy  of  this  interesting  document  was 
found  in  the  collection  of  Granville  at  He- 
aangon,  and  has  been  lately  published  in  the 


son  of  Charles  the  Fifth  was  to  receive  his  first  lesson  in  the  school  of  perse- 
cution ;  that  he  was  to  learn  to  steel  his  heart  against  sympathy  with  human 
suffering ;  to  learn,  above  all,  that  compassion  for  the  heretic  was  a  crime  of 
the  deepest  dye.  It  was  a  terrible  lesson  for  one  so  young,— of  an  age  when 
the  mind  is  most  open  to  impressions  ;  and  the  bitter  fruits  of  it  were  to  be 
discerned  ere  long  in  the  war  with  the  Moriscoes.  ,t    j  i        i.u 

As  the  royal  train  approached  the  place  occupied  by  Dona  Magdalena,  the 
rec^ent  paused  and  looked  around  for  the  boy.  Magdalena  had  thrown  her 
mantle  about  him,  to  conceal  him  as  much  as  possible  from  the  public  eye. 
She  now  drew  it  aside  ;  and  Joanna  looked  so  long  and  earnestly  on  the  child 
that  he  shrank  abashed  from  her  gaze.  It  was  not,  however,  before  she  had 
recognized  in  his  bright  blue  eyes,  his  ample  forehead,  and  the  rich  yellow 
locks  that  clustered  round  his  head,  some  of  the  peculiarities  of  the  Austrian 
line,  though  happily  without  the  deformity  of  the  protrudmg  lip,  which  was  no 
less  its  characteristic.  Her  heart  yearned  with  the  tenderness  of  a  sister,  as 
she  felt  convinced  that  the  same  blood  tlowed  in  his  veins  as  m  her  own  ;  and. 
stooping  down,  she  threw  her  arms  around  his  neck,  and,  kissing  him,  called 
him  by  the  endearing  name  of  brother."  She  would  have  persuaded  him  to 
go  with  her  and  sit  by  her  side.  But  the  boy,  clinging  closely  to  his  foster- 
mother,  refused  to  leave  her  for  the  stranger  lady. 

This  curious  scene  attracted  the  attention  of  the  surrounding  spectators, 
which  was  hardly  diverted  from  the  child  by  the  appearance  of  the  prisoners 
on  the  scattbld  to  receive  their  sentences.  When  these  had  been  pronounced, 
and  the  wretched  victims  led  away  to  execution,  the  multitude  pressed  so 
eagerly  round  Maijdalena  and  the  boy  that  it  was  with  dithculty  the  guards 
could  keep  them  back,  till  the  regent,  seeing  the  awkwardness  of  their  sitiia- 
tion,  sent  one  of  her  train,  the  count  of  Osorno,  to  their  relief;  and  that 
nobleman,  forcing  his  way  through  the  crowd,  carried  off  Geronimo  in  his  arms 

to  the  royal  carriage.'^  ,.      „  ,  ^    ^,         ...       .        ,  ,^ 

It  was  not  long  before  all  mystery  was  dispelled  by  the  public  acknowledg- 
ment of  tlie  child  as  the  son  of  the  emperor.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  Fhilip 
after  his  return  to  Spain,  in  1559,  was  to  arrange  an  interview  with  his  brotfier. 
The  place  assigned  for  the  meeting  was  an  extensive  park,  not  far  from  Valla- 
dolid; in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  convent  of  La  Espiua,  a  spot  much  resorted 
to  by  the  Castilian  princes  of  the  older  time  for  the  pleasures  of  the  chase. 

On  the  appointed  day,  Quixada,  richly  dressed,  and  mounted  on  the  best 
horse  in  his  stables,  rode  forth,  at  the  head  of  his  vassals,  to  meet  the  king, 
with  the  little  Geronimo,  simply  attired  and  on  a  common  palfrey,  by  his  side 
They  had  gone  but  a  few  miles  when  they  heard  through  the  woods  the  sound 
of  horses'  hoofs,  announcing  the  approach  of  the  royal  cavalcade.  Quixada 
halted,  and,  alighting,  drew  near  to  Geronimo,  with  much  deference  m  his 
manner,  and,  dropping  on  one  knee,  begged  permission  to  kiss  his  hand.  At 
the  same  time  he  desired  his  ward  to  dismount,  and  teke  the  charger  which  he 
had  himself  been  riding.  Geronimo  was  sorely  bewildered  by  what  he  would 
have  thought  a  merry  fest  on  the  part  of  his  guardian,  had  not  his  sedate  and 
dicrnified  character  forbidden  the  supposition.    Recovenng  from  his  astonisti. 


'«  "  La  Princesa  al  punto  arrebatada  -del 
amor,  le  abra<?6,  y  beso,  sin  reparar  en  el 
liie  ir  que  esUva,  y  el  acto  que  exercia.  Lla- 
mole  hermano,  y  tratble  de  Alteza."  Vander- 
bammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  ful.  23. 

"  "Llego  el  caso  a  cstaio,  que  le  huvo 
de  tomar  en  bra^os  el  Conde  Osorno  hasta 
U  carro^a  de  la  Princesa,  porque  le  gozassen 


todo<."  Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de 
Austria,  fol.  25.— The  story  must  be  admitted 
to  be  a  strange  one,  considering  the  puncti- 
lious character  of  the  Castilian  court  and 
the  reserved  and  decorous  habits  of  Joanna. 
But  the  author,  born  and  bred  in  the  palace, 
had  access,  as  he  tells  us,  to  the  very  highest 
sources  of  info:  mation,  oral  and  written. 


544 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


DON  JOHN  ACKNOWLEDGED  BY  PHILIP. 


545 


ment,  he  complied  with  his  guardian's  directions ;  and  the  vision  of  fnture 
greatness  must  liave  Hashed  on  his  mind,  if,  as  we  are  told,  when  preparing  to 
mount,  he  turned  round  to  Quixada,  and  with  an  atlected  air  of  dignity  told 
him  that,  "since  things  were  so,  he  might  hold  the  stirrup  for  him."" 

They  had  not  proceeded  far  when  they  came  in  sight  of  the  royal  party. 
Quixada  pointed  out  the  king  to  his  ward,  adding  that  his  majesty  had  some- 
thing of  importance  to  conmmnicate  to  him.  They  then  dismounted  ;  and  the 
boy,  by  his  guardian's  instructions,  drawing  near  to  Philip,  knelt  down  and 
begged  leave  to  kiss  his  majesty's  hand.  The  king,  graciously  extending  it, 
looked  intently  on  the  youth,  and  at  length  broke  silence  by  asking  "  if  he  knew 
who  was  his  father."  Geronimo,  disconcerted  by  the  abruptness  of  the  ipies- 
tion,  and  indeed,  if  the  reports  of  his  origin  had  ever  reached  his  ears,  ignorant 
of  their  truth,  cast  his  eyes  on  the  ground  and  made  no  answer.  Philip,  not 
displeased  with  his  embarrassment,  was  well  satisfied,  doubtless,  to  read  in  his 
intelligent  countenance  and  noble  mien  an  assurance  that  he  would  do  no  dis- 
credit to  his  birth.  Alighting  from  his  horse,  he  embraced  Geronimo,  exclaim- 
ing, "  Take  courage,  my  child  ;  you  are  descendci  from  a  great  man.  The 
Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth,  now  in  glory,  is  your  father  as  well  as  mine."  " 
Then,  turning  to  the  lords  who  stood  around,  ne  presented  the  boy  to  them  as 
the  son  of  their  late  sovereign,  and  his  own  brother.  The  courtiers,  with  the 
ready  instinct  of  their  tribe,  ever  prompt  to  worship  the  rising  sun,  pressed 
eagerly  forward  to  pay  their  obeisance  to  Geronimo.  The  scene  was  concluded 
by  the  king's  buckling  a  sword  on  his  brother's  side  and  throwing  around  his 
neck  the  sparkling  collar  of  the  Golden  Fleece. 

The  tidings  of  this  strange  event  soon  spread  over  the  neighbourhood,  for 
there  were  many  more  witnesses  of  the  ceremony  than  those  \vho  took  part  in 
it ;  and  the  king  and  his  retinue  found,  on  their  return,  a  multitude  of  people 
gathering  along  the  route,  eager  to  get  a  glimpse  of  this  newly-discovered  gem 
of  royalty.  The  sight  of  the  handsome  youth  called  forth  a  burst  of  noisy 
enthusiasm  from  the  populace,  and  the  air  rang  with  their  tumultuous  vivris 
a-;  the  royal  party  rode  through  the  streets  of  the  ancient  city  of  Valladoiid. 
Philip  expres.sed  his  satisfaction  at  the  events  of  the  day,  by  declaring  that 
"  he  had  never  met  better  sport  in  his  life,  or  brought  back  game  so  nnich  to 
hLs  mind."" 

Having  thus  publicly  acknowledged  his  brother,  the  king  determined  to 
provide  for  him  an  establishment  suited  to  his  condition.  He  assigned  him 
for  his  residence  one  of  the  best  mansions  in  Madrid.  He  was  furnished  with 
a  numerous  band  of  retainers,  and  as  great  state  was  maintained  in  his  house- 
hold as  in  that  of  a  prince  of  the  blood.  The  count  of  Priego  acted  as  his 
chief  major-domo  ;  Don  Luis  Carrillo,  the  eldest  son  of  that  noble,  was  made 
captain  of  the  guard  ;  and  Don  Luis  de  Cordova  master  of  the  horse.  In 
short,  nobles  and  cavaliers  of  the  best  blood  in  Castile  did  not  disdain  to  hold 
ottices  in  the  service  of  the  peasant-boy.  With  one  or  two  exceptions,  of  little 
importance,  he  enjoyed  all  the  privileges  that  belonged  to  the  royal  infantes. 
He  did  not,  like  them,  have  apartments  in  the  palace ;  and  he  was  to  be 
addressed  by  the  title  of  "  Excellency,"  instead  of  "  Highness,"  which  was 


'•  "  Vuelto  ya  en  si  de  la  suspension  primera, 
alargo  la  mano,  y  monto  en  el  caballo ;  y  aun 
se  dice  que  con  airusaOrandeza,  afiadio  ;  Pues 
bI  eso  es  afl  tened  el  estribo."  Villafane, 
Vida  de  Dofia  Magdalena  de  UUoa.  p.  51. 

"  "  Macte,  inquit,  animo  puer,  pn^nobilis 
viri  Alius  es  tu  :  Carolus  Quintus  Imj>eiator, 
qui  ccelo  degit,  utriusque  nostrum  pater  est." 


Strada,  De  Belle  Belgico,  torn.  i.  p.  608. 

*"  ".Tanitts  liabia  tenido  dia  de  caza  mas 
gustoso,  ni  logrado  presa  que  le  hubiese  dado 
taiito  contento."  Villafafie,  Vida  de  Di'fia 
Magdalena  de  Ulloa,  p.  52. — This  curious 
account  of  Philip's  recognition  of  his  brother 
Is  tcjd,  with  less  discrepancy  than  usual,  by 
various  writers  of  that  day. 


I  a 


^  I 


their  peculiar  prerogative.     The  distinction  was  not  always  scrupulously 

observed. 

A  more  important  change  took  place  in  his  name,  which  from  Geronimo  was 
now  converted  into  John  of  Austria— a,  lofty  name,  which  intimated  his 
descent  from  the  imperial  house  of  Hapsburg,  and  on  which  his  deeds  m  after- 
life shed  a  lustre  greater  than  the  proudest  title  that  sovereignty  could  confer. 

Luis  Quixada  kept  the  same  place  after  his  pupil's  elevation  as  before.  He 
continued  to  be  his  ayo,  or  governor,  and  removed  with  Dona  Magdalena  to 
Madrid,  where  he  took  up  his  residence  in  the  house  of  Don  John,  ihiis 
living  in  the  most  intimate  personal  relations  with  him,  Quixada  maintained 
his  influence  unimpaired  till  the  hour  of  his  own  death.  .    ^      . 

Philip  fully  appreciated  the  worth  of  the  faithful  hidalgo,  who  was  fortunate 
in  thus  enjoying  the  favour  of  the  son  in  as  great  a  degree  as  he  had  done  that 
of  the  father,— and,  as  it  would  seem,  with  a  larger  recompense  for  his  jervices. 
He  was  master  of  the  horse  to  Don  Carlos,  the  heir  to  the  crown  ;  he  held  the 
important  post  of  president  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies;  and  he^  possessed 
several  lucrative  benefices  in  the  military  order  of  Calatrava.  In  one  of  his  letters 
to  the  king,  we  find  Quixada  remarking  that  he  had  endeavoured  to  supply  the 
deficiencies  of  his  pupil's  early  education  by  training  him  in  a  manner  better 
suited  to  his  destinies  in  after-life."    We  cannot  doubt  that  m  the  good 
knight's  e.-.timate  of  what  was  essential  to  such  a  training  the  exercises  of 
chivalry  must  have  found  more  favour  than  the  monastic  disciphne  recom- 
mended by  the  emperor.     However  this  may  have  been,  Philip  resolved  to 
uive  his  brother  the  best  advantages  for  a  liberal  education  by  sending  him  to 
the  University  of  Alcala,  which,  founded  by  the  great  Ximenes  a  little  more 
than  a  century  before,  now  shared  with  the  older  school  of  {salamanca  the  g  o^ 
of  l^eing  the  most  famous  seat  of  science  in  the  Peninsula.    Don  John  had  for 
his  confpanions  his  two  nephews,  Don  Carlos,  and  Alexander  tarnese,  the  son 
of  Margaret  of  Parma.     They  formed  a  triumvirate  each  member  ot  which  was 
to  fill  a  large  space  in  the  pages  of  history,-Don  Carlos  from  his  errors  and 
misfortunes  and  the  two  others  from  their  military  achievements    Ihey  were 
all  of  nearly  the  same  age.    Don  John,  according  to  a  writer  of  the  time,  stood 
foremost  among  the  three  for  the  comeliness,  or  rather  beauty,  of  his  person,  no 
less  than  for  the  charm  of  his  manners  ;"  while  his  soul  was  filled  with  those 
nobler  qualities  which  gave  promise  of  tlie  highest  excellence. 

His  Sographers  tell  us  that  Don  John  gave  due  attention  to  his  studies ; 
but  the  studies  which  found  most  favour  in  his  eyes  were  those  connected  with 
the  art  of  war.  He  was  perfect  in  all  chivalrous  accomplishments;  and  he 
sfglied  for  some  field  on  which  he  could  display  them.  The  ^nowledge^^^^^^ 
rekl  parentage  fired  his  soul  with  a  generous  ambition,  and  he  longed  by  some 
heroic  achievement  to  vindicate  his  claim  to  his  illustnous  descent  ^ 

At  the  end  of  three  years,  in  1564,  he  left  the  university.  The  following 
ye^r  w^  that  of  the  famous  siege  of  Malta ;  and  all  Christendom  hung  m 
si^pense  on  the  issue  of  the  desperate  conflict  which  a  handful  of  warriors,  on 

-  Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,        con  todo  cuidado  tener  cuenta  con  el."    Ga- 


fol.  27.— "Mandole  llamar  Ecelencia ;  pero 
8U8  Realescostunbres  Ic  dieron  adelante  titulo 
lie  Alteza  i  de  .«;efl<)r  entre  los  Grandes  1 
menores."    Cabrera,  Filipe  segundo,  lib.  v. 

cap.  3.  ,  J      „ 

M  ••Tengo  mncho  cuidado  que  aprenda  y 
se  le  ensefien  las  cosas  ne«  esarias,  conforine  k 
su  .  dad  y  a  la  calidad  de  ku  persona,  quj, 
Regun  la  estrecbeza  en  que  se  crio  y  ha  estado 
haPta  que  vino  a  mi  podcr,  es  bien  menoster 


chard,  Retraite  et  Mortde  Charles-Quint,  torn. 

i.  p.  450. 

"^  "Longe  tamen  anteibat  Austriacus  et 
corporis  habitudine,  et  momni  t^uavitate. 
Facies  illi  non  mod5  pulchra,  sed  etiam 
venusta."    Strada,  De  Bello  Belgico,  torn.  i. 

p.  609. 

"  "Eminehat  In  adolescente  coraitas,  in- 
dustrin,  probita.",  et,  ut  in  novae  potentiaa 
hospite,  verocui.dia."    Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 

2   N 


546  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORLSCGES. 

the  i^rmission  of  his  ^^^t^^^/- ^J'^**' J^'^itironly  ^f^^  attendants  took  his 

5^!l„rr1.'^inK  ^o^T^  ZX^AX^^  his  sc..e„.e 

"*!!;S;rrfa,^^'r^':an':„.ation  throng 

young  nobles  and  cavaliers  about  the  court,  hj-^d  by  D""  J"^.  to  WWe 

taVp  his  nlare  anion*^  the  heroes  of  the  nation.     Ihis  v>a.s  me  pcgnwunj^  vi 
3L  may  hav^hmX  it  to  rebuke  the'insubordinat.on  of  h.s  brother, 

that  thp  rnval  dhnleasure  was  of  no  long  contnmance.  r        ^ 

lie  siidT^^  changt  n  the  contUtion  of  Don  John  might  rennnd  one  of  some 

kio  hi^aA  fiirnprl  hv  such  a  ra])id  revolution  ot  the  \Nneei  oi  loruine ,  anu 
PhilhTr^av  naturally  have  feared  that  the  idle  dalliance  of  a  court,  to  wh.ch 

Mttisfaction  when  he  saw  that,  far  from  this,  the  «l«;'f  «"  ,f ,  ^"  ^^^^  ,Zh 
Tn\y  served  to  give  a  wider  expansion  to  his  views  and  to  fill  his  bosom  willi 
stil  higher  and  nobler  aspirations.  ,  ,    i .  i        rv«„  p«vino 

Theiscreet  conduct  of  Don  John  in  regard  to  ^^«.,;?^l^^7'.  ^^^"^^^^^^^ 
when  the  latter  would  have  engaged  him  m  his  wild  and  impracticable 
schemes,  established  him  stiU  more  firmly  in  the  royal  favour. 


»»  Strada,  Pe  BpIIo  Belgico.  torn.  ii.  pp. 
g09  610  —Vanderbammen,  Don  Juan  de 
Auiitrla,  fol.  34-36.-Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo, 

lib.  vi.  cap.  24.  .     .    ,^        i 

t«  ..  i^  faji  a  de  la  partida  de  Don  J  uan 


6&cb  del  ocio  a  muchos  cavalleros  de  la  Corte 
i  Reynos,  que  avcrgon^ados  de  qui-tiaree  en 
el,  le  Higuleron."    Cabrera,  Filipe  S.gundo, 
loc.  cit. 
•"  Ante,  book  iv.  cb.  6. 


MADE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 


547 


II 

I 


.!' 


Ik 


^1 


In  the  spring  of  the  year  1568  an  opportunity  occurred  for  Philip  to  gratify 
his  brother's  ambition,  by  intrusting  him  with  the  command  of  a  fleet  then 
fitting  out,  in  the  port  of  Carthagena,  against  the  Barbary  corsairs,  who  had 
been  making  alarming  depredations  of  late  on  the  Spanish  commerce.  But, 
while  giving  him  this  appointment,  the  king  was  careful  to  supply  the  lack  of 
experience  in  his  brother  by  namin<^  as  second  in  command  an  officer  in  whose 
abilities  he  perfectly  confided.  This  was  Antonio  de  Zuniga  y  R^uesens, 
grand  commander  of  St.  James,  an  eminent  personage,  who  will  come  fre- 
tjuently  before  the  reader  in  the  progress  of  the  narrative.  Requesens,  who 
at  this  time  filled  the  post  of  ambassador  at  Rome,  was  pos^essea  of  the  ver- 
satility of  talent  so  important  in  an  age  when  the  same  individual  was  often 
required  to  exchange  the  duties  of  the  cabinet  for  those  of  the  camp.  While 
Don  John  appeared  before  the  public  as  the  captain  of  the  fleet,  the  actual 
responsibility  for  the  conduct  of  the  expedition  rested  on  his  lieutenant. 

On  the  third  of  June,  Don  John  sailed  out  of  port,  at  the  head  of  as  brave 
an  armament  as  ever  floated  on  the  waters  of  the  Mediterranean.  The  prince's 
own  vessel  was  a  stately  galley,  gorgeously  fitted  up,  and  decorated  with  a 
profusion  of  paintings,  the  subjects  of  which,  drawn  chiefly  from  ancient  his- 
tory and  mythology,  were  of  didactic  import,  intended  to  convey  some  useful 
lesson  to  the  young  commander.  The  moral  of  each  picture  was  expressed  by 
some  pithy  maxim  inscribed  beneath  it  in  Latin.  Thus,  to  whatever  quarter 
Don  John  turned  his  eyes,  they  were  sure  to  fall  on  some  homilv  for  his 
instniction ;  so  that  his  galley  might  be  compared  to  a  volume  richly  filled 
with  illustrations,  that  serve  to  impress  the  contents  on  the  reader's  memory." 

The  cruise  was  perfectly  successful ;  and  Don  John,  on  his  return  to  port, 
some  eight  months  later,  might  boast  that,  in  more  than  one  engagement, 
he  had  humbled  the  pride  of  the  corsairs,  and  so  far  crippled  them  that  it 
would  be  long  before  they  could  resume  their  depredations  ;  that,  in  fine,  he 
had  vindicated  the  honour  of  his  country's  flag  throughout  the  Mediterranean. 

His  return  to  Madrid  was  welcomed  with  the  honours  of  a  triumph.  Courtier 
and  commoner,  men  of  all  classes,  in  short,  vied  with  each  other  in  offering  up 
the  sweet  incense  of  adulation,  filling  his  young  mind  with  lofty  visions  of  the 
future,  that  beckoned  him  forward  in  the  path  of  glory. 

When  the  insurrection  of  the  Moriscoes  broke  out,  in  1568,  the  eyes  of  men 
naturally  turned  on  Don  John  of  Austria,  as  the  person  who  would  most 
likely  be  sent  to  suppress  it.  But  Philip  thought  it  would  be  safer  to  trust 
the  command  to  those  who,  from  their  long  residence  in  the  neighbourhood, 
were  better  acquainted  with  the  character  of  the  country  and  of  its  inhabi- 
tants. When,  nowever,  the  dissensions  of  the  rival  chiefs  made  it  necessary 
to  send  some  one  invested  with  such  powers  as  might  enable  him  to  overawe 
this  factious  spirit  and  enforce  greater  concert  of  action,  the  council  of  state 
recommended  Don  John  to  the  command.  Their  recommendation  was 
approved  by  the  king,  if  indeed  it  was  not  originally  made  at  his  sugjrestion. 

Still,  the  "prudent"  monarch  was  careful  not  to  invest  his  brother  with 
that  independent  command  which  the  public  supposed  him  to  possess.  On 
the  contrary,  his  authority  was  restricted  within  limits  almost  as  narrow  as 
those  which  had  curbed  it  in  the  Mediterranean.  A  council  of  war  was 
appointed,  by  whose  opinions  Don  John  was  to  be  guided  in  every  question  of 
moment.  In  case  of  a  division  of  opinion,  the  question  was  to  be  referred  to 
the  decision  of  Philip." 


"  Vanderbammen  has  given  a  minute 
description  of  this  royal  galley,  with  its 
pictorial  illustrations.  Among  the  legends 
emblazoned  below    them,  that  of  "Dolum 


savours   strongly   of  the 
Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol. 


reprimere    dolo ' 
politic  monarch. 
44-48. 
"*  "  Su  comlsion  fue sin limitacion  ninguna. 


618  REUELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

The  chief  members  of  th.  bodj  Ij,  ^^  ^^^^^  ^I^L'^ZZT^^l 
lodged,  were  tlie  marquis  of  Mondmr,  V"^  """' "  emndson  ot  the  Great 
have  taken  the  field  in  person :  he  dnke  of  ^**'  P*^^"  °rti„„  of  the 
Captain,  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova,  a.id  endowed  wimno^F^^^^^^^^^^ 
miEtary  talent  of  his  ancestor ;  '^e  archbishop  of  Granad^  *  Spanish  ecclesi- 
of  as  lirge  a  nieas"re  of  bigotry  i^ev^^  fe'  t«^'^|  Ihe  Morii-oes  «ith  the 

i:^'h?:r^ra^;'«iio?:te^^ 

the  closing  one  of  his  own.'*  n„fnrtnnate  device  than  the  contri- 

There  could  hardly  have  been  a  "^^^^  .""^^^[f'^^^  was  from  its    • 

vance  of  so  cumbrous  a  "^achmery  as  this  cou  c  I  opp^^^^^^^      ii       , 

very  nature,  to  the  desr^atch  so  '^f'^^'^^^^^^^  disputed 

tions.    The  misch  e  was  increased  by  the  "^ces  ity  o^  'cont  n/ency  that  often 
point  to  the  decision  of  the  king.    As  this  was  a  ^^^^^^^^^ 

Occurred,  the  yo"«g  P"^^^^^^.  ^s  bv  t^  oes -^^^^^  ^vhich 

thrown  in  his  way  by  his  fr^en^^^s  1)^  his  loe^^^    em  » 
nothing  but  an  uncommon  spirit  of  determination  on  nis  own  p« 

have  overcome.  -^    .^q   r>^n  inhn  took  leave  of  the  king,  then  at 

On  the  sixth  of  Apnl,  lo69,  Don  John  ^,*^  '^^J; "      ^g^^^^ 
Aranjuez,  and  hastened  towards  the  «^^f  ^    ^i;^^^^^^^^^^  ^^^  -, 

by  the  inhabitants  of  Granada :  by  ^'*«  ^i^,^\"r  ^,^;'rh^^^^        to  a  speedy  con- 
/ould  remedy  tV^^^^^^^  f^om  X'^  o"^^^^^^^^^^^^  --^, 

&tiie'^  ^"i^^oi  ^^^^^^    fc^ogrronhe 
in  the  capital  for  giving  him  a  sr^n^i^^^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^,^^ 

ceremonies  was  furinshed  by  Philip  nimse  l     /^ V^^"  "^ ,    .     g„^all  detach- 
Don  John  was  met  by  the  count  of  TenJ/"a^^\^t^^^^^^^  ^^ 

ment  of  infantry,  wearing  uniforms  f  ^y  ^^/^^^^^^  spictac^  in 

the  Morisco,-presenting  altogether  a  ^^"ff^f^^^^J^f  "St  the  iron  mail 
which  silks,  velvets,  and  nch  •embroideiy  fl^\^/^*^  f, .^'i^ded  along  his 
and  burnished  weapons  o   t^e  wamor"    As  the  p  ii^e  procee^^^^^  ^^^ 
route,  he  was  met  by  ^  ^ong  train  of  ecce^^^^^  ^^^.^  ^^ 

followed  by  the  principal  cavaliers  a«<l,<^\^"^"^,^;/!?"Xm  was  careful  to 
were  the  archbishop  and  the  president  ^J^«  ^^^^^J^fJ^e^^^  showed 

assert  his  rank  by  walking  on  the  nght  of  J^^  PJ^^'^^^^^        he  dismounted 
them  both  the  greatest  deference ;  and^  as  t^^^^^  hat  in  hand, 

from  his  horse,  and,  embracing  the  *  ^o  churchmen,  stooa  ^^^^ 

mss  s«  llbertad  tan  atada,  que  de  cosa  grande  -ihi-ienU>    de    b      hennano..;^    MannoU 

S  peqnefta  pcKiia  disponer  si..  c<^«»«nicatu,n  J^^.^ll^^i^^'^^^J^^a  J^^^     entre  gala  y  gtierra 

i  panUr  de  los  Consegero.   i  ™«"dado  del  ,    ^.^^^h^ro^  y  V«J*i''«  vista."      Ib.d.. 

Rei  "    Mendoza.  Guerra  d-  Granaila,  p.  139.  liacian  neru.uw  jr  ^ 

~  Ibid.,  p.  130,  et  seq—Vaiideihammrn,  "^\«!!L^*-      j  ^^  ,eciW6  muy  bien,  y  con  el 
r>on  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  81.— Mannol,  torn.  «-»  V«   »i   t^*T,o    v   le  tuvo  un    rato 

i     pn     5  1-513-ViUafafte.  Vida    de    Dofia  Bombrero   en  ^^^J^'^'J^^J  4'un  Uiio.  Ileg6  el 

Maa/na  de  Ulloa,  p.  73.-Cabrera.  Filipe  abrazada    Y  JP^^-^-f^^,  ^,  ,,,.    ibid.. 

^8"?.^^;^*^i  *J^"idente  tenia    orden  de  su        p.  18. 
MagesUd  de  U  que  se  babia  de  tener  en  el 


MADE  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 


549 


^  1 


I 


president  and  the  archbishop  T^e  neighbouring  f*^;^^^^,^ 
'spectators,  and  on  *e  Plains  of  Beyro  he  'oun.  |  ^^  approacheA,  they 
less  than  ten  thousand,  d™""  "P  ^^  Sered  w^'h  admirable  precision  As 
greeted  hiin  with  salvoes  f^f^^Siful  array  and  beheld  their  pe^ct  f - 
f>on  John  gli^nced  over  their  be^f^^™^  ^„d  his  cheek  flushed  with  a 
cipline  and  appointments,  his  eyes  ui  s, 

'"Kly^had  he  entered  the  gates  of  f-fr/,S«"s3^^^^^^^ 
a   hrong  ofNvomen,  who  gathered  a^ont  him  in  an  »tt^  those  wko  had  so 
ThPv  were  the  widows,  the  mothers,  and  the  dang nte^     ,j,j^         ,e  clad  m 
Kbly  perished  in'the  massacres  of  the  Alp^^'^-reve^rtheir  poverty. 
mSng,  some  of  them  so  scanti  y^s  too  ^to.y  to  their  words 

Falling  on  their  knees,  with  tears  str^mingir  ^  j  j„stice,--justice  on 

rendered  almost  inartjcuato  ^y  their  sobs  they  ae  ^^j^^^^  falKtM'?^; 

the  murderers  of  their  kindred.  They  "^^  7^"  '  ;„  with  which  their  hearts 
beneath  the  blows  of  their  ^^^"t.one^ ;  birt  the  P^^  ^_^  ,^^„i  ^j.^^  «,« 
were  then  rent  was  not  so  great  as  Y"*t  inej    "         „    p      j^^„  endea- 

them  justice.  .^  ,  ,  .     „^  .,  .  nrocession  held  its  way  along  the  streets 

A  liveUer  scene  awaited  "j^^^/^^^^^^^^^^  were  gayly  decorated  with 
of  the  ancient  capital.  ,  .^^^^^^^[^^u-tude  who  thronged  the  avenues  filled 
tanestries  of  cloth  of  gold.    The  m^^^^^"^^^  ^anSed  from  balconies  and 

thfair  with  their  loyat  acclamations  ^^yf^'^^iS^of  Granada,  in  rich  attire, 

!\fe.A"dier^br^^^^^ 

:un{tu^°s^y  fitted  up  for  his  acomnniodaUon.  ^^^^  ^^^    ^ncipal 

>isU1Se^f^,claSrg^^^^^ 

Xch  ttley  violated  the  sanctity  of  tte^  d.elling^  J  co^^n'^Ld^fte 
Ktt' to  Se  tr  leTtl^^jn  ^t^'^ZA^Jj^'x? 

Those  on  the  contrary,  who  had  ^ak^"  P^^  ^hem  to  state  their  gnevances 
cSed  with  SfSTto  et^d^^^^^^^  wl-h  they  could  not  prove, 
in  a  memorial,  with  a  caution  ^^  ^^^^^  ^  ^^ 


3.  «  Que  no  sintieron  tanto  dolor  con  oir  los 
crueles^  f^^P-  iLr/eC  vT  suTbi/ot 
hcrm.no8  y  P*""""'"  SX?'    Harm..!. 


Ibid..  «;;i  8"P;*:  ^^^  ^Vanderl.aniinen.  Don 
jJIn^deA^u^stdi  foi.  83.-Mendoza.  Guerra 

'^?':f  jt^JniS  con    usar  de  equldad  7 
clemenda  con  los  que  !« -e^^-^^;^^^^^^  Sn 

no  hubieren  side   .*i«\f;;^",i,*^*g:|elion  do 
grandisimo    rigor.        Marmoi, 

Granada,  torn  il  p  21. 


I 


I 


550  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

,       ._    J    -.v  *i,.m     The  unfortunate  Moriscoes  found  that  they 
or  it  would  go  hard  with  them  Jne  "m»n  ^^  ^^ 

were  to  expect  such  justi<»  only  a  ^mes  jron  ^..fective  was  the  system  for 
The  first  session  of  the  «o»»<?' ^^^"^^^^  that  ensued,  Mondeiar  remarked 
conducting  the  war  In  **  .'^'''"f 'f-tu^^^^^^  an  eni ;  that  tl.e  Monscoes, 
that  the  contest,  m  his  .°P  "'°»' '^.f.^if  ^  mood  that  he  would  undertake,  if 
for  the  most  part,  were  in  so  /»™"'*^'l*  "  Teni  all  to  submission  m  a  very 

the  affair  were  placed  m  his  >'''"^^^^'°  j-'i'^i^h  eo"'«» *'  ^^  *^  '''"'*^"^  ^'^' 
short  time.  Ttiis  proposal  was  '^«Xhearted  race,'^on  whose  pro.nises  no 
sident,  who  denounced  them  a? /  Ja"^  fever  be  ended  so  long  as  the  Mons- 
one  could  rely.    The  war  he  ^''^' ':«"'^,,^i'(^\e  w  countrymen  in  the 

coes  of  the  capital  »«f^'''l"™«f  ,^°:'rsS^n  Jligence  respecting  what  was 
mountains  and  to  urnish  them  vuth  "^l^^^^^^^^^  remove  them  all  from 
massing  in  the  Christian  camp.    The  first  step  was  i  ,pie  of  the  niis- 

Cn^a  into  the  interior  ;  t^e  second  to  maU  such  a^^^^^^  l^  ^^ould  strike 
aeants  who  ha.1  Pe^^trated  the  massa^.es  m  th^  Al^^^^^         ^^^^^^^^^  ^^^^^ 

terror  into  the  hearts  of  rtie  '»h^^  ="»'  ^^  ,l,nhe  membe.4  took  ditferent 
auce  to  authority.  In  tf  '*'"  T,hiir  te  mcers  The  commander  in-diief 
sides  according  to  the  dillerence  »«  then  t«    peR.     i  protracted  dis- 

-fsi^.:r^^i^iSryV»s^^^ 

resumed."  ,. ,      .  -^  ■.a\„     Ho  PTamined  the  state  of  the  works  in 

Yet  Don  John  <1W.>'°' P»».^  ■^/'IV'  endeavoured  to  improve  the  condition 
Granada  and  its  "eighbTKirit  of  insuSiuation  which  liad  risen  in 
of  the  army,  and  to  H"tu  *L'P;y\'  SL  commands  for  enforcing  levies,  not 
some  portions  of  it ;  finally,  *>«. 'I^  *  '"''ovSs  but  in  Castile.  The  appeal 
merely  in  Andalusia  f"^  *e  adjoming^.ovm^^^^  particularly  gathenng 

Th^^-^Silt  CwTGrS't^  d^^  their  swo?ds  under  tins  popular 

^^e'tilwmie,  the  delay  was  'attended  .^f^hedLl'^fX  pSTS 
as  it  gave  the  enemy  time  to  recover  f'^°"'X^^^e^;'i„"\he  jom^^  chapter, 
paign     Aben-Humeya  had  '^turned  as  -»e  toe  seen^m^^^  ^,_^,, 

to  his  mountain-throne,  vihere  he  soon  found  ,"»='«""'  |'^  „gj  ^^o  had 
before.  Even  the  "  iforiscoes  of  the  P^«'  f  J^ ^^*  Outrages  of  the 
resumed  their  alleriance  to  tl'ecro«^.  exasperated  b^^^^  .afe-conduct  of 
Spanish  soldiery  and  the  eo"tenipt  w'"Sh  tf^ ''fu^ters  to  Aben-Humeya's 
the  marquis  of  Mondejar,  now  came  in  S'^^t  "umueis 
camp,  ottering  their  ^/^ices  and  promj^.n^  to    ta.^  by  hnn  to^^  ^^ 

Othe;  levies  tie  drew  from  Africa  J''^.  f  P'^'^^XT^^  cause,  as  he  had 
applied  for  succour,  though  refusing  to  embark  " W  '".  "f^^^  ^^     i„  con- 

L"cLrme1^a^SUrwifd=^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

wTth  Story  tactics  than  belonged  to  the  Spanish  mountomeers. 


>•  Maraiol.  Rebellon  de  Granada,  torn.  11. 
Tin  23  24.— Vanderhammen.  Don  Juan  de 
Aiistrii.  fol.  85.-<'abrera,  Filipe  Segundo. 
Ub    li    cap.  l.-Herrera.  Hlstoria  gei.eral. 

'^^'Me^n'Sozl'Guma  de  Granada,  p,14l.-- 
Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol. 


85.-Mannol.  Rebelion  deGrai-ada,  Join.  i. 
p.    27.  -Cabrera,  Filipe   begundo,    lib.    ix. 

'*?<.•  The  hiBtorlan  of  the  Morisco  rebellion 
tells  U8  that  these  Africans  wore  garlands 
ioundthel?  heads,  intimating  th.ir  purpose  t^ 
conquer  or  to  die  Uke  martyrs  in  defence  of 


THE  WAR  RENEWED. 


551 


While  strengthened  by  these  recruits,  Aben-Hun  eya  1^  IjJ^er 

revenie  than  formerly  ^romhb  more  extended  dom^^^  ^^  ^^^ 

and  expensive  in  his  tastes,  he  did  not  waste  ^^^^^  J^-^;  ^  "^   He  employed  it 
.reater%tate  which  he  now  t^s^!"^^f,^"\"^n^^^^^^^^  mm/itions  for 

freely  in  the  pay  of  foreign  levies  and  "^  PJ^o^^^^^^?^  ^he  last  campaign,  and 
his  own  troops ;  and  he  profited  ^y^is  expei  len^^^^^^^^  ^  ^^^^^^  ^^ 

by  the  example  of  his  Afncan  niercenan^  to  mt^^^  ^^^^^/  ^^^  ^^ 

titics  among  his  Morisco  warrlo^s^    ^^^^P^^.^^,  ^^^    the  guerilla  warfare 
avoid  pitched  battles,  and  to  co^hn^^^^^^^^^^       '&1  on  smill  detachmmits 

fda^J^Si^ynSng^r^  boldly  Lried  the 

war  up  to  the  walls  of  Granada.  continue  long  after  the  arrival 

His  ravages  in  this  quarter,  it  is  true,  did  not  conunue      s 

of  Don  JoT.n,who  took  effectiml  '»«'!'!  f'.  *,°' ^f^therapfd  Xnsio^^ 
?nsult.    But  the  prince  was  greasy  *af  "•^d^f  j^^/^^^^^^         check  it  until 
the  Morisco  domain.   Yet  he  could  toke  no  "ecis  ve  iiie»  moreover 

the  council  had  determined  on  son.e  plan  ««  "IfJ^t'""'^  butto  remain  and 
fettered  by  the  king's  orders  f  1 1«  toke  the  heia  m  pe  ^        regulating  the 

represent  him  i"  «>■*']» <^! ''''f^'^^rthe  d  v  «    S    seems  toliave  feared 
atlairs  and  providing  for  the  safety  of  the  cit^.       rn    p  ^^^  ^^  ^j^^^ 

that  Don  /ohn's  adventurous  s^int  ^"^''^^'^'^^.Tppears,  indeed,  as  we  may 
might  unnecessarily  expose  hiin  to  aanger.    "J;  ' '^een  more  concerned  for 

gLaier  from  numerous  P^»gt„r"tKc^s?oUhe  ^mpaigii.-   He  may  have 
the  safety  of  his  brother  than  for  the  success  ot  trie        i    ^  ^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^ 
thought,  too,  that  It  was  better  t^^^^t  tte  w^r         ^^^^^^^  exrenence 

tn'tn  jZ;ri  who  asSs^seTihe  king  with  a  high  ilea  of  Ins  ni.h- 

%t'Seman  still  held  the  command  of  the  country^.  oHh«  Alp-U-ra^ 
in  which  lay  his  own  large  proprty     He  had,  as  we  m  ,^^  ^^^ 

arrogant  nature  which  ^."^ '" ''^^^if  eoKcended  to  write,  preferring  to 
comniander-in-chief,  t?.  ™hom  he  rarwy  con  prompted  by  his 

make  his  communications  d'^f^tly  Jo  me^  proS^ediiig,  w&cli  enabled  him.to 
appetite  for  miwer,  wmked  at  t  '  'r^S^J^'  pro  gj^_^^^  ^^^  ^^^,^  otherwise 

^at  ^nr  Ifw^'':  mi^ttjurrrt^p,  and  was  followed,  as  we  shall  see, 
by  disastrous  consequences. 


their  faith.    Marmol,  Rebellon  de  Granada, 
*^-tte"a  tenth  of  the  produce  of  the 

Marmol.  Rebellon  de  Granada,  torn.  li.  P-  35. 

aUo  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  120. 
-.1%^  irvS^stra,  ya  yo  os  dixe  que  la 

,,eria  Va  -^  -^"1'  L^g^uerr^  sTJ 
que   conbiniese:    t^"^*  ,7",  *~'    .,    part  .del 

i5ey,  MS. 


"  Don  John  seems  to  hare  chafed  under 
the  restrictions  imi>osed  on  him  by  the  kmjr. 
At  leit  we  may  infer  so  from  a  rebuke  of 
PhiUp?  who  tells  his  brother  that,  "hough 
for  the  gVeat  love  he  bears  him  he  will  over- 
{^.k'lu?h  language  t^i;  tiu.e.  i^w.l    n^t  .^ 
well  for  him  to  repeat  it.       Carta  ae i  twy  a 
Don  Juan  d.  Austria,  20  de  Mayo,  1569.  Mj^ 
**  Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austna, 
M    q4  -Marmol,  with  one  or  two  vigorous 
Zupsde  pt^u.  gives  the  portrait  o    .he 
™;^niii«  •  ''  No  Be  podia  determmar  qual  era 
Sill  mayor  extrem'L.su  esfuerzo,  valentia  y 
Si^redoil  6    la  arrogancia   y  a™i"C'«"  ,'" 
bomr^compafiada  de   aspereza  de  cond.- 
cion  "    Rebelion  de  Granada,  tom  u.  p.  9». 


552 


REBELLION  OP  THE  MORISCOES. 


The  marquis,  without  waiting  for  orders,  resolved  to  open  tlie  campaign  by 
penetrating  into  the  Alpujarras  with  the  small  force  he  had  under  his  com- 
mand. But  a  body  of  some  four  hundred  troops,  which  he  had  caused  to 
occupy  the  pass  of  Ravaha,  was  cut  ott"  by  the  enemy ;  and  the  hanghty  chief- 
tain reluctantly  obeyed  the  orders  of  Don  John  to  abandon  his  design.  Aben- 
Humeya's  success  encouraged  him  to  attack  the  manpiis  in  his  new  quarters 
at  Verja.  It  was  a  well-concerted  enterprise,  but  unfortunately,  before  the 
time  arrived  for  its  execution,  it  was  betrayed  by  a  prisoner  to  the  Si)anish 
commander.  It  consequently  failed.  Aben-Humeya  penetrated  into  the 
heart  of  the  town,  where  he  found  himself  in  the  midst  of  an  aml)ascade,  and 
with  dirticultv,  after  a  heavy  loss,  effected  his  retreat.  But  if  the  victory 
remained  witn  the  Spaniards,  the  fruits  of  it  fell  to  the  Moriscoes.  The  spirit 
shown  by  the  Mosleju  prince  gave  new  life  to  his  countrymen,  and  more  than 
counterbalanced  the  effects  of  his  defeat.  The  rich  and  populous  country  of 
the  Rio  de  Almanzora  rose  in  arms.  The  marquis  of  Los  Velez  found  it  expe- 
dient to  abandon  his  present  position,  and  to  transfer  his  quarters  to  Adra, 
a  sea-port  on  the  Me(literranean,  which  would  afford  him  greater  facilities  for 
receivmg  reinforcements  and  supplies.** 

The  spirit  of  insurrection  now  spread  rapidly  over  other  parts  of  the 
Alpujarras,  and  especially  along  the  sierra  of  Bentomiz,  which  stretches 
from  the  neighbourliood  of  Alhama  towards  the  south.  Here  the  moun- 
taineers, who  had  hitherto  taken  no  part  in  the  troubles  of  the  country, 
ranging  themselves  under  the  crimson  banner  of  Aben-Humeya,  broke  forth 
into  open  rebellion.  The  inhabitants  of  Velez  and  of  the  more  important 
city  01  Malaga  were  filled  with  consternation,  trembling  lest  the  enemy 
should  descend  on  them  from  the  mountains  and  deluge  their  streets  with 
blood.  They  hastily  mustered  the  militia  of  the  country,  and  made  prepara- 
tions for  their  defence. 

Fortunately,  at  this  conjuncture,  they  were  gladdened  by  the  sight  of  the 
Grand  Commander  Reqiiesens,  who  sailed  into  the  harbour  of  Velez  Malaga 
with  a  squadron  from  Italy,  having  on  board  several  battalions  of  Spanish 
veterans  who  had  been  ordered  home  by  the  government  to  reinforce  the  army 
of  the  Alpujarras.  There  were  no  better  troops  in  the  service,  seasoned  as 
they  were  by  many  a  hard  campaign,  and  all  under  the  most  perfect  discipline. 
The  first  step  of  Requesens — the  same  officer,  it  will  be  remembered,  who  had 
acted  as  the  lieutenant  of  Don  John  of  Austria  in  his  cruise  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean— was  to  request  of  his  young  general  the  command  of  the  expedition 
against  the  rebels  of  Bentomiz.  These  were  now  gathered  in  great  force  on 
the  lofty  table-land  of  Fraxiliana,  where  they  had  strengthened  the  natural 
defences  of  the  ground  by  such  works  as  rendered  the  approach  to  it  nearly 
impracticable.  The  renuest  was  readily  granted  ;  and  the  grand  commander 
of  St  James,  without  loss  of  time,  lea  his  battalions  into  the  heart  of  the 
sierra. 

We  have  not  space  for  the  details.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  the  expedition 
was  one  of  the  best-conducted  in  the  war.  The  enemy  made  a  desperate 
resistance  ;  and,  had  it  not  been  for  the  timely  arrival  of  the  bold  burghers  of 
Malaga,  the  grand  commander  would  have  been  driven  from  the  field.  The 
Morisco  women  fought  by  the  side  of  their  husbands  ;  and,  when  all  was  lost, 
many  threw  themselves  headlong  from  the  precipices  rather  than  fall  into  the 
hands  of  the  Spaniards.***    Two  thousand  of  the  enemy  were  slain ;  and  three 

**  Marraol,  Rfbelion  de  Gran^^da,  tnm.  ii.        nada.  p.  175.  et  seq. — Miniana,  Historia  de 
p.  73,  et  seq. — V'aiKlerliamnien,  Don  Juan  de        Espafia,  p.  377. 
Austria,  fol.  94.— Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Gra-  •••  "Quando  vleron  el  fuerte  p?rdido,  se 


THE  WAR  RENEWED. 


553 


crushed  in  the  sierra  of  Bentomiz.        „  ,,    .    ,      a^^a  f^f  tliP  Phristians  fell 
Yet  it  was  not  a  bloodless  victory.    Full  six  hundred  of  J"^^^"^^^^^^^^ 

forrement  •  for  that  chief  was  meditating  an  assault  on  heron. 

MimnA..  Ahen-Hunieva  sent  a  stvoiig  detachment  against  it,  intenmng  ro 
^trnWitormSa  the  Moriscoes  had  no  battering-tram  and,  as  it  soon 
rp&Vwe^eUitle  skilled  in  the  art  of  condncting  a  sjege.    It  was  re«>l  ed 

of  triops  and  a  good  supply  of  provisions  to  the,   rehet    But  .mst  af t^r  ms 

tantly  obeyed,  and  '«<' f'eron  to  its  fate     Tt  e  m^^^^^^^  ^^  .^  ^,^^ 

standing  the  jealousy  he  dipli^yed^^^^^^  ^^^  beleaguered 

artair,  showed  so  little  alacrity  in  proviuing  i^  i  oi<>vpnth  of  Jnlv  sur- 

fortress  that  the  garrison,  reduced  ^  e'ctmmt^,  on  f^  e'^,  ^»f ,«  ^-^^f  ^^ 

SoTof  hU  ^%  tbaThe  hid  but  followed  the  lesson  set  hin.  by  the 

SSirx^»iSt^s^™^ttSr^s^o 


despefiaron  por  las  pefias  mas  ag^ias^J"'"" 
endo  mas  morir  heclms  pedazos  que  venir  en 
jiSer  de  ChriBtianos."  Marmol.  Rebelion  de 
Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  «».  „  .     . 

*■>  "Casl  todoB  los  tapiUnes.      luia.,  loc. 

^^^^  The  fierce  encounter  at  Fraxiliana  is 
eiven  in  great  detail  by  Mendoza  O^Juvrrade 
granada.  ^.  165-169)  and  Mar-.l  C  Wel^hon 

de  Granada,  torn  n.  pp.  *»5-^<^>.  i^^wJ*^tr.,J. 
ficht  wa«  better  contested  during  the  ^.ir, 
and  both  historians  l*ar  testimony  to  the 
Extraordinary  valour  of  the  Morisc  es,  worthy 
or   the  best  days  of  the  Arabian  empire. 


Philip,  while  he  commends  the  generous 
ardour  shown  by  the  gran.l  commander  in  the 
expedition,  condemns  him  for  having  quUtea 
his  fleet  to  engage  in  it:  "El  comendador 
mayor  tubo  buen  suceso  como  deseais,  y  como 
entiendo  yo  que  lo  merece  su  zelo  y  su  inten- 
cion,  mas  salir  su  persona  en  tierra,  teniendo 
en  vuestra  auseneia  el  cargo  de  la  mas,  lue 
cosa  digna  de  mucha  reprehension.  Carta 
del  Rey  li  I>on  .luan,  25  de  Jnnio,  1569,  M&>. 

"  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  n. 
pp.  108-111.- Ferreras,  Hist  d'Espagne.  toni, 
X  pp.  83,  84.-CAbrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  Ub. 
U.  cap.  6. 


554  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

the  valour  of  the  Moslems  as  to  the  misconduct  of  their  own  commanders,  or 
rather  to  the  miserable  system  adopted  for  carrying  on  the  war.  Ihe  triimiph 
of  the  Moriscoes,  however,  was  greatly  damped  by  the  mtelh.i,'ence  which  they 
had  received,  shortly  before  the  surrender  of  Seron,  of  disasters  that  had 
befallen  their  countrymen  in  Granada. 

Philip,  after  much  hesitation,  had  given  his  sanction  to  Dezas  project  for 
the  removal  of  the  Moriscoes  from  the  capital  into  the  interior  of  the  country 
The  day  appointed  for  carrying  the  measure  into  etfect  was  the  twenty-third 
of  June  A  large  body  of  troops,  with  the  principal  commanders,  was  secretly 
assembled  in  the  capital,  to  enforce  the  execution  of  the  plan.  Meanwhile, 
rumours  were  current  that  the  Moriscoes  in  the  city  were  carrying  on  a  secret 
communication  with  their  countrymen  in  the  Alpujarras  ;  that  they  supplied 
the  mountaineers  with  arms  and  money  ;  that  the  young  men  were  leaving 
Granada  to  join  their  ranks ;  finally,  that  a  conspiracy  had  been  planned  for 
an  assault  on  the  city,  and  even  that  the  names  of  the  leaders  were  given. 
It  is  impossible,  at  this  time,  to  say  what  foundation  there  was  for  these 
charges  ;  but  the  reader  may  recollect  that  similar  ones  had  been  circulated 
previous  to  the  barbarous  massacre  in  the  prison  of  the  Chancery. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  the  month,  on  the  eve  of  St.  John's,  an  edict  was 
published,  commanding  all  the  Morisco  males  in  Granada  between  ten  and 
sixty  years  of  age  to  repair  to  the  parish  churches  to  which  they  respectively 
belonged,  where  they  were  to  learn  their  fate.  The  women  were  to  remain 
some  time  longer  in  the  city,  to  dispose  of  the  most  valuable  ettects,  such  as 
could  not  easily  be  transported.  This  was  not  dithcult,  at  the  low  prices  for 
which,  in  their  extremity,  thev  were  obliged  to  part  with  their  property.  We 
are  left  in  ignorance  of  the  fate  of  the  children,  who,  no  doubt,  remained  in 
the  hands  of  the  government,  to  he  nurtured  in  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.*" 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  consternation  of  the  Moriscoes  on  the  publication 
of  this  decree,  for  which,  though  so  long  suspended  by  a  thread,  as  it  were, 
over  their  heads,  they  were  wholly  unprepared.  It  is  not  strange,  as  they 
recalled  the  atrocious  murders  perpetrated  in  the  prison  of  the  Chancery,  that 
they  should  have  been  led  to  believe  that  nothing  less  than  a  iiiassacre  of  the 
whole  Moorish  population  was  now  designed.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  marquis 
of  Mondejar  endeavoured  to  allav  their  fears.  They  were  somewhat  comforted 
by  the  assurance  of  the  President  Deza,  given  under  his  own  hand,  that  their 
lives  were  in  no  danger.  But  their  apprehensions  on  this  point  were  not 
wholly  quieted  till  Don  John  had  pledged  his  royal  word  that  no  harm  should 
come  to  their  persons,— that,  in  short,  the  great  object  of  the  government  was 
to  secure  their  safety.  They  then  submitted  without  any  attempt  at  resistance. 
Resistance,  indeed,  would  have  been  hardly  possible,  destitute  as  they  were  of 
weapons  or  other  means  of  defence,  and  surrounded  on  all  quarters  b^  the 
well-armed  soldiery  of  Castile.  They  accordingly  entered  the  churches  a.ssigned 
to  them,  at  the  doors  of  which  strong  guards  were  stationed  during  the  night. 

On  the  following  morning  the  Moriscoes  were  marched  out  and  formed  into 
a  procession,  which  was  to  take  its  way  to  the  great  hospital  in  the  suburbs. 
This  was  a  noble  bui'ding,  erected  by  the  good  Queen  Isabella  the  Catholic, 
not  long  after  the  Conquest.  Here  they  were  to  stay  till  the  arrangements 
were  completed  for  forming  them  into  divisions  according  to  their  several 
places  of  destination.    It  was  a  sad  and  solemn  spectacle,  that  of  tliis  company 


^  MendoTA,  Guerr»  de  Granada,  p.  146.— 
Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  11.  p.  100. 
— Bleda  (Cronica  de  Espafia,  p.  7<'5\  in  this 
part  of  his  work,  has  done  nutbing  more  than 


transcribe  the  pA|;e8  of  Mendoza,  and  that  in 
80  bUinderins;  a  style  as  to  mistake  the  date  of 
this  event  by  a  month. 


^ 


THE  WAR  RENEWED. 


555 


of  exiles,  as  they  moved  with  slow  and  uncertain  step,  bound  together  by 
Srfflnd  escorted,  or  rather  driven  along  like  a  gang  of  convicts,  by  the 
fierce  soldiery  There  they  were,  the  old  and  the  young,  Uie  rich  and  the 
noor  now  alas  '  brought  to  the  s^me  level,  the  forms  of  most  of  them  bowed 
SowA  l^s  bv  the  weigit  of  years  than  of  sorrow,  their  hands  meekly  folded  on 
tSbrlsts^  theirSs  wet  with  tears,  as  they  gazed  for  the  last  time  on 
their  Km  cky,  tl^  sweet  home  of  their  infancy,  the  proud  seat  of  ancient 

emi^Lrende^r^^^^^^  them  bv  so  many  tender  and  ^^^'^^X^^^^^'!^^^ 

The  march  was  conducted  in  an  orderly  manner,  with  but  a  siiig.e  interrup- 
tion wSch  however' was  near  being  attended  by  the  most  di^^s  rous  conse- 

removal  of  the  Moriscoes.  JJP""*"^  ,     exclaimed  that  no  one  hac 

tumult,  and  showmg  hmiself  to  the  troops,  ^ 

offered  him  any  Imrm^^  .ft'hSve^  tTff^ii  g  v  i^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
dishonour  him,  as  well  as  tneniseivei.,  "y  "'''=•' fi       .     q,.    soldiers,  abashed 
whose  protection  lie  had  so  soleuinly  pledgw."'^  "f/iT Vh/vlnXice  they  had 
by  the  rebuke  of  their  young  chief  and  ^f t'^^^ed  jvith  tlie  ven^ean^^^^^^ 

taken  on  the  offender,  fe"''^*  "'„'?'''?'' '^SsJ  a"d 

gradually  recovered  from  their  !»" f- ™?.P'^°ff,f '°A3la  » 

Without  iirther  interruption  '«»'=^ed  the  hospiUd  d^^te^^^^  ^,^^ 

There  the  royal  contaciores  were  no*  bng  m  »^M^'a^"i^  ;"''  ,.^0  „ere 
exiles.  It  amounted  to  thirty-five  hundred.  Ihat  of  «'« J^g*  ^cupations 
soon  to  follow,  was  much  Sff^^J^;'   /^e  !^»™«^',,'';«i»f^  they  were  marched 

of  the  men  were  »» '=a'^«Sf  Sf  hosnite^  were  distributed  into 

into  the  great  square  be'»"  t'«^^^^  to  their  various  places 

companies,eachunderastrongesCOTt,  to  bec^^^^      Andalusia,  reached  into 
of  destination.    These,  far  from  nemg  ';"'"y''^.  ^.^       „.,„'h  respect  was 
New  Castile.    In  this  arranf;enient  we  "*y  t™^  /Jf„'^%{X  same^^ 
paid  to  the  dictates  ««  humnit^  as  not^^^^^^  ^„  ^^^  ,„i,j    t, 

!i"^orbirregarding^detluI  of'tMs'tt  S  regard  to  the  fallen  r^e  as  below 
the  dignity  of  Instory. 


"  ••  Pue«t08  en  la  cuerda.  con  guarda  de  in- 
fanterla  i  cavalleria  por  una  i  otra  parte. 
Mendoza,  Guerre  de  Granada,  p.  147,^ 

"  ••Fue  un  miserable  espectaculo,  says  an 
eve-witneaa.  "  ver  tant<«  bombres  de  to<  as 
SIdls  iMcabozas  baxas,  las  inanos  cruzadas 
y  "Ss  rostros  baiiados  de  lagrin.as.  con  s^n,- 
Jlante  doloroso  y  triste.  v.endo  que  dexaban 
8U8  rejraladas  casas,  sus  familiar  «"  Pa*"^!*- y 
tantJ^bfen  como  tenian.  y  aun  no  sabiau  cierto 


lo  que  86  haria  de  bus  cabezas."  Marmol, 
Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  '02. 

"  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  n.  p. 
103 —Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  147.— 
Both  historians  were  present  on  this  occasion 

»♦  "Los  que  salieron  por  todos  tres  uiu  i 
quinientos,  el  numero  de  mugeres  mucho 
mayor."  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granad^  p. 
147. 


556 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


It  was  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  June,  1569,  that,  biddin^:  a  sad  farewell  to 
the  friends  and  coni[)anions  of  their  youth,  from  whom  they  were  now  to  be  for 
ever  parted,  they  set  forth  on  their  doleful  pilgrimage.  The  morning  light 
had  broken  on  the  red  towers  of  the  Alhambra,  as  the  bands  of  exiles, 
issuing  from  the  gates  of  their  beloved  ca[)ital,  the  spot  dearest  to  them  upon 
earth,  turned  their  faces  towards  their  new  homes, — homes  which  many  of 
them  were  destined  never  to  behold.  The  government,  with  shameful  inditter- 
ence,  had  neglected  to  provide  for  the  poor  wanderers  the  most  common 
necessaries  of  life.  Some  actually  perished  of  hunger  by  the  way.  Others, 
es{)ecially  those  accustomed  from  infancy  to  a  delicate  luirture,  sank  down 
and  died  of  fatigue.  Some  were  seized  by  the  soldiers,  whose  cupidity  was 
roused  by  the  sight  of  their  helplessness,  and  were  sold  as  slaves.  Others 
were  murdered  by  their  guards  in  cold  blood.**  Thus  reduced  far  below  their 
original  number,  they  reached  their  appointed  places,  there  to  linger  out  the 
remainder  of  their  days  in  the  midst  of  a  population  who  held  them  in  that 
abhorrence  with  which  a  good  Catholic  of  the  sixteenth  century  regarded  "  the 
enemies  of  God."  *' 

But  the  evils  which  grew  out  of  this  stem  policy  of  the  government  were 
not  wholly  confined  to  the  Moriscoes.  This  ingenious  people  were  so  far 
superior  to  the  Spaniards  in  the  knowledi^e  of  husbandry  and  in  the  various 
mechanic  arts  that  they  formed  the  most  important  part  of  the  population  of 
Granada.  The  only  art  in  which  their  rivals  excelled  them  was  that  which 
thrives  at  the  expense  of  every  other,— the  art  of  war.  Aware  of  this,  the 
government  had  excepted  some  of  the  best  artisans  in  the  capital  from  the 
doom  of  exile  which  had  fallen  on  their  countrymen,  and  they  had  accordingly 
remained  in  the  city.  But  their  number  was  too  small  to  produce  the  result 
desired  ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  the  quarter  of  the  town  which  had  been 
occupied  bv  the  Moriscoes  exhibited  a  scene  of  woeful  desolation.  The  li^ht 
and  airy  eclifices,  which  displayed  in  their  forms  the  fantastic  graces  of  Arabian 
architecture,  fell  speedily  into  decay.  The  parterres  and  pleasure-grounds, 
filled  with  exotics  and  glowing  in  all  the  exuberance  of  southern  vegetation, 
became  a  wilderness  of  weeds  ;  and  the  court-yards  and  public  sonares,  where 
tanks  and  f^parkling  fountains,  fed  by  the  streams  of  the  Sierra  Nevada,  shed 
a  refreshing  coolness  over  the  atmosphere  in  the  sultriest  months  of  sunmier, 
were  soon  converted  into  a  melancholy  heap  of  rubbish. 

The  mischiefs  growing  out  of  the  removal  of  the  Moriscoes  fell  soreiy  on 
the  army.  The  men  had  been  quartered,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  houses  of  the 
Moriscoes.  From  the  present  occupants,  for  the  most  part  needy  and  thrift- 
less speculators,  they  met  with  very  different  fare  from  what  they  had  enjoyed 
under  the  former  wealthy  and  luxurious  proprietors.  The  troops  supplied  the 
deficiency,  as  far  as  they  could,  by  plundering  the  citizens.  Hence  incessant 
feuds  arose  between  the  people  and  the  army,  and  a  spirit  of  insubordination 
rapidly  grew  up  in  the  latter,  which  made  it  more  formidable  to  its  friends 
than  to  its  foes.*' 

An  eye-witness  of  these  troubles  closes  his  narrative  of  the  removal  of  the 
Moriscoes  by  remarking  that  it  was  a  sad  spectacle  to  one  who  refiected  on  the 
former  policy  and  prosperity  of  this  ill-starred  race  ;  who  had  seen  their  sump- 


»•  "Muchos  murteron  por  los  caminos  de 
trabajo,  de  cansancio,  de  p^ sar,  de  hambre  ;  a 
liieiYo,  por  mano  de  los  mlsmos  que  los  havlan 
de  guardar,  robu'los,  vendidoa  \k>t  cautivos." 
Mendoza,  Goerra  de  Granada,  p  148. 

*•  "  Los  enemigos  de  Dios," — the  charitable 


phra5te  by  which  Moriscoes,  as  well  as  Moors, 
came  now  to  be  denominated  by  the  Chris- 
tians. 

"  Mtndoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  148- 
150. 


OPERATIONS  OF  LOS  VELEZ. 


657 


tuous  mansions  in  the  day  of  their  glory,  their  gardens  and  pleasure-grounds, 
the  scene  of  many  a  gay  revel  and  jocund  holiday,  and  who  now  contrasted  all 
this  with  the  ruin  into  which  everything  had  fallen^*'  "  ^^ff^^'^y}^  ?P\ 
eludes,  "as  if  Providence  had  intended  to  show,  by  the  fate  of  this  b^utiful 
city,  that  the  fairest  things  in  this  world  are  the  most  subject  to  decay.  lo 
the  philosopher  of  the  present  age  it  may  seem  rather  the  natural  result  of 
that  systeni  of  religious  intolerance  which  had  converted  into  enemies  those 
who,  under  a  beneficent  rule,  would  have  been  true  and  loyal  subjects,  and 
who  by  their  industry  and  skiU  would  have  added  incalculably  to  the  resources 
of  the  country. 


CHAPTER  VL 

REBELLION   OF  THE   MORISCOES. 

Onerationsof  Los  Velez— Conspiracy  against  Abcn-Humeya— His  Assassination-Election  of 
^  A^nXo^Vigor^roLution  of  the  War-Fierce  Combats  in  the  Vega-Impetuou. 
Spirit  of  Don  John— Surprise  of  Guejar. 

1669.    • 

\V  HiLE  the  events  related  in  the  preceding  chapter  were  occurring,  the  manims 
of  Los  Velez  lav,  with  a  considerable  force,  at  Adra,  a  port  on  the  Mediterra- 
neanfat  the  foot  of  the  Alpujarras,  which  he  had  sefected  chiefly  from  the 
fadlities  it  would  afford  him  for  getting  suppies  for  his  array.  I"  this  he  was 
disappointed.  Before  the  month  of  June  had  expired,  his  troops  had  begun  to 
bestraitened  for  provisions.  The  evil  went  on  increasing  from  day  to  day 
His "  con^^^^^  chiefly  of  raw  recruits  from  Andalusia,  were  full  of  that 
i^deSnt  an^d  indeed  turbulent  spirit  which  be  ongs  to  an  ill-disciphned 
milS  There  was  no  lack  of  courage  in  the  soldiery.  But  the  same  men 
"Chad  fearlessly  braved  the  dangers  of  the  campaign,  now,  growing  impatient 
under  l^e  ninch  of  hunger,  abandoned  their  colours  in  great  numbers. 

There  Urva^  causes  for  the  deficiency  of  supplies.  The  nnncipal  one 
of  the'e  may  probably  be  found  in  the  remissness  of  the  council  o!  >^ar,  several 
of  whose  members  regarded  the  marquis  with  an  evil  eye  and  were  not  sorry 

''kVr^'^^oZ'n:^:^^  were  instantly  to  be  taken,  or  the  army,  it  was 
evident  w^nW  soon  altogether  melt  away  By  the  king's  command,  orders 
were  despatched  to  Requesens,  who  lay  with  hissquadronoff^theport  of  Velez 
Malaga  tS  supply  the^mp  with  provisions,  while  it  received  reinforcements 
as  l^^KrSally  from  the  AnJialusian  militia.  The  army  received  a  st.ll 
moSoSt  accession  in  the  well-disciplined  veterans  who  had  followed  the 
S  commander  from  Italy.  Thus  strengthened,  and  provisioned  for  a  week 
S  more  Los  Velez,  at  the  head  of  twelve  thousand  men,  set  forth  on  the 
?weX  sixth  of  July  and  struck  at  once  into  the  A  puJarras^  He  had  been 
S^eSbv  the  council  to  establish  himself  at  Ugijar  which  by  its  central 
position  would  eimble  him  to  watch  the  movements  of  Aben-Humeya  and  act 
on  any  point  as  occasion  required. 


-  "  Quedo  grandisima  lastima  &  los  que 
hablendo  vlsto  la  posperidad,  la  policfa,  y  el 
retrain  dp  lae  casas.  carnienes  y  guertas,  donde 
lo8  Moriscos  U^nian  todas  bus  recreaciones  y 
pasatiempofl,  y  de^de  6  poros  dias  lo  vieron 
todo  asolado  y  destruido."    Alarmol,  Reb<  lion 


de  Granada,  torn.  li.  p.  104. 

*»  "  I'arecia  bien  estar  sujeta  aquella  felici- 
sima  ciiidad  &  tal  de>truicioii,  para  que  pc  en- 
tienda  que  las  cosas  masesplendid^s  y  flondas 
entre  la  gente  estin  mas  a- ar^jadas  A  los 
golpes  de  fortuna."    Maimol,  ubi  supra. 


558 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


The  marquis,  without  difficulty,  defeated  a  force  of  some  five  or  six  thousand 
men  who  had  been  stationed  to  oppose  his  entrance  into  the  mountain-country. 
He  then  pressed  forward,  and  on  the  high  lands  beyond  Ugi.jar— which  place 
he  had  already  occupied— he  came  in  sight  of  Aben-Humeya,  with  the  flower 
of  his  troops,  drawn  up  to  receive  him. 

The  two  chiefs,  in  their  characters,  their  persons,  and  their  equipments, 
might  be  considered  as  no  bad  types  of  the  European  and  the  Arab  chivalry. 
The  marquis,  sheathed  in  complete  mail  of  a  sable  colour,  and  mounted  on  his 
heavy  war-horse  also  covered  with  armour,  was  to  be  seen  brandishing  a  lance 
which,  short  and  thick,  seemed  rather  like  a  truncheon,  as  he  led  his  men 
boldly  on,  prepared  to  plunge  at  once  into  the  thick  of  the  fight.'  He  was 
the  very  emblem  of  brute  force.  Aben-Humeya,  on  the  other  hand,  gracefully 
managing  his  swift-footed  snow-white  Andalusian,  with  his  Morisco  mantle  of 
crimson  floating  lightly  from  his  shoulders,  and  his  Turkish  turban  wreathed 
around  his  head,*  instead  of  force,  suggested  the  opposite  ideas  of  agility  and 
adroitness,  so  characteristic  of  the  children  of  the  East. 

Riding  along  his  lines,  the  Morisco  prince  exhorted  his  followers  not  to  fear 
the  name  of  Los  Velez ;  for  in  the  hour  of  danger  God  would  aid  his  own  ;  and 
better  was  it,  at  any  rate,  to  die  like  brave  men  in  the  field,  than  to  live  dis- 
honoured.' Notwithstanding  these  magnanimous  words,  it  was  far  from  Aben- 
Hunieya's  wish  to  meet  his  enemy  in  a  fair  field  of  fight.  It  was  contrary  to 
the  geiiius  and  the  habit  of  his  warfare,  which  was  of  the  guerilla  kind,  abound- 
ing in  sallies  and  surprises,  in  which,  seeking  some  vulnerable  point,  he  could 
deal  his  blow  and  retreat  precipitately  among  the  mountains. 

Yet  his  followers,  though  greatly  inferior  in  numbers  to  the  enemy,  behaved 
with  spirit ;  and  the  field  was  well  contested,  till  a  body  of  Andalusian  horse, 
making  a  detour  under  cover  of  some  rising  ground,  fell  unexpectedly  on  the 
rear  of  the  Moriscoes  and  threw  them  into  confusion.  The  marquis  pressing 
them  at  the  same  time  vigorouslv  in  front,  they  broke,  and  soon  gave  way  on 
all  sides.  Aben-Humeya,  perceiving  the  day  lost,  gave  the  rein  to  his  high- 
mettled  genet,  who  swiftly  bore  him  from  the  field  ;  and,  though  hotly  pursued, 
he  soon  left  his  enemies  behind.  On  reaching  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  Nevada 
the  chief  dismounted,  and,  hamstringing  his  noble  animal,  plunged  into  the 
depths  of  the  mountains,  which  again  opened  their  friendly  arms  to  receive 
him.*  Yet  he  did  not  remain  there  long  before  he  was  joined  by  his  followers  ; 
and  no  sooner  was  he  in  sufficient  strength  than  he  showed  himself  on  the 
eastern  skirts  of  the  sierra,  whence,  like  an  eagle  stoofang  on  his  prey,  he 
rushed  down  upon  the  plains  below,  sweeping  through  the  rich  valley  of  the 
Rio  de  Almanzora,  and  carrying  fire  and  sword  to  the  very  borders  of  Murcia. 
Here  he  revenged  himself  on  Los  Velez  by  falling  on  his  town  of  Las  Cuevas, 
firing  his  dwellings,  ravaging  his  estates,  and  rousing  his  Morisco  vassals  to 
rebellion.' 


»  "Armado  de  anas  annas  negras  de  la 
color  del  acero,  y  unacelada  en  la  cabeza  Hena 
de  plnmages,  y  una  grueaa  lanza  en  la  mano 
mas  recia  que  larga."  Marmol,  Rebelion  de 
Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  133. 

»  '♦  Andaba  Aben  Umeya  vistoso  delantede 
tfidos  en  un  caballo  bianco  con  una  aljuba  de 
grana  vestlda,  y  un  turbante  tnrquesco  en  la 
cabeaa."     ibid.,  p.  134. 

'  "No  temiesen  el  vano  nombre  del  Mar- 
ques de  Ids  Velez,  porque  en  los  niay-res 
traba'os  acudla  Dioa  «i  los  suyt* ;  y  quando 
les  faltase,  no  les  podria  falUir  una  hunrosa 


muerte  con  las  armas  en  Ins  manos,  que  Us 
estaba  mejor  que  vivir  deshonradoe."  Ibid., 
p.  VM. 

'  "  Y  apeandose  del  caballo,  le  hlzo  de'-jar- 
retar,  y  se  embrefio  en  las  Fierras."  Ibid., 
loc.  cit.— Hita  commemorateR  th»-  flight  of  the 
"  Utile  king  "  of  the  Alpujarras  in  one  of  his 
ballads.  Guerras  de  Granada,,  torn.  ii.  p. 
310. 

'^  Mendowi,  Oueira  de  Granada,  p.  209.— 
Marmol,  Rebelion  de  (JraiMdii.  t<  m.  ii.  p.  IJiO. 
— Hita,  Gucrrastle  Granada,  torn.  Ii.  p.  2a3. 


OPERATIONS  OF  LOS  VELEZ. 


;559 


Meanwhile,  the  marquis,  instead  of  following  up  his  victory,  remained  toi-pid 
within  the  walls  of  Cafahorra.    Here  he  had  desired  the  council  to  provide 
stores  for  the  subsistence  of  his  army.   To  his  dismay,  none  had  been  provided  ; 
and,  as  his  own  attempts  to  procure  them  were  unsuccessful,  he  soon  found 
himkf  in  the  same  condition  as  at  Adra.    The  famine-stncken  troops,  with 
little  pay  and  less  plunder,  first  became  discontented,  then  mutinous,  and  at 
emX/eserted  in  kreat  numbers.    It  was  in  vain  that  the  irascible  old  chie 
poured  out  his  wrath  in  menaces  and  imprecations     His  arrogant  tem,^r  had 
made  him  hated  even  more  than  he  was  feared  by  his  soldiers.     Ihey  now 
went  off,  not  stealthily  and  by  night,  but  in  the  open  ^ay,  who  e  «)mp^^^^^^ 
a  time,  their  arquebuses  on  their  shoulders  and  their  niatches  lighted.^    When 
Don  Diego  Fajardo,  the  marquis's  son,  endeavoured  to  stay  them,  one,  moie 
i^'dacbufthan  the'rest,  lodged  a  musket-ball  in  his  body.    It  was  not  long 
before  the  gallant  array  with  which  the  marquis  had  so  proudly  entered  the 
Alpufar^^^^^^^     reduced  to  less  than  three  thousand  men.    Among  them  we  e 
the  Italian  veterans,  who  refused  to  tarnish  then-  well-earned  laurels  by  thus 
baselv  abandoning  their  commander.  r  ^  i  •      *.-    ir„  ^e 

The  council  of  war  complained  loudly  to  the  king  of  the  fatal  inactivity  of 
tbp  maniuis  and  of  his  neglect  to  follow  up  the  advantages  he  had  earned. 
Los  vZangrdy  Retorted  by  throwing  the  blame  on  that  body,  for  neglecting 
to  furniThim  with  the  supplies  which  would  have  enabled  him  to  do  so. 
Philin  alarmed  with  reason,  at  the  critical  aspect  of  atfairs,  ordered  the 
Sis  Sondelar  to'repai;  to  court,  that  he  might  confer  with  him  on  the 
state  of  the  country.  This  was  the  avowed  motive  for  his  recall.  But  in  truth 
rseems  pro^b^^^  the  king,  aware  of  that  nobleman  s  leaning  to  a  pa^'ihc 
poUcy  auHf  lii  personal  hostility  to  Los  Velez,  deemed  it  best  ^remove  him 
alStl  er  from  any  share  in  the  conduct  of  the  war.  This  he  did  most  efiec- 
toa^W  by  Singliim  into  honourable  exile,  first  appointmg  him  viceroy  of 
\^^.tnciaf^d  afterwards  raising  him  to  the  imporUnt  post  of  viceroy  of 
Naples!    From  this  period  the  name  of  Mondejar  no  more  appears  on  the 

''T^Tmt^Ili's'dM'rt'^^^^^  favour  to  which  he  was  entitled  by  his  des^s^ 
He  seems  to  have  possessed  some  of  the  best  qualities  of  a  good  captain.  Bold 
S  actfon  he  was  circumspect  in  council.  Slow  and  sagacious  in  the  formation 
oi  Hsnlans  he  carried  them  out  with  singular  perseverance  He  knew  the 
cmintrv  v^Sl  whiX^^^^  the  seat  of  the  insurrection,  and  perfectly  understood 
Z  chlrSr  ofTte  inhabitants.  What  was  more  rare,  he  nwle  allowance  for 
the  excSseTiil  which  they  had  been  drawn  by  a  long  course  of  insult  and 
oDoression  The  humanity  of  his  disposition  combined  with  his  views  of  i>olicy 
toSe  him  rely  moi?  on  conciliatory  measures  than  on  fear,  for  the  reduction 
^  Wnemv  How  well  this  worked  we  have  seen.  Ha^l  he  been  proper  y 
^nnnorteHv  thosrengaged  with  him  in  the  direction  of  affairs,  we  can  hardly 
supported  by  ^\'!^;^^"^*^^^^        g^f   unhappily,  the  two  most  prominent  of 

these  tlMei^?  DeTand  ^  of'^Los  V^e^vr^^r"""'"-"ZS 

•   titVaht  hiVotr  w^    far  from  feeling  compassion  for  the  Moriscoes,  looked 
n  ^^  h^whoKe  as^^  enemies."    Unfortunately,  these  views  found 

favour  wth  the  govenimen?!  and  Philin,  who  rightly  thought  that  the  ji^^arquis 
SMondeiar  would  only  prove  a  hinderance  to  carrymg  on  host  lities  with 
•  Jnr  S  rnnsStentiv  m  sending  him  from  the  country.    Yet,  while  he  was 
Zs  removedTrrfhS^^     of  tlie  war,  it  may  be  thought  an  unequivocal 


•  ••!  tan  adelatite  pap6  la  dow>rden,  que  se 
juntaron  quatroclentos  arcabuceros,  i  con  Us 
Secbas  e3  las  serpentlnas  ^''fj;-^'''^^^ 
campo."  Mendoza  Guerrade  Granada,  p.  195. 


MendoM,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  198,  et 
seq.— Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  IL 
p.  146. 


560 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISOOES. 


acknowledgment  of  Mondejar's  deserts  that  he  was  transferred  to  the  most 
considerable  post  in  the  ^aft  of  the  crown. 

Before  the  marquis's  departure,  PhiUp  had  transferred  his  court  to  Cordova, 
in  order  to  faciUtate  his  communication  with  the  seat  of  war.  He  hoped,  too, 
that  the  knowledjje  of  his  being  so  near  would  place  some  check  on  the  dis- 
orderly temper  of  the  soldiery  and  animate  them  with  more  loyal  and  patriotic 
feelings.  In  this  way  of  proceeding  he  considereil  himself  as  imitating  the 
example  of  his  great  "ancestors,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  who,  during  the  war 
of  Granada,  usually  transferred  their  court  to  one  of  the  capitals  of  the  south. 
He  did  not,  however,  think  it  necessary,  like  them,  to  lead  his  armies  in 
person  and  share  in  the  toils  of  the  campaign. 

On  the  nineteenth  of  October,  Philip  published  an  edict  which  intimated  his 
design  of  following  up  the  war  with  vigour.  It  commanded  that  such  of  the 
Moriscoes  as  had  hitherto  been  allowed  to  remain  in  Granada  should  now  be 
removed  from  it,  in  order  that  no  means  of  connnunication  might  be  left  to 
them  with  their  brethren  in  the  mountiiins.  It  was  further  proclaimed  that 
the  war  henceforth  was  to  be. carried  on  with  "fire  and  blood,"'— in  other 
words,  that  no  mercy  was  to  be  shown  the  insurgents.  This  was  the  first 
occasion  on  which  this  fierce  denunciation  had  been  made  by  the  government. 
To  reconcile  the  militia  of  the  towns  to  the  service,  their  pay  was  to  be  raised 
to  a  level  with  that  of  the  Italian  volunteers ;  and  to  relieve  the  towns,  the 
greater  part  of  the  expense  was  to  he  borne  by  the  crown.  Before  the  publi- 
cation of  this  ordinance  the  king  had  received  intelligence  of  an  event  un- 
expected alike  by  Christian  and  by  Moslem,— the  death  of  Aben-Humeya, 
and  that  by  the  hands  of  some  of  his  own  followers. 

The  Morisco  prince,  after  carrying  the  war  up  to  the  borders  of  Murcia,  laid 
siege  to  two  or  three  places  of  strength  in  that  quarter.  As  might  have  been 
expected,  he  failed  in  these  attempts,  from  his  want  of  battering-artillery. 
Thus  foiled,  he  led  back  his  forces  into  the  Alpujarras,  and  established  his 
quarters  in  the  ancient  Moorish  palace  of  Lanjaron,  on  the  slopes  of  the 
mountains  commanding  the  beautifid  valley  of  Lecrin.  Here  the  torpid  con- 
dition of  the  S[>aniards  under  Los  Velez  allowed  the  young  monarch  to  remain, 
and  give  himself  up  to  those  sensual  indulgences  with  which  the  Moslem 
princes  of  the  East  were  apt  to  solace  their  leisure  in  the  intervals  of  war. 
His  harem  rivalled  that  of  any  Oriental  satrap  in  the  number  of  its  inmates. 
This  was  strange  to  the  Moriscoes,  who,  since  their  nominal  conversion  to 
Christianity,  had  of  course  repudiated  polygamy.  In  the  eyes  of  the  Moslems 
it  might  pass  for  good  evidence  of  their  prince's  orthodoxy. 

Ever  since  Aben-Humeya's  ascent  to  the  throne  he  had  been  declining  in 
popularity.  His  handsome  person,  the  courtesy  of  his  manners,  his  chivalrous 
spirit,  and  his  devotion  to  the  cause  had  easily  won  him  the  affections  of  his 
subjects.  But  a  too  sudden  elevation  had  unfortunately  that  ellect  on  him 
which  it  is  wont  to  have  on  weak  minds  without  any  settled  principles  or  lofty 
aim  to  guide  them.  Possessed  of  power,  he  became  tyrannical  in  the  use  of  it.* 
His  arbitrary  acts  created  enemies,  not  the  less  dangerous  that  they  were  con- 
cealed^ The  consciousness  of  the  wrongs  he  had  committed  made  him  sus- 
picious. He  surrounded  himself  with  a  body-guard  of  four  hundred  rnen. 
Sixteen  hundred  more  were  quartered  in  the  place  where  he  was  residuig  • 
and  the  principal  avenues  to  it,  we  are  told,  were  defended  by  barricades.' 


<r  • 

t^   ♦ 
9 


•  "  Qne  86  publicase  la  p:uprra  fi  fupRo  y  a 
sangre."  Manuol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  turn, 
ii.  p.  160. 

•  "Vivla  ya  con  estado  d'*  Rpi,  ppro  con 
arbitrio  de  tirano."— Menduza,  Ouerra  de  Gra- 


nada, p.  209. 

'"  ••  Teniendo  barreadas  la««caUe8  del  lujcar 
de  manera,  que  nadie  pndiese  entrar  en  el  sin 
ser  vipto  6  sentido."  Mannol,  Rebelion  de 
Granada,  torn.  it.  p.  163. 


CONSPIRACY  AGAINST  ABEN-HUMEYA. 


561 


I  I 


Those  whom  he  suspected  he  treated  with  particular  kindness.  He  drew  them 
around  his  i)erson,  overwhelmed  them  with  favours,  and,  when  he  had  won 
them  by  a  show  of  confidence,  he  struck  the  fatal  blow.''  During  the  short 
period  of  his  reign  no  less  than  three  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  we  are 
assured,  fell  victius  to  his  jealousy  or  his  revenge." 

Among  Aben-Humeya's  olhcers  was  one  named  Diego  Alguazil,  who  had  a 
beautiiul  kinswoman,  with  whom  he  lived,  it  is  said,  on  terms  of  greater  inti- 
inaey  than  was  justified  by  the  relationship  of  the  parties.  As  he  was  one  day 
imprudently  speaking  of  ner  to  Aben-Humeya  in  the  glowing  language  of  ii 
lover,  the  curiosity  of  the  king  was  so  much  inflamed  by  it  that  he  desired  to 
see  her.  In  addition  to  her  personal  charms,  the  fair  Zahara  was  mistress  of 
many  accomplishments  which  rendered  her  still  more  attractive.  She  had  a 
sweet  voice,  which  she  accompanied  bewitchingly  on  the  lute,  and  in  her 
dancing  displayed  all  the  soft  and  voluptuous  movements  of  the  dark-eyed 
beauties  of  Andalusia."  When  brought  before  the  king,  she  did  her  best  to 
please  him  ;  for,  though  attached,  as  it  seems,  to  her  kinsman,  the  ambitious 
coquette  had  no  objection  to  having  a  royal  suitor  in  her  chains.  In  this  she 
perfectly  succeeded  ;  and  the  enamoured  prince  intimated  his  desire  to  Alguazil 
that  he  would  resign  to  him  the  possession  of  his  mistress.  But  the  Morisco 
loved  her  too  well ;  and  neither  threats  nor  promises  of  the  most  extravagant 
kind  were  able  to  extort  his  consent.  Thus  ikffled,  the  reckless  Aben-Humeyai 
consulting  only  his  passion,  caused  the  perhaps  not  reluctant  Zahara  to  be 
taken  by  force  and  lodged  in  his  harem.  By  this  act  he  made  a  mortal  enemy 
of  Alguazil. 

Nor  did  he  long  enjoy  the  favour  of  his  new  mistress,  who,  come  of  an 
ancient  lineage  in  Granada,'*  had  hoped  to  share  the  throne  of  the  Morisco 
monarch.  But  Aben-Humeya  s  passion  did  not  carry  him  to  this  extent  of 
complaisance  ;  and  Zahara,  indignant  at  finding  herself  degraded  to  the  i-ank 
and  file  of  the  seraglio,  soon  breathed  only  a  desire  for  vengeance.  In  this 
state  of  things  she  found  the  means  of  communicating  with  her  kinsman,  and 
arranged  witn  him  a  plan  for  carrying  their  murderous  intent  into  execution. 

The  most  important  corps  in  the  Morisco  army  was  that  of  the  Turkish 
mercenaries.  But  they  were  so  fierce  and  turbulent  a  race  that  Aben-Humeya 
paid  dear  for  their  services.  A  strong  body  of  these  troops  lay  on  the  fron- 
tiers of  Orgiba,  under  the  command  of  Aben-Alx)o, — a  near  relative  of  the 
Morisco  prince,  whose  life,  it  may  be  remembered,  he  had  once  saved,  by  sub- 
mitting to  every  extremity  of  torture  rather  than  betray  his  lurking-place. 
To  this  commander  Aben-Humeya  despatched  a  messenger,  directing' tiim  to 
engage  the  Turks  in  a  certain  expedition,  which  would  serve  both  to  give  them 
eniployment  and  to  satisfy  their  appetite  for  plunder. 

The  time  named  for  the  messenger's  departure  was  communicated  by  Zahara 


*'  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  210. — 
Such  i8  tlie  Tiberius-like  p<jrtrait  given  of  him 
by  an  enemy, — by  one,  however,  it  may  be 
added,  who  lor  liberal  views  and  for  discrimi- 
nation of  character  was  not  surpassed  by  any 
chronicler  of  his  time. 

'^  **  Ix)8  cuales  pasaron  de  trescientos  cin- 
cuenta,  segim  yo  be  sido  informado  de  varies 
moriscos  que  seguian  bus  banderas :  y  de  tal 
manera  procedla  el  reyecillo,  que  vino  &  ser 
odiosfsiino  &  Io8  Ruyos  por  sus  crueldades." 
Hita,  Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  303. 

"  "Que  no  la  hay  mas  hermosa 
eu  toda  la  And'OlucIa : 


blanca  es  y  colorada, 
como  la  rosa  mas  fina ; 

**  Tafte,  danza,  canta  a  estremo, 
que  es  un  encanto  el  oirla ; 
68  muza,  bella  y  graciosa 
nadie  vio  tal  en  bu  vida  " 

Ibid.,  torn.  ii.  p.  324. 

The  severer  pencil  of  Mendoza  does  not 
disdain  the  name  warm  colouring  for  the  por- 
trait of  the  Morisco  beauty.  Guerra  de  Gra- 
nada, p.  213. 

'*  "Mnger  igualmente  hermosa  i  de  li- 
nage."   Mendoza,  ubi  supra. 

2  o 


562  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

in  hpr  Icinsman  who  caused  him  to  he  wavlaid  and  mui-dered  and  his  despatches 
toK  iT'  He  the  had  a  letter  written  to  Ahen-Ahop,  which  hore  appa- 
rentV  the  roya^^  This  was  counterfeited  hy  his  nepliew,  a  younc 

limn  then  holding?  tL  post  of  secretary  to  Aben-Humeya  with  whom  lie  had 
lately  concekefonie  cause  of  disgust.  The  letter  stated  that  he  insubordi- 
nation S  the  T^^  made  them  dangerous  to  the  state  and  that  m  some  way 
or  otLr  they  mii^  be  removed,  and  that  speedily  \Vith  this  view,  Al^en- 
Ab^  was  directed  to  march  them  to  Mecina,  on  the  frontiers  of  the  Sierra 
&rwtre  ^  ™ild  be  joined  by  Diego  Algiiazil,  >vith  a  party  o  sqldim 
^  a^fst  h!^  in  carrying  the  plan  into  execution.  The  best  mode,  it  was 
siiffffested  of  getting  rid  of  the  Turks  would  be  by  poison. 

Illletter^^^^^^  by  a  courier,  who  was  speedily  followed  by 

Alguizian^a  blind.  eA  soldiers,  L  the  cunning  conspirator  desired   o  present 
hiSf  before  Aben- Aboo  without  leaving  hmi  time  for  consideration. 

He  found  thftconimander  in  a  state  of  the  utmost  perplexity  and  conster- 
nation lUazil  declared  that  lie  had  come  in  consequence  of  certain  instruc- 
Sons  he  hS^  received  from  the  king,  of  U>o  atrocious  a  nature  for  him  to 
exe'cuti  Aben^Aboo  had  as  little  mind  to  perform  the  b  oody  -grk  a-gned 
to  him  He  had  no  dstrust  of  the  genuineness  of  the  letter  nosceyn,  ine 
commander  of  he  Turks,  happening  to  pass  the  house  at  that  time,  was  called 
in  and  the  despatches  were  show ifto  him.  The  fiery  chief  insisted  on  com^ 
munkatinff  them  to  some  of  his  comrades.  The  greatest  indignation  prevailed 
rr^fth^'TurkSs^^^  outraged  t>y  this  base  treachery  o^^^^^^^^^ 

whom  thev  had  come  to  serve  at  the  peril  of  their  lives  They  one  and  all 
deI^nded^lot^l^^^  deposition,  but  his  death.  Diego  Algnazil  saw  that^  his 
Sr^ wis  working  well  He  artfully  fanned  the  tiame  and  professed  o 
share  deeply  in  thelndignation  of  the  Moslems.  It  was  at  length  agreed  to 
^iit  the  tyrant  to  death  and  to  otler  the  crown  to  Aben- Aboo.  . 

^  This  clStoin  enj^y^^  a  high  reputation  for  sagacity  and  pnidence.  His 
mssiinrSe  those  of  Aben  Huuieya,  seemed  ever  under  the  control  of  his 
?eir-  a^djar  from  indulging  an  ill-regulated  ambition,  he  had  been  always 
Sui  to  his  trust  But  the  present  temptation  was  too  strong  for  his 
It  tue  He  may  have  thought  tkt,  since  the  throne  was  to  be  vacant  the 
descendant  of  the  Omeyas  had  a  better  claim  to  it  than  any  other.    W  hatever 

maThave  been  tL%^^  ^^^^^^^^^  ^^  ^^'^1'^'  ^vl"-^""''  ^^^^  ^^T^'^^Z 
promised  him  the  crown  liad  the  power  to  make  their  promise  cood.    He  gave 

Kisas^nt   on   condition   that  in  the  course  of   three  months  his  election 

should  be  confirmed  by  the  dey  of  Algiers,  as  the  representative  of  the  Turkish 

'''itTNdng  arranged  their  plans,  the  conspirators  lost  no  time  in  putting  them 
in  execution  They  set  out  that  very  hour  on  the  evening  of  the  third 
o"  OcXr  for  Lanjkron,  with  a  body  of  four  hundred  troops,-one  half  being 
Turks  the  other  Moriscc^es.  By  midnight  they  reached  their  place  of  destina- 
tion  'Diego  Alguazil  and  the'  Turkish  captains  were  too  well  known  as 
enioVing  the  confidence  of  Aben-Humeya  to  meetwi  h  any  opposition  to  their 
em  into  the  town.  Nor,  though  the  Morisco  king  W  retired  to  rest, 
did  thrguard  oppose  any  difficulty  to  their  passing  mto  his  ^^J.fbng.  Pro- 
ceeding to  his  chamber,  tLy  founci  the  doors  secured  but  speedily  forced  an 
entrance     Neither  arm  nor  voice  was  raised  in  his  defencj. 

A^en  Humeya,  roused  from  sleep  by  the  tumult,  would  have  sprung  from 
his  couch ;  but  the  faithless  Zahara  held  him  fast  in  her  embrace  until  Diego 

,  .._-.__-  J 1-K-o  ,x«,  Ai '»    Mendoza,  Guerra 


ASSASSINATION  OF  ABEN-HUMEYA. 


563 


"  Ninguno  huvo  que  tomase  las  armas,  n\  bolviese  de  palabra  por  el." 
de  Granada,  p.  217. 


1 


Alffuazil  and  some  others  of  the  conspirators,  rushing  in,  bound  his  arms 
togeS  wiih  a  Moorish  veU.-  Indeed,  He  was  so  much1)ewildered  as  scarcely 

''ThfT^irk^^nander  then   showed   him  the  letter      Aben-Humeya 
recognized  the  writing  of  his  secretary,  but  declared  that  he  had  never  dictated 
such  a  letter  nor  was  the  signature  his.    How  far  his  assertion  gained  credit 
we  are  not   nformed.    But  the  conspirators  had  already  2one  too  far  to  be 
for^ven     To  Se  was  death.    Eitlier  Aben-Humeya  or  tliey  must  be  sacri- 
ficed   It  was  in  vain  that  he  protested  his  innocence,  and  that  he  otiered  to 
leave  the  ques  ion  to  the  suftan,  or  to  the  dey  of  Algiers,  or  to  any  person 
'rpetontriecide  it.     But  little  heed  was  given  to  his  Fotos^ti.^^^^^  as  the 
ronsnirators  dra^^eed  him  into  an  adjoining  apartment,     ihe  unhappy  vouiie, 
Zi'peteiv^^^^^^^^      his  hour  was  ime Ahat  tl-je  was  -^^^^^^ 
friends  or  menials  to  interpose  between  him  and  his  fato.    f  rom  that  niomen^ 
he  changed  his  tone,  and  assumed  a  bearing  more  worthy  of  his  station 
?•  Thev  are  m  staken,"  he  said,  "  who  suppose  me  to  be  a  follower  of  the 
Prophet     I  d£  as     have  lived  in  the  Christian  faith.     I  accepted  the  DOst 
of  head  of  the  rebellion  that  I  might  the  bettor  avenge  the  wrongs  heaped  ou 
mP  and  nv  family    v  the  SpaniaiSs.    They  have  been  avenged  in  full  measure, 
S^dTaml^^^^^^  >^aid  he,  turning  to  A  ben -A  boo  his  des- 

Sd  si^cessor  "do  I  envy  you.   It  will  not  be  long  before  you  will  follow  me 
Ken  w  th  h    owXY^^^  coolly  arranged  around  his  neck  the  cord  with 
which  he  was  to  be  strangled  adjusted  his  robes,  and,  covering  his  face  with 
hrmantle  submitted  himlelf:  without  a  struggle,  to  "^^^f  {:\^^^^^  ,,  jf 

His  body  was  thrown  into  a  neighbouring  sewer,  wth  as  ^^ttl^^concer^^^  a^^^ 
it  had  been  that  of  a  do<x.  There  it  continued,  till  Don  John  of.Austna, 
hpW  St  Aben  Huineya  had  died  a  Christian,  caused  his  remains  to  be 
remov|^^^^^^^^  laid  in  the  ground  with  the  solemnities  of  Christian 

^^That  Aben-Humeya  should  have  come  to  so  miserable  an  end  is  not  strange. 
The  reckle^s^ieTwi¥ which  he  sacrificed  all  who  avme  between  him  and  the 
^ratificatVon  0^^^^^  surrounded  him  with  enemies,  the  more  dangerous, 

fn  a  cHmate  where  the  blood  is  hot  and  the  feeling  of  revenge  is  easily  kindled 
n  the^fsom     At  the  beginning  of  his  reign  his  showy  qualities  won  him  a 
nonulartvwTiich  however,  took  no  root  in  the  affections  of  the  people,  ad 
Kh  faded  away  a^^^^^  when  the  defects  of  his  character  were  niore  fully 

Wht^^^  0^  hi^  situation ;  for  he  was  theii  found 

t^no^^ess  nSer  the  military  skill  necessary  to  insure  success  m  the  field, 
Mose  hTgher  moral  attributes  which  command  respect  and  obedience  at 

^^Vpi^  different  was  the  character  of  his  successor,  Aben- Aboo.     Instead  of 
dislLTiS^^^^^  licentious  tastes  of  Aben-Humeya,  his  pnvate  life 

if?  Smit  renroach     He  was  much  older  than  his  predecessor  ;  and,  if  he 
h^  not  the  Xe  fiery  enthusiasm  and  dashing  spk  of  adventure  which 


»•  "  Ataronle  las  manos  con  un  almalzar." 
Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Graiioda,  p.  218. 

"  ♦♦  El  mismo  se  dio  la  buelta  como  le  hicl- 
esen  menos  mal ;  coiuerto  la  ropa,  cubn68e 
el  roBtro."     Ibid.,  p.  219. 

'•  There  is  less  discrepancy  than  usual  m 
the  accounts  both  of  Aben-H..meya;8  assMsl- 
nation  and  of  the  circumstances  which  led  to 
it.  These  circumstances  have  a  certain  Uri- 
ental  colouring,  which  makes  them  not  the 


less  probable,  considering  the  age  and  country 
in  which  they  occurred.  Among  the  different 
authorities  in  prose  and  verse,  see  Marraol, 
Robelion  de  Granada,  torn.  ii.  pp-  lt»;j-'*»^«— 
Mt'ndoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  212-22 o,— 
Rufo,  La  Austriada,  cantos  13,  14,  --  Hita, 
Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  li.  p.  337,  et  8P_q., 
— Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  lol. 
103-105. 


i 


664  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

belonged  to  Aben-Humeya,  he  discovered  both  forecast  in  the  formation  of  bis 
plans  and  sini?ular  courage  in  carrying  them  into  execution.  All  conhded  m 
his  inte^Tity  ;  while  the  decorum  and  gravity  of  his  demeanour  combmed  with 
the  more  substantial  qualities  of  his  character  to  inspire  a  general  feeling  of 
reverence  in  the  people.*"*  It  was  not  till  the  time  of  his  proposed  elevation  to 
the  supreme  power  that  the  lustre  of  these  qualities  was  darkened  by  the 
perpetration  of  one  foul  deed,— his  connivance  at  the  conspiracy  against  his 
soverei^m  But  if  he  were  really  the  dupe,  as  we  are  told,  of  Alguazil  s  plot, 
he  mi*^St  plead,  to  some  extent,  the  necessity  of  self-preservation  ;  for  he  may 
well  have  believed  that,  if  he  refused  to  aid  Aben-Humeya  in  the  execution  of 
his  bloody  purpose  in  reference  to  the  Turks,  the  tyrant  would  not  long  sutler 
him  to  live  in  possession  of  a  secret  so  perilous  to  himself.  At  all  events,  the 
part  he  had  taken  in  the  conspiracy  seems  to  have  given  no  disgiist  to  the 
people,  who,  weary  of  the  despotism  under  which  they  had  been  living,  wel- 
comed with  enthusiasm  the  accession  of  the  new  sovereign.  Many  places 
which  had  hitherto  taken  no  part  in  the  strugde  for  independence  now  sent  in 
their  adhesion  to  Aben-Aboo,  who  soon  found  himself  the  ruler  over  a  wider 
extent  of  territory  than  at  any  time  had  acknowledged  the  sway  of   his 

predecessor.  .,.,..  -it        «i« 

It  was  not  long  before  the  confirmation  of  his  election  amved  from  Algiers ; 
and  Aben-Aboo,  assuming  the  regal  name  of  Muley  Abdallah  Mohammed  as 
a  prefix  to  his  own,  went  through  the  usual  simple  forms  of  a  coronation  of  a 
king  of  Granada.  In  his  right  hand,  on  this  occasion,  he  bore  a  banner 
inscribed  with  the  legend, ''More  I  could  not  desire,  less  would  not  have 
contented  me.""  Such  an  inscription  maybe  thought  to  intimate  that  a 
more  aspiring  temper  lurked  within  his  bosom  than  the  world  had  given  him 

credit  for.  ,  ,    i .    ^.       .      «•     • 

The  new  sovereign  did  not,  like  his  predecessor,  waste  his  time  m  ettemi- 
nate  sloth.  He  busied  himself  with  various  important  reforms,  giving,  espe- 
cially, a  new  organization  to  the  army,  and  importing  a  large  quantity  of  arms 
and  munitions  from  Barbary.  He  determined  not  to  allow  his  men  time  for 
discontent,  but  to  engage  them  at  once  in  active  service.  The  first  object  he 
-proposed  was  the  capture  of  Orgiba,  a  fortified  place  which  commanded  the 
route  to  Granada,  and  which  served  as  a  point  of  communication  between 
that  capital  and  remoter  parts  of  the  country. 

Aben-Aboo  got  everything  in  readiness  with  such  despatch  that  on  the 
twenty-sixth  of  October,  a  few  weeks  only  after  the  death  of  Aben-Humeya, 
he  set  out  on  his  expedition  at  the  head  of  a  well-appointed  army,  consisting 
of  more  than  ten  thousand  men,  partly  foreign  mercenaries  and  partly  natives. 
Hastening  his  march,  he  soon  presented  himself  before  Orgiba  and  laid  siege 
to  the  place.  He  pushed  matters  forward  so  vigorously  that  in  a  few  days 
he  was  prepared  to  storm  the  works.  Four  times  he  brought  his  men  to  the 
assault ;  but  though  on  the  fourth  he  succeeded  in  throwing  himself,  with  a 
small  body  of  troops,  on  the  ramparts,  he  was  met  with  such  determined 
resistance  by  the  garrison  and  their  brave  commander,  Francisco  de  Molina, 


'•  "Con  la  reputaclon  de  vali^nte  i  homhre 
del  campo,  con  la  afabilidad,  gravedad,  auto- 
ridad  de  la  presencia,  fue  Wen  quis  o,  respe- 
tado,  obedecido,  tenidocomo  Rei  peneralmente 
de  todos."  Mendoza.  (luerra  de  Granada,  p. 
224.— Thte  was  painting  him  en  beau.  For  a 
portrait  of  an  opposite  complexion,  see  Mini- 
ana,  who  ff presents  him  a«"audfi7.,  perfid  >, 
Buspicaz,  y  de  pesimas  costumbres."  (Historia 


de  Espafia,  p.  3lS.)  Fortnnately  for  Aben- 
Aboo,  the  first-mentioned  writer,  a  contem- 
porary, must  be  admitted  to  be  the  better 
authority  of  the  two. 

»"  •'  No  pude  dese^r  mas,  ni  contentarme  con 
menoe."  Marmol.  Rebel  ion  de  Granada,  toni. 
ii.  p.  168.— See  al-o.  for  th*'  account  of  this 
martial  ceremony,  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Gra- 
nada, p.  222. 


VIGOROUS  PROSECUTION  OF  THE  WAR. 


565 


that  he  was  obliged  to  fall  back  with  loss  into  his  trenches  ,  Thns  repulsed, 
Ind  "dSl  of  battering-ordnance,  the  Morisco  clnef  found  it  ex- 

^itlwhile,  the  brave  Molina  and  ^^^^^  "fi^b;^^^^^^^^^^^ 
besiegers  had  abandoned  their  works,  than,  f^ff  .V^  PJ^^^^^^         ^^rtress,  and, 
absence,  the  cause  of  which  they  su^spected  the^^^^^^^^  lo         j^^  ^j 

burying  their  jjuns  in  the  ground  hastily  evacuat^^^^  the^a  ety  of  the  garrison, 
Sesa,  finding  tliat  the  great  object  o  his  ^^P^  f  9  '^^^^  strength  to  cor^e 
was  now  accomplished  and  not  feeling  himself  m^^^^^  ^     ^^.^  ^^ 

colours  flying,  as  a  conqueror."  ,  ■ ,       j^  furnished  a  brilliant 

These  successes  in  *«  coramencement  o|  to  mp>^  t^^  ^^^^  ^.^^^  ^^ 

augury  for  the  future.  The  tame  oi  *"*".i^"  „  'i  {„„  all  quarters  to  his 
th?  country  ;  and  the  ™»rilkepea«tntry  thronged  f^^^^  ^_^  ^^^ 

standard.    Tiding  now  a""ed*at  several  of  th^^^^^^  ^  j^^  jj^^^^,, 

eastern  skirts  of  the  All^ijarras  had  prMlain.ed  their  a^^^^  ^        ^ 

cause !  and  it  «as  expected  that  the  flame  f  "'da  So  „  a^'y-  "'d«<^' '""' 
to  the  adjoining  provinces  »«  Mu''=^„^'^f„\Sry  south  of  ^Granada',  the 
it  already  spread,  that,  «*/'if  ^:„^J?"of  RqS  on  the  extreme  west,  were 

rX^rtn'tS!^^^^^^^^^^^^^^  of  the 

The  war  now  took  the  same  romantic  aspect  *at  it  vv ore '"  tn«St  peaks 

comjuest  of  Granada.    Kfa^o-'-hf^.r^Le  aro  md  for  many  a  feaguef  and 

triumph  to  their  fastnesses  ^    beautiful  vega,  every 

Sometimes  marauders  penetmted  into  the ^^  ^^  ,^ 

J  °       "^  _  J ^»  loi^antndoR  to- 


p.  a78. 


SI     t< 


Desta  Tcanera  quedaron  levantados  to- 
dos  los  .Moriscos  del  Rei»o.  «*"«.  ^^f  ^^,i! 
Hoya  do  Malaga  i  Setrania  de  Ronda.  Men- 
doza, Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  241. 


i 


566  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

on  the  points  of  their  lances,  when,  amidst  the  shouts  of  the  populace,  they 

came  thf.ndering  on  throngl.  the  «!''/» ';'!|«'=*tt'-  The  bold  infidels,  after 

SSran^foW^lZ  ,  ^^^^^ 

KLfal^o^r-h^Sfra^^-e^el^^^^^^  in  coufudon  across 

the  verja  and  far  over  the  borders  descried  in  the  front  of 

of  dory  for  which  his  soul  had  so  long  paniea.   ^;*:*J  /J    .    .  .  •  . 

^!l?ed  forth  from  Granada  on  a  warlike  adventure  was  an  ^^ject  of  his  envy 

con"ditrorof>lirs,-tke  ^Pff  F^tl 't^|i,f,Ttt  t"«ies  ?.  ^'t h'o? 

^L^L,';:^  VeT^^ltVeTi^tlu^f^^^^^^^^^^^  -aucfthe  .ar 

'"l^rvCs  Dre«ented  by  Don  John  were  warmly  supported  l,y  Beciuesen^ 
who  ^o^toK  dei'oLcing  in  unqualified  terms  the  .ncapacty  of  Los 

nri?«U^^f:^'n?e*  ^^^S^  brother's  wishes ;  whether 

"  A  vista  de  loa  dos  Reyes." 
»•  "  Y  que  salir  a  Ules  rebates  es  d^^sauto- 
ridad  vuestro,  sieiido  quien  M.is  y  teniendo  el 
careo  que  tenis  "  Carta  de  V  elipe  St-purido  & 
Dim  Juande  Auatrii,3udeSetiembre,15b9,  M->. 
"  "  I>e  suplico  mire  que  ni  a  quien  soy,  ni 
&  la  cdad  que  tenjto.  ni  &  otra  cosa  alguna 
conviene  encerrarme.  cuundo  mas  razoti  es 
que  me  mnestm  "  Carta  »le  Hon  Juan  de 
Austria  al  Key,  23  de  Setlembre.  1569,  Mb. 


•»  "Llevando  low  escuderos  las  cabczas  y 
las  manos  de  los  M^ros  en  los  hiorros  de  las 
lanzas  "  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn, 
ii  D  159.— Th*"  bead  of  an  enemy  was  an  old 
perquisite  of  the  victor-whether  Christian  or 
Moslem-in  the  wars  with  the  Spanish  A ra»>s 
It  is  frequently  commemorated  m  the  Mourisn 
roma-ces  as  among  the  most  honourable 
trophies  of  the  field,  down  to  as  late  a  pen.xl 
as  the  war  of  Granada.  See,  among  others, 
the  ballad  bcginnlDg 


IMPETUOUS  SPIRIT  OF  DON  JOHN. 


567 


distrustincr  the  capacity  of  one  so  young  for  an  indeperident  command,  or,  as 
n  ght  b^  inferredVm  his  letters  apprehending  ^^e  ^i^^J^^^  w^^^^^^ 
John's  iiupetuous  spirit  would  probably  evolve  him  Having  ^^rmed  ^is 
i^lins  he  lost  no  time  in  communicating  them  to  his  brother,  ine  young 
^wa  0  warto  s\icce^^^  Velez  in  the  command  of  ^he  f  f  rn  army,^w^^^^^^ 
was  to  be  strencTthened  by  reinforcements,  while  the  duke  of  feesa,  under  tne 
directs    ofX^  to  establish  himself,  with  an  elhcient  corps,  m  the 

Afnuiarras  in  such  a  position  as  to  cover  the  approaches  to  Granada.  .  . 
^rsu^no  wa^he^^^^^  to  the  principal  towns  of  Andalusi^  reqmnng 
th^n  to  raise  fre'^h  levies  for  the  war,  who  were  to  be  encouraged  by  pro- 
mfse  ?  Tetter  pay  than  had  before  been  given  ^-tth^^vjonase.  did  i^ 
wei<^h  so  much  with  the  soldiers  as  the  knowledge  that  Don  John  ot  Austria 
was^o  take  charge  of  the  exi>edition  ;  and  nobles  and  cavaliers  came  throng- 
n^  to  the  war  >Wth  their  well-armed  retainers,  in  such  numbers  that  the 
klficr  felt  it  ne  W  publish  another  ordinance,  prohibiting  any,  without 
exp"ress  permission,  from  joining  the  service.  -  . 

AH  now  was  bustle  and  excitement  m  Granada,  as  the  "^jfT^^^^^Toh^ 
o„^  Vko  nl,l  nnps  Tvpfp  receivinff  a  better  organization.    Indeed,  l^on  Jonn 

iiie  A«^<»i  r'VI*   ,  ,      mi  •„  A..pw  forth  a  kind  remonstrance  from  i'hinp,  wno 


«•  »« Entendi6se  por  Espafia  la  fatna  de  su 
Ida  sobre  Galera,  i  moviose  la  ')objeza  delbi 
con  tanto  calor,  que  fue  necesano  <^ar  al  Rel 
ft  entender  que  no  era  con  su  voluntad  r 
Cavalleros  sin  licencia  a  serv.r  en  aquella 
empresa."    Mendoza.  Guerra  de  Granada,  p. 

»^'  "  Havian  las  desordenes  pasado  tan  ade- 
lante,  que  fue   necesario   para   rcmediallaa 


hacer  d'^mostracion  no  vista  nl  lefda  en  los 
tiempos  pasados,  en  la  guerra:  suspend-r 
treinta  i  dos  Capitanea  de  quare.ita  i,uno  Q"® 
havia,  con  nombre  de  reformacion.      iDia., 

^'"  "Tambien  la  gente  emblada  por  los 
Sefior -s.  esco-ida,  igu.l,  d'f  JPJ^^'^^I^"'";:!" 
dos  por  obligacion  de  virtud  I  deseo  de  acre- 
ditar  SUB  personas."    Ibid.,  p.  234, 


568 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORLSCOES. 


he  proposed  to  lead  in  person.    They  were  to  proceed  by  different  routes,  and, 
meeting  before  the  place,  to  attack  it  simultaneously  from  opposite  quarters. 

The  duke,  marching  by  the  most  direct  road  across  the  mountains,  reached 
Guejar  first,  and  was  not  a  little  surprised  to  find  that  the  inhabitants,  who 
had  received  notice  of  the  preparations  of  the  Spaniards,  were  already  eva- 
cuating the  town,  while  the  garrison  was  formed  m  order  of  battle  to  cover 
their  retreat.  After  a  short  skirmish  with  the  rear-guard,  in  which  some 
jives  were  lost  on  both  sides,  the  victorious  Spaniards,  without  following  up 
their  advantage,  marched  into  the  town  and  took  possession  of  the  works 
abandoned  by  the  enemy.  .  .  i  x     u  * 

Great  was  the  surprise  of  Don  John,  on  amving  some  hours  later  before 
Guejar,  to  see  the  Castilian  flag  floating  from  its  ramparts  ;  and  his  indigna- 
tion was  roused  as  he  found  that  the  laurels  he  had  designed  for  disown  brow 
had  been  thus  unceremoniously  snatched  from  him  bv  another.  "  With  eyes, 
says  the  chronicler,  "glowing 'like  coals  of  fire,""  he  turned  on  the  duke  of 
Sesa  and  demanded  an  explanation  of  the  aftair.  But  he  soon  found  that  the 
blame,  if  blame  there  were,  was  to  be  laid  on  one  whom  he  felt  that  he  had 
not  the  power  to  rebuke.  This  was  Luis  Quixada,  who,  m  his  solicitude  for 
the  safety  of  his  ward,  had  caused  the  armv  to  be  conducted  by  a  circuitous 
route,  that  brought  it  thus  late  upon  the  field.  But,  though  Don  John  uttered 
no  word  of  rebuke,  he  maintained  a  moody  silence,  that  plainly  showed  his 
vexation  ;  and,  as  the  soldiers  remarked,  not  a  morsel  of  food  passed  his  lips 
until  he  had  reached  Granada.'"* 

The  constant  supervision  maintained  over  him  by  Quixada,  which,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  encouraged  by  the  king,  was  a  subject  of  frequent  remark 
among  the  troops.  It  must  have  afforded  no  little  embarrassment  and  morti- 
fication to  Don  John,— alike  ill  suited  as  it  was  to  his  age,  his  aspiring  temper, 
and  his  station.  For  his  station  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  made 
him  responsible,  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  for  the  measures  of  the  campaign. 
Yet,  in  his  dependent  situation,  he  had  the  power  neither  to  decide  on  the 
plan  of  operations  nor  to  carry  it  into  execution.  Not  many  days  were  to 
elapse  before  the  death  of  his  kind-hearted  monitor  was  to  relieve  him  from 
the  jealous  oversight  that  so  much  chafed  his  spirit,  and  to  open  to  him  an 
independent  caieer  of  glory  such  as  might  satisfy  the  utmost  cravings  of  his 
ambition. 


""  "  Pusieronsele  los  ojos  encendidos  como 
brasa  de  puro  corage  "  Marmol,  liebelion  de 
Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  22 1. 


30 


"  Sin  comer  bocado  *^n  todo  aqnel  dia  se 
volvi6  &.  la  ciudad  de  Gran  da."  Ibid.,  p. 
225. 


One  of  the  authorities  of  the  preatest  im- 
portance, and  most  frequently  cit'd  in  this 
Book,  as  the  reader  may  have  noticed,  is 
Diego  Hurtado  de  Menduza.  He  belonged  to 
one  of  the  most  illustrious  honsps  in  Castile, 
— a  house  not  more  prominent  for  its  rank 
than  for  the  great  abilities  displayed  by  its 
meml)ers  in  the  various  walks  of  civil  and 
military  life,  as  well  as  for  their  rare  intel- 
lectual culture.  No  one  of  the  great  families 
of  Spain  has  fnrnislied  so  fruitful  a  thome  for 
the  pen  of  both  the  chronicler  and  the  bard. 

He  was  the  fifth  son  of  the  marquis  of 
Mondejar,  and  was  born  in  the  year  1503  at 
Granada,  where  his  father  filled  the  oflBce 
held  by  his  ancestors  of  captain-general  of 
the  province.  At  an  early  age  he  was  sent 
to  Salamanca,  and  pafltKd  with  credit  thiough 


the  course  of  studies  taught  in  its  venerable 
university.  While  there,  he  wrote  -for, 
though  printed  anonymously,  there  Re*>m8 
no  g<x)d  reason  to  distrust  the  authorship — 
his  tamous  "  Lazarillo  de  Tormes,"  the  origin 
of  that  class  of  picaresco  novels,  as  they  are 
styled,  which  constitutes  an  important  branch 
or  Ca.stilian  literature,  and  the  best  specimen 
of  whicli,  strange  to  say,  was  furnished  by 
the  hand  of  a  foreign  r,— the  "Gil  Bias"  of 
Le  Sage. 

Mendoza  had  been  destined  to  the  church, 
for  which  the  extensive  patronage  of  h'8 
family  offered  obvious  advantages.  But  the 
taste  of  the  young  man,  as  migiit  be  inferred 
from  his  novpl,  took  another  direction,  and 
lie  persuaded  -his  father  to  allow  him  to  enter 
the  army  and  take  service  under  the  banner 


I 


I 


\ 


MENDOZA. 


569 


of  Charles  the  Fifth .  Mendoza's  love  of  letters 
did  not  de.sert  him  in  the  camp;  and  he 
availed  himself  of  such  intervals  as  occurred 
between  the  campaigns  to  continue  his  studies, 
especially  in  tbe  ancient  languages,  in  the 
principal  universities  of  Italy. 

It  was  impossible  that  a  person  of  such  re- 
markable endowments  as  Mendoza,  the  more 
conspicuous  from  his  social  position,  should 
escape  the  penetrating  eye  of  Charles  the 
Fifth,  who,  independently  of  his  scliolarship, 
recognized  in  the  young  noble  a  decided  talent 
for  pulitidl  affairs.  In  1538  the  emperor  ap- 
pointed him  ambassador  to  Venice,  a  capital 
for  which  the  literary  enterprises  of  the  Aldl 
were  every  day  winning  a  hightr  reputation 
in  the  republic  of  letters.  Hen;  Mendoza  had 
the  best  opportunity  of  accomplishing  a  work 
which  be  had  much  at  heart,  the  formation 
of  a  library.  It  was  a  work  of  no  small  difB- 
culty  in  that  day,  when  books  and  manu- 
scripts were  to  be  gathered  from  obscure, 
often  remote,  sources,  and  at  the  large  cost 

Said  for  objects  ofvirtii.  A  g<x)d  oflBce  which 
e  had  the  means  of  rendering  the  sultan,  by 
the  redemption  from  captivity  of  a  Turkish 
prisoner  of  rank,  was  requited  by  a  magnifi- 
cent present  of  Greek  manuscripts,  worth 
more  than  gold  In  the  eyes  of  Mendoza.  It 
was  from  his  collection  that  the  first  edition 
of  Josephus  was  given  to  the  world.  While 
freely  indulging  his  taste  for  literary  occupa- 
tions in  his  iniervals  of  leisure,  he  performed 
the  duties  of  his  mission  with  an  ability  that 
fully  vindicated  his  appointment  as  minister 
to  the  wily  republic.  On  the  opening  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  he  was  one  of  the  dehgates 
s^nt  to  represent  tlie  emperor  in  that  b>»dy. 
He  joined  freely  in  the  discussions  of  the 
conclave,  and  enforced  the  views  of  his  sove- 
reign with  a  stren^  th  of  reasoning  and  a  fervid 
eloquence  that  produced  a  powerful  impres- 
sion on  his  audience.  The  independence  he 
displayed  recommended  him  for  the  delicate 
task  of  presen  i  ing  the  remonstrancesof  Charles 
the  Fifth  to  the  papal  court  against  the  re- 
moval of  the  council  to  Bologna.  This  he 
did  with  a  degree  of  frankness  to  which  the 
pontifical  ear  was  but  little  accustomed,  and 
which,  if  it  failed  to  bend  the  proud  spirit  of 
Paul  the  Third,  had  its  effect  on  his  successor. 
Mendoza,  from  whatever  cause,  does  not 
seem  to  have  stood  so  high  in  the  favour  of 
Philip  the  Second  as  in  that  of  his  father. 
Perhaps  he  had  too  lofty  a  nature  to  stoop  to 
that  implicit  deference  which  Philip  exacted 
from  th^-  highest  as  well  as  the  humblest  who 
approached  him.  At  length.  In  156s,  Men- 
doza's own  misconduct  brought  him,  with 
good  reason,  into  disgrace  with  his  master. 
He  engaged  in  a  brawl  with  another  courtier 
in  tbe  palace ;  and  the  scandalous  scene,  of 
which  the  reader  will  find  an  account  in  the 
preceding  volume,  took  place  when  the  prince 
of  Asiurias,  Don  Carlos,  was  breathing  his 
last.  The  offending  parties  were  punished 
first  by  imprisonment,  and  then  by  banish- 
ment from  Madrid.    Mendowi,  who  was  sixty- 


five  years  of  age  at  this  time,  withdrew  to 
Granada,  his  native  place.  But  he  had  passed 
too  much  of  his  life  in  the  atmosphere  of  a 
court  to  be  content  with  a  provincial  resi- 
dence. He  accordingly  made  repeated  efforts 
to  soften  his  sovereign'.s  displeasure  and  to 
obtain  some  mitigation  of  iiis  tK-ntence.  These 
efforts,  as  may  be  believed,  were  unavailing  ; 
and  ttie  illustrious  exile  took  at  length  ibe 
wiser  course  of  submitting  to  his  fate  and 
seeking  consolation  in  the  companionship  of 
his  books,^— steady  friends,  whose  worth  he 
now  fully  proved  in  the  hour  of  adversity. 
"He  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  Arabic,  to 
which  he  was  naturally  led  by  his  residence 
in  a  capital  filled  with  the  monuments  of 
Arabian  art.  He  also  amused  his  leisure  by 
writing  verses ;  and  his  labours  combined 
with  those  of  Boscan  and  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega  to  naturalize  in  Castile  those  more  re- 
fined forms  uf  Italian  versification  that  made 
an  important  epoch  in  the  national  literature. 

But  the  great  work  to  which  he  devoted 
himself  was  the  history  of  the  insurrection  of 
the  Moriscoes,  which,  occuiring  during  his 
residence  in  Granada,  may  be  said  lo  have 
passed  before  his  eyes.  For  this  he  had, 
moieover,  obvious  facilities,  for  he  was  the 
near  kinsman  of  the  captain-general,  and  was 
personally  acquainted  with  those  who  had 
the  direction  of  affairs.  The  result  of  his 
labours  was  a  work  of  inestimable  value, 
though  of  no  great  bulk,— being  less  a  history 
of  events  than  a  commentary  on  such  a  h  s- 
tory.  The  author  explores  the  causes  of 
these  events.  He  Introduces  the  reader  into 
the  cabinet  of  Madrid,  makes  him  acquainted 
with  the  intrigues  of  the  diffennt  factions, 
both  in  the  cuurt  and  in  the  camp,  unfolds 
the  policy  of  the  government  and  ihe  plans 
of  the  campaigns, — in  short,  enables  him  t-i 
penetrate  into  the  interior,  and  see  the  secret 
working  of  the  machinery,  so  carefully 
shroud  d  from  the  vulgar  eye. 

The  value  which  the  work  derived  from 
the  author's  access  to  tlKse  recondite  sources 
of  information  is  much  enhanced  by  ita  inde- 
pendent spirit.  In  a  country  where  few 
dared  even  think  for  tliemselves,  Mendoza 
both  thought  with  freedom  and  freely  ex- 
pre-ssed  his  thoughts.  Pi  oof  of  tuis  is  ailorded 
by  the  caustic  tone  of  his  criticism  on  the 
conduct  (if  the  government,  and  l)y  the  can- 
dour which  he  sometimes  ventures  to  display 
when  noticing  the  wrongs  of  the  Moriscoes. 
This  independence  of  the  historian,  we  may 
well  believe,  could  have  found  little  favour 
with  the  administration.  It  may  have  been 
the  cause  that  the  Ixwk  was  not  published 
till  after  the  r.ign  of  Philip  the  Second,  and 
many  years  after  its  authoi's  death. 

The  literary  e.xecution  of  the  work  is  not 
its  least  remarkable  feature.  Instead  of  the 
desultory  and  gossiping  style  of  the  Castilian 
chronicler,  every  page  is  instinct  with  the 
spirit  of  the  aneinnt  classics.  Indeed,  Men- 
doza is  commonly  thought  to  have  delibe- 
rately formed  his  style  on  that  of  Sallust ; 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


570 

but  I  agree  with  tny  friend  Mr.  Ticknor, 
who,  in  a  luminous  criticism  on  Mendoza,  m 
his  great  work   on  Spanisu  Literature,  ex- 
presses the  opinion  that  the  Castilian  liis- 
torian  formed  his  style  quite  as  much  on  tluit 
of  Tacitus  as  of  Sallust.     Indeed,  some  of 
Mendoza's  mot  celebrated  passages  are  ob- 
vious imitations  of  the  former  historian,  ol 
whom  he  constantly  reminds  us  by  the  singu- 
lar compactness  and  energy  of  his  diction,  by 
his  pow^-r  of  delin.  ating  a  portrait  by  a  single 
stroke  of  the  pencil,  and  by  his  fr<*  criticism 
on  the  chief  actors  of  the  drama,  conveyed  in 
language  full  of  that  practical  wisdom  which, 
in  Mendoza's  case,  was  the  result  of  a  Urge 
acquaintaiite  with  pul)lic  affairs.     We  recog- 
nize also  tt.e  defects  incident  to  the  style  he 
has  chosen,— rigidity  and  constraint,  with  a 
frequent  use  of  ellipsis  in  a  way  that  does 
violence  to  the  national  idiom,  and,  worst  of 
all,  that  obscurity  which  arises  from  the  effort 
to  be  brief.     Mendoza  hurts  his  book,  more- 
over by  an  unseasonable  display  of  learning, 
winch,  however  it  may  be  pardon.-d  by  the 
antiquary,  comes  like  an  impertinent  epis.<ie 
to  break  the  thread  of  the  narrative.     But, 
with  all  its  defects,  the  work  is  a  remarkable 
production  for  the  time,  and,  appearing   m 
the  midst  of  the  nmantic  literature  in  hpam, 
we  regard  it  with  the  same  feeling  of  surprise 


which  the  traveller  might  experience  who 
should  meet  with  a  classic  Doric  t^n^Pl^  »'' 
the  midst  of  the  fantastic  structures  of  China 

or  Hindostan.  ,     ,  ,  *  j  u:^ 

Not  long  after  Mendoza  had  completed  hi  a 

history,  he  obtained  permission  to  visit  Ma- 

drid,  not  to   reside  there,  but  to  attend   to 

some  personal  affairs.    H  •  had  hardly  reached 

the  capital  v.  hen  he  was  attacked  by  a  mortal 

illness,  which  c.rrhd  him  off  in  April.  15^ ». 

in  the  seventy-third  year  of  his  age.    Shortly 

before  his  death  he  gave  his  rich  collection  of 

books  and  manuscripts  to  his  obdurate  master, 

who  placed   them,  agreeably  to  the  donor  s 

desire;  in  the  Escorial,  where  they  still  form 

an  interesting  portion  of  a  library  of  which 

8.J  much  has  been  said,  and  so  little  is  real.y 

known  by  the  world.  ,..  .   » 

The  most  copiuus  notice,  with  which  I  am 
acqu.inte.l,  of  the  life  of  Mon«loza,  is  that 
attribute.1  to  the  pen  of  Iftigo  Lopez  de  Avila, 
and  proftxed  to  the  Vale.cian  ed-tion  of  the 
"Guerra  de  Graui.da,"  published  in  H-b 
But  his  countrvnien  have  been  ever  ready  to 
do  honour  to  the  memory  of  one  who,  by  the 
brilliant  success  which  he  achieved  as  a 
statesman,  a  diplomatist,  a  novelist,  a  poet, 
and  an  historian,  has  esUbli.-hed  a  reputation 
for  versatility  of  genius  second  to  none  in  the 
literature  of  Spain. 


CHAPTER  VIL 

REBELLION   OF   THE   MORISCOES. 
demolished.  1570 

Do.  Job.  l«^t  "«  "me  in  con,pleting  the  ^^^^^^^^ 

The  troops,  as  they  reache<l  Granada,  were  J^f  J  ^f^P^^^^^  «i,ere  that  con.- 

young  nval    In  his    etters  ^^«  ^^"^^^^^^^^    /^^  to  countenance  no  reports 
to  treat  the  marquis  with  the  utmost  ^i^J^^f  "^r,,^  in'^tructions  for  the 


DON  JOHN  TAKES  THE  FIELD. 


571 


Philip,  "should  his  opinion  clash  at  any  time  with  that  of  the  two  other 
counsellors,  you  are  to  be  governed  by  theirs." ' 

On  Quivada  and  Requesens  he  was  indeed  always  to  rely,  never  setting  up 
his  own  iudguient  in  opposition  to  theirs.  He  was  to  move  with  caution,  and, 
instead  of  the  impatient  spirit  of  a  boy,  to  show  the  circumspection  of  one 
possessed  of  military  experience.  "  In  this  way,"  concluded  his  royal  monitor, 
^vou  will  not  only  secure  the  favour  of  your  sovereign,  but  establish  your 
reputation  with  the  world."  ^  It  is  evident  that  Philip  had  discerned  traits  m 
the  character  of  Don  John  which  led  him  to  distrust  somewhat  his  capacity 
for  the  hiRh  station  in  which  he  was  placed.  Perliaps  it  may  be  thought  that 
the  hesitating  and  timid  policy  of  Philip  was  less  favourable  to  success  m 
military  operations  than  the  bold  spirit  of  enterprise  which  belonged  to  his 
brother.  However  this  may  be,  Don  John,  notwithstanding  his  repeated 
protestations  to  the  contrary,  was  of  too  ardent  a  temperament  to  be  readily 
affected  by  these  admonitions  of  his  prudent  adviser.  ■    ^x,    u     a 

The  military  command  in  Granada  was  lodged  by  the  prince  m  the  hands 
of  the  duke  of  Sesa,  who,  as  soon  as  he  had  gathered  a  sufficient  force,  was  to 
march  into  the  western  district  of  the  Alpujarras  and  there  create  a  diversion 
in  favour  of  Don  John.  A  body  of  four  thousand  troops  was  to  remain  in 
Granada ;  and  the  commander-in-chief,  having  thus  completed  his  dispositions 
for  the  protection  of  the  capital,  set  forth  on  his  expedition  on  the  twenty- 
ninth  of  December,  at  the  head  of  a  force  amounting  only  to  three  thousand 
foot  and  four  hundred  horse.  With  these  troops  went  a  numerous  body  of 
volunteers,  the  flower  of  the  Andalusian  chivalry,  who  had  come  to  win  renown 
under  the  banner  of  the  young  leader.  .   a.u       «;^r,f 

He  took  the  route  through  Guadix,  and  on  the  third  day  reached  the  ancient 
city  of  Baz .,  memorable  for  the  siege  it  had  sustained  under  his  victorious 
ancestors,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella.  Here  he  was  met  by  Requesen.s,  who 
besides  a  reinforcement  of  troops,  brouglit  with  him  a  train  of  heavv  ordnance 
and  a  large  supply  of  ammunition.  The  guns  were  sent  [orward,  under  a 
strong  escort,  to  Galera ;  but,  on  leaving  Baza  Don  John  received  the 
astounding  tidings  that  the  marquis  of  Los  Velez  had  already  abandoned  the 
siege,  and  drawn  off  his  whole  force  to  the  neighbouring  tov^-ii  of  G»es(»r 

fn  fact,  the  rumour  had  no  sooner  reached  the  ears  of  the  testy  old  chief 
that  Don  John  was  speedily  coming  to  take  charge  of  the  war  than  he  swore 
in  his  wrath  that  if  the  report  were  true  he  would  abandon  the  siege  and 
throw  up  his  command.  Yet  those  who  knew  him  best  did  not  think  hira 
capable  of  so  mad  an  act.  He  kept  his  word,  however ;  and  J^hen  he  ^rned 
that  Don  John  was  on  the  way  he  broke  up  his  encampment,  and  withdrew, 
as  above  stated,  to  Gue.scar.  By  this  course  he  left  the  adjacent  country  open 
to  the  incursions  of  the  Moriscoes  of  Galera ;  while  no  care  was  taken  to 
provide  even  for  the  safety  of  the  convoys  which  from  time  to  time  came  laden 

with  supplies  for  the  besieging  army.  .  ,    ,.      ^    i.-    ^  „u«  i^„« 

This  extraordinary  conduct  gave  no  dissatisfaction  to  his  troops,  who.  Ions 

since  disoisted  with  the  fiery  yet  imbecile  character  of  their  general  lookeH 

w"th  pSre  to  the  prospect  of  joining  the  standard  of  so  popular  a  chiefUm 


>  "Y  porque  p<>dria  ser  que  ordenase  al 
marques  de  los  Velez  que  quedase  con  vos 
y  OS  aconsejase,  convendra  en  este  caso  que 
vos  le  mostreis  muy  buena  cara  y  le  trateis 
muy  bien  y  le  dels  tl  entender  que  tomais  su 
parecer,  mas  qu*'  en  efecto  tomeis  el  de  los 
que  he  dicho  cuando  fuesen  diferentes  del 
Buyo."    Carta  del  Rey  d  D.  Juan  de  Austua, 


26  de  Noviembre,  1569,  MS. 

»  "  Y  que  OS  goberneis  como  si  hubiesedes 
visto  mucha  guerra  y  halludoos  en  ella,  que 
Of  digo  que  comigo  y  con  todos  gaueis  harta 
mas  reputacion  en  gobemaros  desta  nianera, 
que  no  haciendo  alguna  mocedad  que  4  todos 
nos  costare  caro."    Ibid.,  MS. 


I 


672 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORLSCOES. 


as  John  of  Austria.  Even  the  indignation  felt  by  the  latter  at  the  senseless 
proceeding  of  the  marquis  was  forgotten  in  the  satisfaction  he  experienced  at 
being  thus  relieved  from  the  embarrassments  which  his  rival's  overweeinng 
pretensions  could  not  have  failed  to  cause  him  in  the  campaign.  Don  John 
might  now,  with  a  good  grace  and  without  any  cost  to  himself,  make  all  the 
concessions  to  the  veteran  so  strenuously  denianded  by  Philip.  It  was  m  this 
amiable  mood  that  the  prince  pushed  forward  his  march,  eager  to  prevent  the 
disastrous  consequences  which  might  arise  from  the  marquis's  abandonment 

As  he  drew  near  to  Guescar,  he  beheld  the  old  nobleman  riding  towards  hira 
at  the  head  of  his  retainers,  with  a  stitf  and  stately  port,  like  one  who  had  no 
concessions  or  explanations  to  make  for  himself.  Without  alighting  from  his 
horse,  as  he  drew  near  the  prince,  he  tendered  him  obeisance  by  kissing  the 
hand  which  the  latter  graciously  extended  towards  him.  "  Noble  maniuis, 
said  Don  John,  "your  great  deeds  have  shed  a  lustre  over  your  name.  I 
consider  myself  fortunate  in  having  the  opportunity  of  becoming  personally 
acquainted  with  you.  Fear  not  that  your  authority  will  be  in  the  least 
abridged  by  mine.  The  soldiers  under  my  command  will  obey  you  as  implicitly 
as  myself.  I  pray  you  to  look  on  me  as  a  son,  filled  with  feelings  of  reverence 
for  your  valour  and  your  experience,  and  designing  on  all  occasions  to  lean  on 

your  counsels  for  support."  *  ,        l  j  -x     a-   * 

The  courteous  and  respectful  tone  of  the  prince  seems  to  have  had  its  ettect 
on  the  iron  nature  of  the  marquis,  as  he  replied,  "  There  is  no  Spaniard  living 
who  has  a  stronger  desire  than  I  have  to  be  personally  ac(piainted  with  the 
distinguished  brother  of  my  sovereign,  or  who  would  probably  be  a  greater 

f  liner  by  serving  under  his  banner.  But,  to  speak  with  my  usual  plainnes^ 
wish  to  withdraw  to  my  own  house  ;  for  it  would  never  do  for  me,  old  as  I 
am,  to  hold  the  post  of  a  subaltern."  ♦  He  then  accompanied  Don  John  back 
to  the  town,  giving  him,  as  they  rode  along,  some  account  of  the  siege  and  of 
the  strength  of  the  place.  On  reaching  the  quarters  reserved  for  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, Los  Velez  took  leave  of  the  prince  ;  and,  without  further 
ceremony,  gathering  his  knights  and  followers  about  him,  and  escorted  by  a 
company  of  horse,  he  rode  olf  in  the  direction  of  his  town  of  Velez  Blanco, 
•which  was  situated  at  no  great  distance,  amidst  the  wild  scenery  stretching 
towards  the  frontiers  of  Aliircia.  Here  among  the  mountains  he  lived  in  a 
retirement  that  would  have  been  more  honourable  had  it  not  been  purchased 
by  so  flagrant  a  breach  of  duty.*  ,      ,    ,  x.  i.    e 

The  whole  story  is  singularly  characteristic,  not  merely  of  the  man,  but  of 
the  times  in  which  he  lived.  Had  so  high-handed  and  audacious  a  proceediug 
occurred  in  our  day,  no  rank,  however  exalted,  could  have  screened  the 
offender  from  punishment.  As  it  was,  it  does  not  appear  that  any  atlemnt 
was  made  at  an  inquiry  into  the  maniuis's  conduct.  This  is  the  more  remark- 
able considering  that  it  involved  such  disrespect  to  a  sovereign  little  disposed 
to  treat  with  lenity  any  want  of  deference  to  himself.  The  explanation  of 
the  lenity  shown  by  him  on  the  present  occasion  may  perhaps  be  found,  not 


'  •'  I  que  seals  obedecido  de  toda  mi  gente, 
haciendolo  yo  asimismo  como  hijo  vuestro, 
acatando  vueatro  valor  i  canas,  1  aniparandome 
en  ttxiaa  ocaHiones  de  vuestros  consejos." 
Mendoza,  Gnerra  de  Oranada,  p.  260. 

*  "  Pues  no  conviene  a  mi  edad  anciana 
haver  de  ser  cabo  de  esquadia."  Ibid.,  loc. 
cit. 

•  The  marquia  of  Los  Velez  was  afterwards 


Bummoned  to  Madrid,  where  he  long  con- 
tinued to  occupy  aa  important  place  in  the 
council  of  state,  appan  ntly  without  any  dimi- 
nution of  the  royal  favour.— For  the  preced- 
ing pages  consult  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Gra- 
nada, torn.  ii.  pp.  229-232,— Mcndoza,  Guerra 
de  Granadn,  pp.  257-260,  —  Horrora,  Hist. 
genprai,  torn.  I.  pp.  777,  778,— Bleda,  Cronic*, 
pp.  733,  734. 


INVESTMENT  OF  GALERA. 


573 


in  any  tenderness  for  the  reputation  of  his  favourite,  but  hi  Philip's  perceiving 
that  the  further  prosecution  of  the  affair  would  only  serve  to  give  greater 
'    Ki:.;.^  f.  i.ic  r^^r.  ^.rrpmnns  Prror  in  retaining  Los  Velez  in  the  command, 


publicity  irhirown'Sr^^^^^^  inTetaining  LosVelez  in  the  command, 

when  his  conduct  and  the  warnings  of  others  should 

regarded  as  proof  of  his  incapacity, 
v-v     aj      _  -5_^.  •..)»  J 4..,,.-,  r*.-..^ 


long  ago  have  been 


jgarded  as  prooi  oi  nis  incapaciij^.  ,       .  .      , . , 

bn  the  marquis's  departure  Don  John  lost  no  time  m  resuming  his  march, 
at  the  head  of  a  force  which  now  amounted  to  twelve  thousand  foot  and  eight 
hundred  horse,  besides  a  brilliant  array  of  chivalry,  who,  as  we  have  seen^ had 
come  to  seek  tkeir  fortunes  in  the  war.  A  few  hours  brought  the  troops  beo  e 
Galera  ;  and  Don  John  proceeded  at  once  to  reconnoitre  tlie  ground.  In  this 
s^irvey  he  was  attended  %  Quixada,  Requesens,  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
cavalry     Having  completed  his  observations,  he  made  his  arrangements  for 

^Tfetown'ofera  occupied  a  site  singulariy  picturesque.  This^however 
had  been  selected  certainly  not  from  any  regard  to  its  romantic  beauty,  still 
less  for  purposes  of  convenience,  but  for  those  of  defence  against  an  enemy,- 
acrcuince  of  the  first  importance  in  a, ^^l^^^^-X^^.f  ^he  ,oc^^ 
wariike  as  that  in  which  Galera  stood.  ^^^  «}f g"i*„^J^^^^ 
eminence  which  it  covered  was  supposed,  with  its  convex  summit,  to  bear 
Tme  reiiSnce  te  that  of  a  galley  with  its  keel  uppermost,  irom  this 
resemblance  the  town  had  derived  its  name.  orrhit^ctnre 

The  summit  was  crowned  by  a  castle,  winch  "^  f  «/*y]« ,f  ^\^i'5t -^^^ 
hnrp  pvident  marks  of  antiquity.    It  was  defended  by  a  wall,  much  oi  it  in  so 
rulous  a  c^^^^^^^  Se  ifttle  better  than  a  mass  of  stones  loosely  pu 

together     At  a  few  paces  from  the  fortress  stood  a  ravelin.    But  nwthei  this 
Sork  nof  the  castTe  itself  could  boast  of  any  other  piece  of  artille^ 
two  falconets  cantured  from  Los  Ve  ez  durmg  his  recent  siege  ot  tne  place, 
and  now  mouff  ^  principal  edifice.    Even  these  had  been  so  injudi- 

SX  towards  the  Gardens  the  tewn  was  defended  by  a  ditch  and  a  wall  now 
otwSXid^t^d.    The  most  -marl^^le  fea^^^^^^^^^^ 
church  with  its  belfry  or  tewer,now  converted  ^^^J^/.^,^^^/^^.^^^^^ 

*^rto  on4''si(krthe  rock  on  which  Galera  rested  descended  almost  per- 
cendiSrly  forming  the  «alls  of  a  ravine  fenced  in  on  the  opposite  quarter 
pnaicuiariy,  lonimio  I  „reseiiting  a  sort  of  natural  ditch  on  a  gigantic 

ty  precipitous  ^'IK  and  th«  s  pr^^^^^^^^  o  ^^  ^^ 


•  The  punning  attractions  of  the  name  were 
too  strong  to  be  resisted  by  the  ballad-makers 
of  the  day.  See  in  particular  the  romance 
(one  of  the  best,  it  may  be  added,-and  no 
great  prai8e.-in  Hita's  second  volume)  begm- 

•«  Mastredages  marineros 
de  Huescar  y  otro  lugar 


ban  armado  una  Galera 
que  no  la  hay  tal  en  lu  mar. 
No  tiene  velas,  ni  remos, 
y  navegar,  y  hace  mal," — 

and  80  on,  for  more  stanzas  than  the  reader 
will  care  to  see.  Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  »L 
p.  469. 


574 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


which  occupied  the  same  terrace,  and  stood  therefore  on  the  same  level,  might 
be  regarded  as  so  many  fortresses.  Their  walls,  which,  after  the  Moorish 
fashion,  were  ill  provided  with  lattices,  were  pierced  with  loopholes,  that  gave 
the  marksmen  within  the  command  of  the  streets  on  which  they  fronted ; 
and  these  streets  were  still  further  protected  by  barricades  thrown  across 
them  at  only  fifty  paces'  distance  from  each  other.'  Thus  the  whole  place 
bristled  over  with  fortifications,  or  rather  seemed  like  one  great  fortification 
itself,  which  nature  had  combined  with  art  to  make  impregnable. 

It  was  well  victualled  for  a  siege,  at  least  with  grain,  of  which  there  was 
enough  in  the  magazines  for  two  years'  consumption.  Water  was  supplied  by 
the  neighbouring  river,  to  which  access  had  been  obtained  by  a  subterranean 
gallery  lately  excavated  in  the  rock.  These  necessaries  of  hfe  the  Monscoes 
could  command.  But  they  were  miserably  deficient  in  what,  in  their  con- 
dition, was  scarcely  less  important,— fire-arms  and  ammunition.  They  had 
no  artillery  except  the  two  talconets  before  noticed  ;  and  they  were  so  poorly 
provided  with  muskets  as  to  be  mainly  dependent  on  arrows,  stones,  and  other 
missiles,  such  as  had  filled  the  armouries  of  their  ancestors.  To  these  might 
be  added  swords  and  some  other  weapons  for  hand-to-hand  combat.  Of 
defensive  armour  they  were  almost  wholly  destitute.  But  they  were  animated 
by  an  heroic  spirit,  of  more  worth  than  breastplate  or  helmet,  and  to  a  man 
they  were  prepared  to  die  rather  than  surrender. 

'the  fighting-men  of  the  place  amounted  to  three  thousand,  not  including 
four  hundred  mercenaries,  chiefly  Turks  and  adventurers  from  the  Barbary 
shore.  The  town  was,  moreover,  encumbered  with  some  four  thousand  women 
and  children  ;  though,  as  far  as  the  women  were  concerned,  they  should  not 
be  termed  an  encumbrance  in  a  place  where  there  was  no  scarcity  of  food ; 
for  they  showed  all  the  constancy  and  contempt  of  danger  possessed  by  the 
men,  whom  they  aided  not  only  by  tending  the  sick  and  wounded,  but  by  the 
erticient  services  they  rendered  them  in  action.  The  story  of  this  siege  records 
several  examples  of  these  Morisco  heroines,  whose  ferocious  valour  emulated 
the  doughtiest  achievements  of  the  other  sex.  It  is  not  strange  that  a  place 
so  strong  in  itself,  where  the  women  were  animated  by  as  brave  a  spirit  as 
the  men,  should  have  bid  defiance  to  all  the  efforts  of  an  enemy  like  Los 
Velez,  though  backed  by  an  army  in  the  outset  at  least  as  formidable  in  jwint 
of  numbers  as  that  which  now  sat  down  before  it  under  the  command  of  John 
of  Austria.' 

Having  concluded  his  survey  of  the  ground,  the  Spanish  general  gave  orders 
for  the  construction  of  three  batteries,  to  operate  at  the  same  time  on  dif- 
ferent quarters  of  the  town.  The  first  and  largest  of  these  batteries,  mount- 
ing ten  pieces  of  ordnance,  was  raised  on  an  eminence  on  the  eastern  side  of 
the  ravine.  Though  at  a  greater  distance  than  was  desirable,  the  position 
was  sufficiently  elevated  to  enable  the  guns  to  command  the  castle  and  the 
highest  parts  of  the  town. 


'  "Las  tenian  los  Moros  barreadas  de  cin- 
cnenta  en  cincuentii  pasos,  y  hecbos  muchos 
trave-es  de  una  parte  y  de  utro  en  las  puertas 
y  paredes  de  las  casas,  para  herir  &  su  salvo 
fi  los  que  fuesen  pasando."  Marmol.  Rebelion 
de  Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  234.— The  best  and  by 
far  the  most  minute  account  of  the  topography 
of  Galera  is  given  by  this  author. 

■  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  i.  p. 
233,  et  seq.— Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de 
Austria,  fol.  112,  113.  —  Hlta,  Ouerras  de 
Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  377,  et  Beq. — Hita  tells  us 


he  was  not  present  at  the  siege  of  Galera ; 
but  he  had  in  his  possession  the  diary  of  a 
Murcian  ofHcer  named  Tonuis  Perez  d'  Hevia, 
who  served  through  the  siege,  and  of  whom 
Hita  speaks  as  a  i>et8<>n  well  known  for  his 
military  science.  He  says  he  has  conformed 
implicitly  to  Hevia's  journal,  which  he  com- 
mends for  its  sciupulous  veracity.  Accordini? 
to  the  judgmenr  of  some  critics,  the  Murcian 
officer,  if  he  merits  this  encomium,  may  l)e 
thought  to  have  the  advantage  of  Hiu  him- 
self. 


1 


INVESTMENT  OF  GALERA. 


675 


The  second  battery,  consisting  of  six  heavy  cannon,  was  established  lower 
down  the  ravine,  towards  the  south,  at  the  distance  of  hardly  more  than 
seventy  paces  from  the  perpendicular  face  of  the  rock.  The  remaining  battery, 
composed  of  only  three  guns  of  smaller  calibre,  was  erected  in  the  Gardens, 
and  so  placed  as  to  operate  against  the  tower,  which,  as  already  noticed,  was 

attached  to  the  churcn.  .  ,    ,     •  j- j      i. 

The  whole  number  of  pieces  of  artillery  belonging  to  the  besiegers  did  not 
exceed  twenty.  But  they  were  hourly  expecting  a  reinforcement  of  thirteen 
more  from  Cartagena.  The  great  body  of  the  forces  was  disposed  behind 
some  high  ground  on  the  east,  which  effectually  sheltered  the  men  from  the 
fire  of  the  besieged.  The  corps  of  Italian  veterans,  the  flower  ^  the  army, 
was  stationed  in  the  Gardens,  under  command  of  a  gallant  officer  named 
Pedro  de  Padilla.    Thus  the  investment  of  Galera  was  complete.        ...    ^. 

The  fir.st  object  of  attack  was  the  tower  in  the  Gardens,  from  which  the 
Moorish  garrison  kept  up  a  teasing  fire  on  the  Spaniards,  as  they  were  em- 
ployed in  the  construction  of  the  battery,  as  well  as  m  diggniff  a  trench,  in 
that  quarter.  No  sooner  were  the  guns  in  position  than  they  delivered  then- 
fire,  with  such  effect  that  an  opening  was  speedily  made  m  the  flimsy  masonry 
of  the  fortress.  Padilla,  to  whom  the  assault  was  committed,  led  forward  his 
men  gallantly  to  the  breach,  where  he  was  met  by  the  defenders  with  a  spiric 
eciual  to  his  own.  A  fierce  combat  ensued.  It  was  not  a  long  one  ;  for  the 
foremost  assailants  were  soon  reinforced  by  others,  until  they  overpowered 
the  little  garrison  by  numbers,  and  such  as  escai.ed  the  sword  took  refuge  m 
the  defences  of  the  town  that  adjoined  the  church.  ,  •  u  u 

Flushed  with  his  success  in  thus  easily  carrying  the  tower,  which  he  gar- 
risoned with  a  strong  body  of  arquebusiers,  Don  John  now  determined  to 
make  a  regular  assault  on  the  town,  and  from  this  same  quarter  of  the 
Gardens,  as  affording  the  best  point  of  attack.  The  execution  of  the  attair 
he  intrusted,  as  before,  to  Juan  de  Padilla  and  his  Italian  regiment.  Ihe 
cuns  were  then  turned  against  the  rampart  and  the  adjoining  buildings.  l>on 
John  pushed  forward  the  siege  with  vigour,  stimulating  the  men  by  his  ow'ii 
example,  carrying  fagots  on  his  shoulders  for  constructing  the  trenches,  and, 
in  short,  performing  the  labours  of  a  common  soldier.'  «.    ^   ,  • 

By  the  twenty-fourth  of  January,  practicable  breaches  had  been  eflected  m 
the  ancient  wall ;  and  at  the  appointed  signal  Padilla  and  his  veterans  moved 
swiftly  forward  to  the  attack.  They  met  with  little  difficulty  from  the  ditcli 
or  from  the  wall,  which,  never  formidable  from  its  height,  now  presented 
more  than  one  opening  to  the  assailants.  They  experienced  as  little  resistance 
from  the  garrison.  But  they  had  not  penetrated  far  into  the  town  before  the 
aspect  of  things  changed.  Their  progress  was  checked  by  one  of  those  barn- 
cades  already  mentioned  as  stretched  across  the  streets,  behind  which  a  body 
of  musketeers  poured  well-directed  volleys  into  the  ranks  of  the  Christians. 
At  the  same  time,  from  the  loopholes  in  the  walls  of  the  buildings  came 
incessant  showers  of  musket-balls,  arrows,  stones,  and  other  missiles,  which 
swept  the  exposed  files  of  the  Spaniards,  soon  covering  the  streets  with  the 
bodies  of  the  slain  and  the  wounded.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  assailants 
stormed  the  houses  and  carried  one  intrenchment  after  another.  Each  house 
was  a  separate  fortress  ;  and  each  succee.ling  barricade,  as  the  ascent  became 
steeper,  gave  additional  advantage  to  its  defenders,  by  placing  them  on  a 
greater  elevation  above  their  enemy. 


•    ta 


Para  que  los  soldados  se  anlmasen  al 
trabajo,  iba  delante  de  todos  ji  pie,  y  trafa  su 
haz  acuestas  como  cada  uno,  liasta  ponerlo  en 


la  trinchea."    Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada, 
torn.  ii.  p.  237. 


J 


576  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

Thus  beset  in  front,  Hank,  and  rear,  the  soMiers.^rec^^^^^^^^^ 
and  bewildered  by  tire  pit.les_s  stomi  which  P^^'^^^l^^ZZ'yZvi^t^  the 
foe.    Huddled  together,  m  their  confusion  ^^^J'l^f^^^^-^i  earrv  its  errand 

falling  around  him,  and  being  himselt  "^arly  disabled  by  »  ^^^^"^  .-  ^^  j^ft 
order  to  retreat -an  order  obeyed  with  such  J^^f '^J.^^^^^^L  j^  not 

numbers  of  their  wounded  coninules  lying  in   he  s^^^^^^  S 

to  be  abandoned  to  the  mercy  o^.^heir  enemies    A  gi  eater  num 

Ser  were  lodged  in  it.     Meanwhile  the  Ift'*™^  ^^'^H;'""^.*^ JJ  fLeao 
Cat  vivacity  on'the different  quarters  of  the  town  and  <=»«»  f-    A^"^'X^^^^^ 

bh^^'wI-'^Tw^entS^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

lsSar!&rrbn?^i^^^^ 

H^y-«^s«-^ciinrL^^^^^^^ 

braTe  Officer  named  Antonio  Moreno     I>«" /«h"' ^^./^^^^^^ 

sand  men,  occupied  a  position  which  enabled  him  to  overlook  the  scene 

^""on'the  twenty-seventh,  at  eight  in  the  morning,  the  signal  was  dven  by  the 
firhi^  of  a  ^Tnon  aiid  Padilll,  at  the  head  of  his  veterans,  moved  forward  to 
tKlk     TheVefl^l^^^         entrance  into  the  town,  with  even  less  oppo- 


'•  Mannol.  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  ii. 
vx>  236-'238.— H^via,  ap.  Hita,  (iuerras  de 
iiranada.  torn.  ii.  pp.  3*»6.  387.-Vai.derbam- 
men,  l>on  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  11 3. -ter- 
rene. Hist,  d't-  spagne,  torn.  x.  p.  UO. 


II  ii  I 


-  -  C!onvendri  por  no  aventurar  mas  gente 
"bnena  que  se  haga  todo  lo  que  sea  posible  con 
las  minas  y  artilleria,  antes  de  venir  A  las 
manos."  Carta  del  Hey  a  I).  Juan  de  Austria, 
6  de  Febrero,  1570,  MS. 


FIERCE  ASSAULTS. 


577 


sition  than  before  ;  for  the  -nnonade^^^^^^^^^^  ^^.SLSKs 

of  the  houses,  garnsoned  by  the Jtolems,  near  tne  wa  ^^^  ^^^^^^ 

pushed  on  they  soon  became  entanged,  ^s  beiore  i  j^  ^^^^^^  ^^^ 

keftles.    The  ^n^my,  m^^renched^^^^  ^^^^^  ^^  ^^^  ^ 

streets,  poured  down  the  r  murderous  voiieysuii^  missiles 

lards,  who  were  overwhelmed  as  on  the  former  But  experience  had  prepared 
of  all  kinds  from  the  occunants  «*  thejiouses^^^^^^^^^^^  shelter  them 

them  for  this ;  and  they  dad  come  provided  with  man^^^^^  ^^^^^^ 

from  the  tempest    Yet,  when  the  annoy^^^^^^  ^     .^    ^^^^^ 

storm  the  dwellings;  and  ^^ ^o^J J^'"f  ^^ l^r^^^^^^^^ 

inmates  to  the  sword.    Each  bamcade  too  a^^^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^ 

the  scene  of  a  desP^jate  combat,  j^^liere  the  mi^m  was  i^attle-cries 

fought  hand  to  hand,  with  s^ord  and  dagger^    JNow  ros^^  Mohammed, 

of  the  combatants,  one  party  calling  on  feaint  ^  Jgo,  me  ot  crescent 

?hus  intimating  that.it  was  still  the  same  wa^^^^^  Peninsula.- 

which  had  been  earned  on  for  ^,^f  ^^j^^ofw^^^^^  report  of  musketry 

The  shouts  of  the  combatants,  the  clash  ot  JJ^^P^'^^^^^    ^u^  the  air  with  an 

from  the  adjoining  houses,  the  sounds  of  "^^^^^^^^^^^^^  echoes  through 

unearthly  din,  that  was  reverberated  and  prdo^^^^^^  pandemonium. 

the  narrow  streets,  converting  the  once  p^cemi^m^^^^  i         ^^^^^^^^ 

moments  suspended  the  conflict  John,  seeing  Padilla  well 

This  was  the  bursting  of  the  m me,  '™'<="  ^"     ^        i^  an  instant  came 
advanced  in  his  assault,Tiad  now  fj'f  t*^?  "J-ntre  the  portion  of  the 

the  terrible  explosion,  ?hak.ng  Galera  *» 't^^|"]J^,  f,^^  hfuses  on  its  summit, 
rock  above  the  gallerv  mto  fragn'ents,  W^^f  ^\e  ruins.  As  the  smoke 
and  burying  niore  tfian  six  hmidred  Mor^scoes  m  ^^^^^  from  below 

and  dust  of  the  falling  buildmgs  "'ear^l  a^ay-^™^  ^s  their  mangled  limbs 
beheld  the  miserable  survive^  crawlmg  forth  as  w^  ^^^^^^^^  ^^ 

would  allow,  they  set  up  a  fierce  yell  of  tnurn^n  i^^  the  direction, 

done  but  half  the  mischief  Vnte"!^f '  J%„7  *tlTwh  cH^  well  as  the  ravelin, 
it  had  passed  somewhat  to  tl'^J^^^ft  o^he  mtl^  whic^^^^  „ 

-K'^igh?S^|aS^rte^S^^^^^ 

defiance,  they  were  stimulated  by  the  deare  oi  i""'       '^    .      ,      g,,  ^^^^ff^ 
gH^Srength,  had  been  se  ected  .''^a  P'«^  ""Ethl  neighbourhood.   The 
lli^other  articles  of  ^''l"*  «'"i';^J^^^^^  the  breach  and 

officers,  before  making  the  a"*5^J5^*  fJll  the  ascent  easier  for  the  troops 
have  the  nibbish  ctored  a^^y-^VvUwe^et^  impatient  for  this.    Without 
But  the  fierce  and  >l'-/>-'''='P'>"ea  If^f^  '^e  too     i  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^^^^^ 

heeding  the  commands  o^,'^™»i"^X  ^i^^X^^^  "  San  Jayo  ! 

they  broke  their  ranks,  and,  crymg        oio^ ^^  ^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^^^^^ 


»  "  Unos  llaman  &  Mahoma, 
otros  dicen  Santiago, 
Otros  gritan  cierra  Espaiia, 
ntueradbandorerKgad^. 


—Romance,  ap. 
torn.  Ii.  p.  *56. 


2  P 


678  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

^'Cierra  EsmTm!"  "St.  James!"  and  "Close  up  Spain!"  they  rushed 
nmMrWa^  and  springing  lightly  over  the  ruins  in  their  pathway,  soon 
pffl  tl^l^^^^^^^  'The  officers,  thus  deserted,  were  not  long 

[i  fXwine  resolved  to  avail  themselves  of  the  enthusiasm  of  the  men. 

Fortunately  XeMo^^^  astounded  by  the  explosion  had  taken  refuge 
in  thftowrand  thi^  unciefended  a  position  which  might  have  given  great 
in  tne  ^"^"' '^'r  A"  nJorrk  Ypt  the  crv  no  sooner  rose  that  the  enemy  had 
HeTthe^e^ht &ec^^^^^^^^^  f roniYheir  nanic,  thev  hurried  back  to  man 
^Te  defe^ices  W^^^^^^  Lailants,  therefore,  fad  been  brought  into  order  and 
formedT^o  collie  the  attack,  they  were  received  ^^^th  a  well-directed  fire 

from  thrfalconets,  and  with  volleys  of  musketry  from  the  rave  in  that  for  a 
momei^  cSed  'their  advance.  >t  then    rallying   they  gallan^ 
forward  through  the  fiery  s  eet,  and  soon  found  themselves  in  face  of  the  breach 
whrcrhad  reefmade  in  the  castle  by  their  artillery.  The  opening,  scarcely  wide 
Enough  to  allow^wo  to  pass  abreast,  was  defended  by  men  as  strong  and  stout- 
h^Xd  as  their  Lsailai  ts.    A  desperate  struggle  ensued,  m  w^ich  the  besieged 
bS^v  Teld  theiT^ound,  though  a  Castilian  ensign,  named  Zapata,  succeeded 
inforcVghisw^yfn^  the  place,  and  even  in  pFanting  his  standard  on  the 
Kemente     But  it  was  speedily  torn  down  by  the  enemy  while  the  brave 
c^E  pierced  with  wounds,  was  thrown  headlong  on  tfie  rocky  ground 
below,  still  clutching  the  standard  with  his  dying  grasp.     .      .       .        ,    .^ 
M^nwhile,  the  defenders  of  the  ravelin  kept  up  a  pliinging  fire  of  musketry 
on  tS  a/sailants ;  while  stones,  arrows,  iavelins,  fell  thick  as  rain-drops  on 
their  h^ds,  rattUng  on  the  harness  of  tlie  cavaliers  and  inflicting  many  a 
wound  rthe  ill-protected  bodies  of  the  soldiery     The  Morisco  women  bore 
a  brave  part  in  the  fight,  showing  the  same  iiulifTereiice  to  danger  as  their 
husband^  and  brotheil,  and  rolhng  down  heav^^^^^^^^^^^ 


Stronger  sex.  One  of  these  Amazons,  whose  name  became  famous  m  the 
siege,  was  seen  on  this  occasion  to  kill  her  antagonist  and  bear  away  his  armour 
as  the  spoils  of  victory.  It  was  said  that,  before  she  received  her  mortal 
wound,  several  Spaniards  fell  by  her  hand." 

Thus,  while  the  besieged,  secure  within  their  defences,  suffered  comparatively 
little,  tke  attacking-column  was  thrown  into  disorder.  Most  of  its  leaders 
were  killed  or  wounded.  Its  ranks  were  thinned  by  the  incessant  fire  from  the 
ravelin  and  castle ;  and,  though  it  still  maintained  a  brave  spirit,  its  strength 
was  fast  ebbing  away.  Don  John,  who,  from  his  commanding  position,  had 
watched  the  field,  saw  the  necessity  of  sending  to  the  support  of  his  troops  s,x 
companies  of  the  reserve,  which  were  soon  followed  by  two  others.  Ihus 
reinforced,  they  were  enabled  to  keep  their  grouncl  ..,,..*!, 

Meanwhile,  the  Italian  regiment  under  Padilla  had  penetrated  far  into  the 
town.  But  they  had  won  their  way  inch  by  inch,  and  it  had  cost  them  dear. 
There  was  not  an  otlicer,  it  was  said,  that  had  not  been  wounded.  i?our 
captains  had  fallen.  Padilla,  who  had  not  recovered  from  his  former  wound, 
had  now  received  another  still  more  severe.  His  men,  though  showing  a  bold 
front,  had  been  so  roughly  handled  that  it  was  clear  they  could  never  hght 


'»  No  less  than  eighteen,  according  to 
Hevia.  But  this  numl)er,  notwithstanding 
Hita's  warrant  for  the  writer's  scrupulous 
accuracy,  is  somewhat  too  heavy  a  tax  on  the 
credulity  of  the  reader :  "  Esta  brava  mora  se 
llaiaaba  la   Zarzamodonia,    era   corpuleuta, 


recia  de  miembros,  y  alcanzaba  grandfsima 
fuf rza  :  ^e  avfriguo  que  en  este  dia  TOat6  ella 
sola  por  8U  niano  a  diez  y  echo  soldados.  no 
de  los  peores  del  c.<mpo."  Hit*,  (JJuerras  de 
Granada,  torn.  il.  p.  393. 


FIERCE  ASSAULTS. 


579 


through  the  obstacles  in  their  way  and  join  their  comrades  on  the  heights 
While  little  mindful  of  his  own  wounds,  Padilla  saw  with  anguish  the  blood  of 
his  brave  followers  thus  poured  out  in  vain  ;  and,  ho\yever  reluctantly,  he 
gave  the  order  to  retreat.    This  command  was  the  signal  for  a  fresh  storm  ot 
missiles  from  the  enemy.    But  the  veterans  of  Naples  closing  up  their  ranks 
as  a  comrade  fell,  effected  their  retreat  in  the  same  coo  and  orderly  manner  in 
which  they  had  advanced,  and,  though  woefully  crippled,  regained  their  posi- 
tion in  the  trenches.  ^1       •  x    •        iiT^.i«,r,o 
Thus  disengaged  from  the  conflict  on  this  quarter,  the  victonous  Moslems 
hastened  to  tSe  support  of  their  countrymen  m  the  castle,  where  they  served 
to  counterbalance  the  reinforcement  received  by  the  assailants.    They  fell  at 
once  on  the  rear  of  the  Christians,  whose  front  ranks  wei;e  galled  by  the  guns 
from  the  enemy's  battery,-though  clumsily  served,-while  tneir  ^anks  wei-e 
sorely  scathed  by  the  storm  of  musketiy  that  swept  down  from  the  ravelin. 
Thus  hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  they  were  indeed  111  a  perilous  sitaation.    bev  eral 
of  the  captains  were  killed.    All  the  officers  w;ere  either  killed  or  wounded ; 
and  the  narrow  ground  on  which  they  struggled  for  mastery  was  heaped  with 
the  bodies  of  the  slain.    Yet  their  spirits  were  not  broken ;  and  the  tide  of 
battle,  after  three  hours'  duration,  still  continued  to  rage  with  impotent  fiiy 
around  the  fortress.    They  still  strove,  with  desperate  energy,  to  scale  the 
walls  of  the  ravelin  and  to  force  a  way  through  the  narrow  breach  m  the  castle 
But  the  besieged  succeeded  in  closing  up  the  opening  with  heavy  masses  of 
stone  and  timber,  which  defied  the  failing  strengtli  of  the  assailants. 

Another  hour  had  now  elapsed,  and  Don  John,  as  from  his  station  he 
wat  bed  the  current  of  the  figk  aw  that  to  prolong  the  contest  would  on  y 
be  to  bring  wider  ruin  on  his  followers.  He  according  y  gave  the  ordei  to 
retr^t  But  the  men  who  had  so  impetuously  rushed  to  the  attack  in  defiance 
of  ht  command^  of  their  officers  now^howed  the  san.e  spirit  of  msubordina. 
tion  when  commanded  to  leave  it ;  like  the  mastilt,  who,  maddened  by  the 
wounds  he  has  received  in  the  conflict,  refuses  to  loosen  his  hold  on  his 
anta "onist  in  spite  of  the  chiding  of  his  master.  Seeing  his  ordei-s^  thus 
unhledei  bon  fohn,  accompanied  V  his  staff',  resolved  to  go  m  person  to  he 
scene  of  action  and  enforce  obedience  by  his  presence  But  on  reaching  the 
sS  he  was  hit  on  his  cuirass  by  a  musket-ba  I,  which,  although  it  glanced 
?om  the  well-tempered  metal,  came  with  sutticient  force  to  bnng  him  to  the 
m)und.  The  watchful  Quixada,  not  far  distant  sprang  to  his  aidj  biit  it 
nnnpjlr^rl  L  had  recclved  no  injury.  H  s  conduct,  however,  brought  down  an 
XtTonate  remoSance  ta^^^^  who,  reminding  him  of  the  kmg's 

tn^nS^,  Sught  him  to  retire,  and  not  thus  expose  a  life  so  precious  as 
tffi  of  the  commander-in-chief,  to  the  hazards  of  a  common  soldier. 

The  accouTof  the  accident  soon  spread,  with  the  usual  exaggerations, 
anion'  thTtroops,  who,  after  the  prince's  departure,  yielded  a  s^ow  and  sullen 
obedience  to  his  commands.  Thus  for  a  second  time  the  field  of  battle 
?"ed  in  possession  of  the  Moslems  ;  and  the  banner  of  the  Crescent  stiU 
waved  triumphantly  from  the  battlements  of  (^alera.  a-  „^^  fi.o,v 

The  loss  was  a  heavy  one  to  the  Spaniards,  amounting,  according  to  their 
own  accounte -w^  will  not  be  suspected  of  exaggeration, -to  not  less  than 
fo'u  SrJdVed  and  five  hundred  wounded  That  of  the^nemy,  scr^^^^^^^ 
by  his  defences,  must  have  been  comparatively  light.     Ihe  loss  leii  mosi 


'«  For  an  account  of  the  second  assault,  see 
Mendoza,  Gu.rra  de  Granada,  pp.  264,  2(55,— 
Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  u.  pp. 
240-243,  —  VandLThammen,    Don    J  uan    ae 


Austria,  fol.  113,  114,  —  Hevia,  ap.  Hita, 
Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  n.  p.  3«9,  et  seq.,— 
Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  pp.  629,  6J0. 


580  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

severely  on  the  Spanish  chivalry,  -^Igf^i^-y^^^^^^^^^^ 

tion  of  the  well-trained  Monsco  marksmen     ^ff^  mooav  rui 

the  names  of  many  a  noble  honse  m  bo%Andal  sia  and^^^^^^  ^^ 

This  second  reverse  of  h^-^F»«  ^^^""^  ^,^,S  knew  the  Ingnine  anticipations 
his  countrvmen  were  upon  hnn  ;  ^nd  he  weU  knew  t^^^^^^  responsible 

they  had  formed  of  his  ^^"^P*^^'"',^"^^^^^^^^^^  of  l^s  brave 

for  ite  success.    His  heart  was  hlled  ^^^^^  J,^^,""^"^;^^^      lamentation  ;  but 
companions  in  arms.    Yet  he  did  »ot  give  vent  ^9  "«  »^J^^'^  -^  j  -^  i^,^,^^ 

he  showed  his  feelings  m  another  ^f  "^J.^  -fi^^^^^  dear  for  the 

Turning  to  his  officers,  he  exclaimed/  ^he  infidels  shapa^^  ^^^^^^ 

Christian  blood  they  have  spilt  this  ^7-  J^^  «f  x^  ^ss^u"^  and  child- shall 

it  was  not  an  empty  menace.  nrudenc^  of  his  brother's 

The  result  of  his  operations  s^^^f  ,  P^"  f  ^'.^^  *^^^  before  coming 

recommendation  to  make  good  use  ^^  h  «  ba Uene^^^^^^^^^  written  some  time  after 

to  close  quarters  with  the  enemy.    P^^^iliP,  m  a  l^^^^^^^^  ^  ^^^ 

this  def^t,  alluding  to  the  low  state  of  ^^^f^^^^ 

brother  to  give  greater  attention  to  th«  »;f  f^\^^^^^^^^^^  that  by  so  doin^  he 

especially  against  profanity  and  otheiotte^^^^^^^  %onTohn  had  intimated  to 

mtght  secure  the  favour  of  the  Almighty-     ^^^^-^^^^^^ 

PhiliD  that,  under  some  circumstances  It  m^di^     But  S  king  rebuk^  the 

men  V  leading  them  i^,P«'^^«'\^^„lKf^^X^^  con  mjuider,  and  admonished 

spiiit  of  the  knight-errant  as  not  suited  ^.^^f^^^^^^^  ^^  niight  be  of 

his  brother  that  the  place  for  him  was  "^  >,^?  ^^*^;J^^^^  ^^o  went 

service  in  stimulating  the  ardou^^^^^^  p^rSe  tolncoui  age  them  " 

forward  promntly  in  the  fight  »^ad  no  ne^ed  oi  ms  pre  en^  third  and  last 

Don  /ohn  W  no  time  m  n^^king  his  prepa^^^^^^^ 
a..sault    He  caused  two  new  "{JPf^ ^o  be  pruned  m  the  rock,  o^i^e  ^^^ 

mmM4msM 


IS     « 


-  "Yo  buTidlre  &  Galera,  y  la  apolar^,  y 
penibrare  tudu  de  sal ;  y  por  el  rlpuropo  filo  de 
la  eppada  paparan  chicos  y  grander,  quantos 
estin  deutro,  por  castigo  de  su  perlinacia,  y 
en  venganza  de  la  pangr*-  que  ban  deiramado. 
Mannol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  toni.  li.  p.  244. 

'•  "  No  puedo  yo  dejar  de  encargaros  que 
le  tengals  muy  grande  de  que  el  no  sea  deser- 
vido  en  ese  campo,  ni  haya  las  maldades  y 
des^rdenee  que  decls,  que  siendo  tales  no  pue- 


den  bacer  cosa  buena,  y  aef  lo  procurad,  y  que 
no  bava  ji.ranentos  nl  otras  olensas  de  Pios 
que  con  esto  el  no8  ayudani  y  todo  8e  hani 
bien."    Carta  de  R^'V  k  D.  Juan  de  Auslno,  6 
de  Febrero,  1570,  MS. 

"  •♦  Y  con  esa  gente,  Begun  lo  que  decis, 
tnas  importara  cstar  detras  dellos  deteniendo- 
lo8  V  raBtiguiidolos  que  no  delante.  pues  para 
lo8  que  lo  estiin  y  baccn  lo  que  deben  no  es 
mencbter."    Ibid. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  A  LAST  ATTACK. 


581 


deficient     Their  powder  was  nearly  all  expended.    They  endeavoured  to 
obS  supplies  of  ^nnmnition,  as  well  as  '•ei";o^<=en'e"ts  o    -ne'^^ 

^i^^^uK^iirtrsT^tr 

«r^n{t:«;!n^«LT£Sh^^^ 

'"'^l.  ffi,rSfar  in  r laSlreatJy  doubted^e  ^^wf 

fn  a  coundl  of  war,  proposed  that  the  tr^ps  should  sally  forth  and  cut  the  r 
way  though  the  tolls  of  the  besiegers,  while  the  women  and  cu^^^^^^^^ 
mi  out  by  the  subterranean  avenue  which  conducted  *<>  the  "ver,  the  exM 

niine  ;  for,  If  they  hadjos^  on  the  miners,  and,  thou^^h  always  repu  sed 

S  L,  t'h^y  coiS^^^^^^^  camp  of  the  besiegerstn  a  constant  state 

""MTh;  sixth  of  February  the  engineers  who  had  charge  of  the  minesjave 
Un  tne  sixm  01  *^Y""**'J'  *'*    ,  .^^     rnup  fnllowintr  morning  was  named  for 

open  on  the  town  at  six  m  ine  "%'""'»•.,.  i^  ^hen  play  for  another 

£;^rXr^^^ic^ti!?siinTLtI^«  ur^^^^ 

l^tll^slct^-^S  IriSf oiS^diSlhrtroops  to  Show  no 
'l"Ke%rKnF'£^^^^^^^    MyX'=Uer  ^ 

XSvfr^5^a3J?lfa^^^^ 

displaying  the  image  of  the  *  'rsin-       , ',    'j^re,,:,,!,  a  few  words  of  en- 
con'Jn/anl;  and  as  he  rode  -  ong  the   m^,  addr^^^^ 

couragement  to  the  soiaiers,  ms.  l^' '^    ,   ,  .,     veterans  of  the  happier  days 
Kni^tp-nt  A"tX  tt  witrZJ&y  on  the  beautiful 

.      .       .  Aiv/»r>Ki^'7niin  ha  nor  nombre. 


'■  It  is  singular  that  no  one  of  tbe  chroni- 
clers gies  us  .be  name  of  tbe  Moorish  chief 
u  ho  commanded  in  (ialera.  A  romance  of 
the  time  calls  him  Abeuhozmin  : 

•«  Marinero  que  la  rige 
Sarracino  es  natural, 
criado  acii  en  nucstra  F.spai^a 
por  su  mal  y  nucstro  mal : 


Abenbozniin  ha  por  nombre,^ 
y  es  hon.bre  de  gran  caudal. 
— Hita,  Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  470. 

'•  "  Relumbrante  y  fortfsimo  morrion  ador- 
nado  de  un  penacho  hello  y  elegante,  sentmlo 
?obre  una  ri^ca  medalla  de  la  i^.ago"  de  nue^ 
tra  Sofiora  de  la  Coi.cepclon.  HeMa,  ap. 
Hita,  Guerras  de  Granada,  torn.  U.  p.  i**- 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


1.  Of  So.*er:Jv:;'gathered  together  lor  the  «„.  a.sa.at  upon 

«f  r  six  o'Coo.  tm  .even  a  f"rjo«-nno,j.le  '^^^^^tZ^r^^'l^'^^ 
circle  of  tetteries  on  the  demoted  to«n.    inm  ^^^^  .^^^^  ^  ^ 

mine.  The  deafening  roar  f .  o"^'l»^"f  J?;"  ;„  the  trenches  waited,  w.tli 
profound  as  that  of  death,  wMe  eve.  v  soldier  .    ««,        .rtnrning  houses, 

Lrvous  suspense,  for  the  "^^P'o^'^'^tie  ^eS  « ider  the  breach  m  the  per^ 
Rhakine  down  a  fragment  of  the  cj*"^,'^^'  "^  'jup  fraements  w  th  the  force  of 
SSside  of  tie  rock,  and  growing  ««  the  fragn.e^^  j„„„„.,j  v,y  the 
rvolcino  Only  one  mine,  however,  explodett^  "  .  consternation  among 
Xr'which?  t/ough  it  did  less  damage   spre^^  s»*  -   ^^^^^  ^^e  men 

ltn=  thr^oS^S^^^^^^^^^  t^--  „«,,,,  .,h  a  few  sold.rs 
When  the  smoke  and  dust  had  'lear^l  away,  a  ^.^^  ^,^^     .^  j,,j^t 

was  sent  to  reconnoitre  the  breach  i,Ss  ,vl  0"^  unp>otected.  On  hearn.g 
the  garrison  had  fled  and  left  *»«  ^'?^r„,,V  to  be  led  at  once  to  the  assault. 
th?s,X  troops,  with  furious  shouts,  called  o"'  Y^.wil  their  remonstrances, 

It  was  in  vain  H*''?,"*' ^tt^r  flat  ^f  the  "^^^^^^^^  '^'"'^  ^^f^  V^tr 
in  some  instances,  I'X  ^'1?"^'^^^^,  Tj"  iXied  rabble,  they  sprang  from  their 
soldiery  was  up;  and,  like  a'\''l;d'"<^'T^"„i,,„' their  otticers  along  with 
??ench^  in  «*«  disorder,  as  tef ore,  and  c  """ed  the  heights  without  oppo- 
them,  soon  scaled  the  P^"'?"^  ^sceu^  and  cro  ^^^^  ^^^^^^^        ^^    ^ 

Bition  from  the  enemy.  ,  "  II^'"«  ters  of  the  deserted  fortress  and  its  out- 
thev  ^needilv  made  themselves  masters  ui  u. 

S-filiing  the  air  with  *o'lf^  "'"fhl^'heheld  the  enemy  occupying,  the 
The  fugitives  ^w  their  nvistake,  as  they  bene  ^^^^^.^.i^n  of  imnes 

tiosition  they  had  abandoned.  ^  Jhere  was  im         ^   ""^oniuion  impulse,  to 

ISer  to%«t™'«  '^^*'  ?^r'  *Jj*„^nd  wUh  ^'Spaniards.  It  was  too  late, 
dispute  the  possession  of  the  gronnd  wit  1  tM    1^^  ^,^^  "rehusiers 

The  guns  were  turned  on  theni  from  tneir  o  ^^.^^^  formidable 

who  lined  the  raveUn  showered  down  on  th^r  'lea  ^^^  ^^  ,  gone,  the 
than  stones  and  arrows.     But,  thonUi  ineir  v  ^_^j  ^,_      ^,j,y 

Moriscoes  could  still  make  ^J  't  j^nth  s»ort  mm      .^^^,^  ^^^^^  ^ 

closed  in  a  hand-to-hand  contest  ^'th  "  eir  enei  y  ^^^^  passions  of 

S^lfng  out-as  clo^  persona  cont^,;^!7one  wa»  ^sked.  The  Spaniard 
the  (Smbatants.  >-  0  A"*"^* V  „ttSv  the  Morisco  by  the  energy  of  des)  .air 
was  nerved  by  the  confidence  of  victory,  tneiYioii^        1  ^^.^^  depended 

Both  fought  fike  men  who  knew  that  on  the  ^^";»t^^,.  ;„  ,ose  aVK,ve  1^ 
the  fate  of  Galera.  Again  the  ?"-"'f .?';;  „,ihtary  apostle  and  the  other 
d?n  of  battle,  as  the  one  Part.y  invoked  «;ey«il^a)7^  ^^  ,^,ore  than  eight 
called  on  Mahomet.  ,"  was    he  sanie^ar  c  y  These  were 

fSS  rter-n'to%i'"thi  e^xile  or  extermination  of  the  con- 

''X'rmct  wa.  at  l^^^lrt alibis  Z^'Ztt ^^tp^/^^ 
troons  on  the  field  with  Padilla.  ^  J* Vo5  mpt  witli  the  same  spirit  of  resist- 
S  avenue  as  before  ^  every-h^^^^^^^^^  Many'of  the  houses 

anoe     But  the  means  of  successfi  1  re^iswnce  >vtn    u        ..||  g„ch  as  still 


I 


CRUEL  MASSACRE. 


583 


anl  arrows.    One  after  another,  most  of  them  were  stormed  and  fi'^  Jjy  the 
Spaniards,  and  those  within  were  put  to  the  sword  or  penshed  in  the  flaiu^. 
^Tf  farS  no  better  with  the  defenders  of  the  barricades.    Galled  by^he 
vo  lU  0  Ve  C^^^^^^^  whom  their  own  rude  mi^^i^es  .^^^^ 

l\vSi  litUp  Pxprution  thev  were  driven  from  one  position  to  another ,  as  eacn 
Sb  'wt\Terv&^  a  shout  of  triumph  went  up  from  the  victors^ 
which  fell  cheerily  on  the  ears  of  their  countrymen  on  tpe  he  gMs  ,  ana  wnen 
Padilla  and  his  veterans  burst  on  the  scene  of  acUon,  it  decided  the  fortunes 

"^ThertLs  still  a  detachment  of  Turks  whose  ammunition  had  no^b^^^^ 
exhausted,  and  who  were  maintaining  a  desperate  struggle  with  a  body  oi 
Spanish  infantry,  in  which  the  latter  had  b^n  dnven  bac^  to  t^^^^^^ 

all  dictions.    Some  fled  down  the  'ong  avenues  which  kd  from  t^^^^^ 

of  the  rock.    They  were  hotly  Pursned  by  the  XS? l^ce     The  Span- 

themselves  into  the  houses  and  Pr«Paj«d  to  make  a^^^^^  ^ne    P^  ^^ 

r«S"g^'me,ththJ^|^^^ 

'^^^'^ZkyTi;.ZT4ii  Kn 'st?;iS:^  on  the  blo<&y  pavement, 
4»n^tr.r^^k»qfp^-ragete^^^^^ 

:KfXr'L^p|sh"eTiXSS£Fb5^Skt4S^£i 
Whom  they  were  all  speedily  cut  to  PJ^^v  ,^£f^nSrforthV  an^  calling 

:^iitL'i''i»infp^r.or^« 

"^  tifrJt^jsand  Morisc^s  were  huddled  togth«  in^a  |l^f„-L'^? 
from  the  gate,  where  a  strong  hod)' ^  <>stihan  nta^^^^ 
escape.    Spent  with  toil  and  'os^  of  blood jnthout^^^  ,         ^.etched 

orwkhsucii  only  as  were  too  much  hatter^or  broken  wye^^^,  ^^^  ^^^ 
fugitives  would  gladly  have  made  .^™«  *!'a7^f Jghls^  easily  dave  made 
closed  darkly  around  them.    But  the  ste^^^  on  his  haunches. 

ffi;;l5:SSe"arw"e'J^'tvot^^^^^  -'  a  man  w.  left 

nforethanf..hllnd.dw^2^o'fr;K^^^^^^ 

"  These  anecdotes  are  given  by  Uevia,  ap.  xx"*,  « 


I 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


GALERA  DEMOLISHED. 


585 


584 

He  even  sent  the  hal^rdie^  of  his  g.«nl  -d  the  ^v^^^^^^ 

assist  the  soldiers  m  their  Woody  w»rk    while  he  ^t^*  9^     J^,,^  agonizing 

refuge  to  the  fugitives  was  hf  ped  with  the  ^eso^  the  sa^^^ 
dowS  the  kennels  Uke  water  after  a  h^v^^^^^^^^^  ^^,^ 

some  by  the  conqueror,  others  ^J  the  inma^^^^^^  ^^^^   ^^^^^^. 

into  the  flames  rather  than  ^^"^^0  th^^l^^^  nine  hours  "-were 

l^^d  to  Cve^escaped  the  seneraj  doom  »« f  «f„„?^™',7rre- mertoeSly 
rest,  soldiers  and  <=>t>^«»^ .  J"'^''^' *^"^^h?Sn«nSrtl  emilves,  escapeS 

^i«  wo^l  r  Ky:evennrt^"at  4'^^^^^^^^ 

wholesale  and  i°''Jf  ^^"if^AKaftman  proverb,  "  If  Africa  had  cause  to 

p^Tto^  at  so  high  a  price  as  the  ^pture  »«  «^>«;,%  J^Vf^l'e'^ti^^Z 
on  the  officers  and  ii.en  of  rank  as  on  the  co™^o"  ^'«j  /J„^  „{  Austria. 

F  '-^ VM^S"  ^^"^  t^VeTnii'^^en^e  fan^  f  n'/  a^n  hie 
tZ\  S^n'^we^t  bii^r^swhenth^  tidings  c»n.e  of  the  conquest  of 

%r  John  himself  was  so  much  exaspera^»^  ^LfgrthMnl't: 
thought  of  the  grievous  loss  which  he  had  sustained  inrougn  tuc 


M    U 


'  Lo8  qnalea  maUron  mas  de  quatroclen- 
tas  mugeres  y  nifios  .  .  .  y  ansi  hlzo  matar 
TOUchos  en  eu  presencia  i  los  alabarderos  de 
8u  guardla."    Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada, 

torn.  li.  p.  248.  ^       *    J    „i 

"  «♦  Dur6  el  combate,  despue*  de  entrado  el 
luear.  desde  las  ocho  de  la  maflana  basta  las 
dnco  de  la  tarde."  He  via,  ap.  Hita,  Guerras 
de  Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  448.  ,  .   .  . 

»*  *'  Y  no  pararan  hasta  acabarlas  a  toaas, 
si  las  quejas  de  los  soldados,  a  quien  se  qui- 
taba  el  premio  de  U  vitoria,  no  le  moyieran ; 
mas  esto  fue  quando  se  entendi6  que  la  villa 
eataba  ya  por  nosotroa.  y  no  quiso  que  se  per- 
donase  &  varon  que  pasase  de  doce  olios. 
Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  it.  p.  248. 
=*»  "Se  cauti varon  hasta  otras  mil  y  qulnl- 
enUs  persona.'^  de  mugerea  y  nifios,  porque  & 
hombre  ninguno  se  tomo  con  vida,  babiendo 


muerto  todos  sin  quedar  uno  en  este  dia,  y  en 
los  aaaltos  ra«ado8."  Hevia,  ap  HiU,  Guer- 
ras  de  Granada,  tom.  ii.  p.  44h.  Marmo^. 
while  he  admits  that  not  a  man  was  ppared, 
estimates  the  number  of  women  and  ciuldren 
saved  at  three  times  that  given  m  the  text. 

»•  "  Si  Africa  Uora, Espifia  no  rie. 

"  For  the  account  of  the  final  assault,  as 
told  by  the  various  writers,  with  Pufflcient 
Inconsistency  in  the  details,  compare  Marmol. 
Rebelion  de  Granada,  tom.  u.  pp.  244-249,— 
Mendoza.  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  26&-268^ 
Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  lol. 
114,  115,-Hevia,  ap.  Hita,  Guerras  de  Gra- 
nada, torn.  ii.  p.  '•29,  et  seq.,-Cabrera,  F.Upe 
Segundo.  pp.  6.30,  6:il.-Bleda,  Cronica.  p. 
734,-Ferrera8.  Hist.  d'Espagne,  tom.  x.  pp. 
143,  144. 


I 


resistance  of  the  heretics,"  that  he  resolved  to  carry  at  once  into  effect  his 
menace  of  demolishing  the  town,  so  that  not  one  stone  should  be  left  on 
another.  Every  house  was  accordingly  burnt  or  levelled  to  the  ground,  Avhich 
was  then  strewed  with  salt,  as  an  accursed  spot,  on  which  no  man  was  to 
build  thereafter.  A  royal  decree  to  that  effect  was  soon  afterwards  publisM; 
and  the  village  of  sti-aggling  houses,  which,  undefended  by  a  wall,  still  clusters 
round  the  bale  of  the  hill,  in  the  Gardens  occupied  by  Padilla,  is  all  that  now 
serves  to  remind  the  traveller  of  the  once  flourishing  and  strongly  fortified  city 

^^  nTthT  work  of  demolition  Don  John  was  somewhat  retarded  by  a  furious 
tempest  of  sleet  and  rain,  which  set  in  the  day  after  the  place  was  taken.  It 
was  no  uncommon  thing  at  that  season  of  the  year.  Had  it  come  on  a  few 
days  earlier,  the  mountain -torrents  would  infallibly  have  broken  up  tl^  camp 
of  the  besiegers  and  compelled  them  to  suspend  operations,  i  hat  the  storm 
was  so  long  delayed  was  Regarded  by  the  Spaniarcfs  ^  a  special  mterposition 

^^ThTb^oty  was  great  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors ;  for  Galera, 
from  itV  great  stTength,  had  been  selected  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  neigh- 
Cing  country  as  aWe  place  of  deposit  for  their  effects,^specially  ^^^^^^^^^ 
more  vlluable  treasures  of  gold,  pearls,  jewels,  and  precious  stuffs,  ^s^des 
these  there  was  a  great  quantity  of  wheat,  barley,  and  other  grain  stored  m 
the  mas?azines,  which  afforded  a  seasonable  supply  to  the  army. 

No  sSoner  was  Don  John  master  of  Galera  than  he  sent  tidings  of  his  suc- 
ceS  to  Ms  brother.    The  king  wa^  at  that  time  paying  his  devotions  at  the 
Sof  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe.    The  tidings  were  received  with  exu^ 
bvthe  court-by  Philip  with  the  stohd  composure  with  which  he  usually 
rLived  acSunts^eith^        the  success  or  the  discomfiture  of  his  ^^^^^^^ 
would  allow  no  public  reioicings  of  any  kind    The  only  way  in  wh^^^^^^^^ 
fied  his  satisfaction  wasV  oftenng  up  thanks  to  God  ^nd  the  Blessed  Yirgn^ 
-to  whom,"  says  the  chronicler,  «he  thought  J^e  cause  should  be  e^^^^^^ 
commended,  a/  one  in  which  more  glory  was  to  be  derived  from  p^c^^^^^^^^ 
frnn.  a  hlrtodv  victorv  "  "    With  such  humane  and  rational  sentiments,  ii  is 
marvellol^^^^^^  not  communicate  them  to  his  brother,  and  thus  spare 

the  atrocious  massacre  of  his  Morisco  vassals  at  Galera. 

But  however  revolting  this  massacre  may  appear  in  our  eyes,  it  sfemea  W) 
have  kt  no  sUin  on  the%utation  of  John  of  Austria  m  t^je  e^es  of  his  o^^ 
tpnir^nraries     In  reviewing  this  campaign,  we  cannot  too  often  caU  to  mina 

!l^,:j:{tsro^r•.^lrl^^»^lf=^ 
E^iScStsi^HSSS^ 

daBo  cue  aquellos  l.ereg.8  hablan  hecUo  ^^^,f  J„  " '^nla  "    Marmol,  Bebelion  de 

virgen  Maria,  encomendanUolea  el  CathoUco 


586  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

threw  a  gloomy  eclat  over  his  achievement,  which  "^^y,  ^^f .^^I»^^^,^^^^^^^ 
arl^  to  its  celebrity     His  own  countrymen,  thmkmg  only  of  the  extraordniaiy 
difficnltii  wS  he  had  overcome,  with   pride  beheld  hnn  entermg  on  a 
snlpS  car^ertha^^  place  his  name  among  those  of  the  great  paladms 

of  the  nS  '  In  Rome  he  was  hailed  as  the  champion  of  ^'hmtendom  ; 
and  it  was  determined  to  offer  him  the  baton  of  ge»erahssmio  of  the  for- 
millT^gue^^^^^  the  pope  was  at  this  time  organizing  against  the  Ottoman 
Empire.** 


CHAPTER  VIIL 

REBELLION  OF  THE   MORISCOES. 

,>    .1      f  r.  ;^^A^    RAnid   Successes  of  Don  John— Submission  of  tho 
Disaster  at  Serop-Death  of ^^  xjda-R^^^^  ,Ue  VVar- 

^x^XoroM^elloors'l^^^^^^^^  t^o  Madrid-Murder  of  Aben-Alx>o-tortunes 

oftheMoriscoes.  1570-1571. 

"^S^ron  was  a  town  of  some  strength,  sitnated  on  th^'i^ a~tn^s?"o1 

number  of  six  thousand,  under  tile  ^onsco  chief  El  Ha^iu,  J^ho^^  d  com 

^n^d^^rf^oM^^^^^^ 

Stt  :XS  ffitSilLKcl^ga"";  way,  though  slowly  and  in 

^'^wfel^f d\la^\r^of  Spanish  infanfr.  ^"^Z't^^'l^T^'^ 
Figueroa,  mMitro  del  camvo,  had  broken  nito  the  town,  an  here  wey  were 

~..CeUf..c..p.r..;;e,on,.ee,u.vo,,,H        ^^^^^'^^^^^^^^Tv^T''''"^- 
par  le  monde,  tant  des  chresiiens  que  des  in-       BrantOme,  uuuvres,  wm.     v 


DISASTER  AT  SERON. 


587 


\ 


bnsilv  occunied  in  phmdering  the  deserted  houses.    This  w^  a  part  of  the 

StLv  nZ^sion  which  the  rude  levies  of  Andalusia  well  understood.    Wlule 

hPv  wprf thS  occi^^^^^         advancing  Moriscoes,  burning  for  revenge,  burst 

L^rstL'etroftrr^^       shouLg  their  ^-rid  -r^r^^^^^^^^^^ 

nn  tViP  niamuders     The  Spaniards,  taken  by  surprise  and  encuii  berea  wim 

heh'bo^  y  otrS  httre%e1istance.'  They  -^^ f?f  .rtrlZr'cotid'i 

ii.  «n  Hireotions     Thev  were  soon  muigled  with  their  retreating  coiuraaes 

ndpr  oSreve^wLre  communicating  their  own  terror,  till  the  confusion 

^^A,ne  ie^eral     It  wal  in  vain  that  Quixada  and  Figueroa,  with  the  other 

"s,'SaVonrero  restore  order.    The  panicstrickeu  soldiers  heard 

"tt'^fiJisTri^ifio^  j"ohf  w'hoZm  his  elevated  post  had  watched  the 
impentog  r  ih   ^J^d  hi  handful  of  brave  followers  abound  him,  and  at  once 
tE  hinie If  into  the  midst  of  the  tumult.    "  What  means  this,  bpaiuaids  < 
he  excS:    "From  whom  are  you  flying  ?    Where  is  the  houourof  fepam  t 
Have  you  not  John  of  Austria,  your  commander,  with  you  ?    Ayeast,  "  ^ou 
retreat,  do  it  like  brave  men,  with  your  rout  to  the  enemy        ^f /^^"tot  of 
His  entreaties,  his  mena^s,  even  his  blows,  «!"f'' 'fj^' ^^i  "/,^  Pfthe 
lilo  sahre  were  uieffectual  to  rouse  anything  like  a  feeling  ot  snaiue  >"  t''e 
riwlrdlv  trwps     The  eflorts  of  his  captains  were  equally  fruitless,  though  m 
Skingthe7they  exposed  their  lives  with  a  reckl^sness  which  co^  some  o 
dear     Figiieroa  was  disabled  by  a  wound  in  the  eg.    9"''^„^'^„^''' 
by  a  iSet-bafl  on  the  left  shoulder,  and  struck  from  te  ^^^^^^"^"/^'i^ 

wlio  was  near,  sprang  to  his  a'«'«ta»"=„a;lll'^^^'^cSe,     In  do  S  this    he 

Fiilli^iMi. 


'  "Que  €9  c8to,  Espafioles?  de  que  huis? 
dfinde  esta  la  honra  de  tspnfta?  No  teneis 
delai.te  &  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  vuestro  capi- 
tan?  de  que  temeis?  Retiraos  con  orden 
como  hombres  de  guerra  con  el  rostro  al  one- 
migo."    Marmoi.  Reljelion  de  Granada,  torn. 

U  D  257 

•^  "Aciidi.'ndo  d  todas  las  necesidades  con 
pellgro  de  su  persona,  porque  le  di<ron  un 
Scopetazo  en  la  cbezasobre  una  celada  f uerte 
que  llevaba,  que  a  no  ser  tan  buena  le  nja- 
tkran."     .Vlarniol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn. 

"■»^Ca?u  de  D.  Juan  de  Austria  al  Key,  19  de 


Febrero,  1570,  MS.-Marmol,  Kebelion  de 
Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  253,  et  ^eq.-Mendoza. 
Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  273.— ViUafane.  Vida 
de  Magdalena  de  Ulloa.— Vanderban.men, 
Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  116,  l\7- 

*  "  Couforme  ^  esto  enteudera  V.  M.  la  poca 
costancia  y  aBcion  que  tienen  a  la  guerra, 
estos  que  la  dejan  al  mejor  tiempo  sin  poder- 
les  reprimir  galeras,  ni  horca  ni  cuantas  diLi- 
genciM  se  ba^en.  Y  plega  a  Dios  que  el  amor 
de  los  bijos  y  parientea  sea  la  causa  y  no 
miedo  de  los  eneniigos."  Carta  de  D  Juan  de 
Austria  al  Rey,  19  de  Febrero,  1570,  Mb. 


588 


REBELLION  OF  THE  MORLSCOES. 


of  Quixada's  accident,  stating  that  the  surgeons  had  made  six  incisions  before 
they  could  ascertain  where  the  ball,  which  had  penetrated  the  shoulder,  wjis 
lodged,  and  that,  with  all  their  efforts,  they  had  as  yet  been  unable  to  extract 
it.  "  I  now  deeply  feel,"  he  says,  "  how  much  1  have  been  indebted  to  his 
military  experience,  his  diligence  and  care,  and  how  important  his  preservation 
is  to  the  service  of  jrour  majesty.  I  trust  in  God  he  may  be  permitted  to 
regain  his  health,  which  is  now  in  a  critical  condition." ' 

In  his  reply  to  this  letter,  the  king  expressed  his  sense  of  the  great  loss 
which  both  he  and  his  brother  woidd  sustain  by  the  death  of  Quixada.  "  You 
will  keep  me  constantly  advised  of  the  state  of  his  health,"  he  says.  "  I  know 
well  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  impress  upon  you  the  necessity  of  watching 
carefully  over  him."    Philip  did  not  let  the  occasion  pass  for  administering  a 

fentle  rebuke  to  Don  John  for  so  lightly  holding  the  promise  he  had  made  to 
im  from  Galera,  not  again  to  expose  llimself  heedlessly  to  danger.  "  When 
I  think  of  your  narrow  escape  at  Seron,  I  cannot  express  the  pain  I  have  felt 
at  your  rashly  incurring  such  a  risk.  In  war,  every  one  should  confine  him- 
self to  the  duties  of  his  own  station  ;  nor  should  the  general  affect  to  play  the 
part  of  the  soldier,  any  more  than  the  soldier  that  of  the  general." " 

It  seems  to  have  been  a  conmion  opinion  that  Don  John  was  more  fond  of 
displaying  his  personal  prow&ss  than  became  one  of  his  high  rank  ;  in  short, 
that  he  showed  more  the  qualities  of  a  knight-errant  than  those  of  a  great 
commander.' 

Meanwhile,  Quixada's  wound,  which  from  the  first  had  been  attended  with 
alarming  symptoms,  grew  so  much  worse  as  to  batHe  all  the  skill  of  the 
surgeons.  His  sufferings  were  great,  and  every  hour  he  grew  weaker.  Before 
a  week  had  elapsed,  it  became  evident  that  his  days  were  numbered. 

The  good  knight  received  the  intelligence  with  composure,— for  he  did  not 
fear  death.  He  had  not  the  happiness  in  this  solemn  hour  to  have  her  near 
him  on  whose  conjugal  love  and  tenderness  he  had  reposed  for  so  many  years.* 
But  the  person  whom  he  cherished  next  to  his  wife,  Don  John  of  Austria,  was 
by  his  bed-side,  watching  over  him  ^vith  the  afiectionate  solicitude  of  a  son, 
and  ministering  those  kind  offices  which  soften  the  bitterness  of  death.  The 
dying  man  retained  his  faculties  to  the  last,  and  dictated,  though  he  had  not 
the  strength  to  sign,  a  letter  to  the  king,  re(iuesting  some  favour  for  his  widow 
in  consideration  of  his  long  services.  He  then  gave  himself  up  wholly  to  his 
spiritual  concerns ;  and  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  February,  1570,  he  gently 
expired,  in  the  arms  of  his  foster-son. 
Quixada  received  a  soldier's  funeral    His  obsequies  were  celebrated  with 


'  Carta  de  D.  Juan  de  Austila  al  Rey,  19  de 
Febrero,  1570,  MS. 

•  "  C^ue  c  .da  uno  ha  de  hacer  au  oficio  y  no 
el  general  de  Boldado,  ni  el  soldado  el  de 
general."  CarU  del  Rey  d  D.  Juan  de  Austria, 
24  de  Febrero,  1570.  MS. 

'  One  evidence  of  this  is  afforded  by  the 
frankness  of  his  friend  Ruy  Gomez  de  Silva. 
"'  La  primera."  he  writes  to  Don  John,  ''que 
por  cuanto  V.  Ex.»  estu  reputado  de  atrevido  y 
de  hombre  que  qulere  mas  gaiiar  creditn  de 
soldado  que  de  general,  que  mude  este  e«tllo 
y  se  deje  gobernar."  (Carta  de  4  de  Marzo, 
1670,  MS.)  It  is  to  Don  John's  credit  that,  in 
his  reply,  he  thanks  Ruy  Gomez  warmly  for 
his  admonition,  and  begs  his  monitor  to  re- 
prove him  without  hesitation  whenever  he 
deems   it  necessary,   since,    now   that   bis 


guardian  is  gone,  there  is  no  other  wlio  can 
take  this  liberty.  Carta  de  D.  Juan  de 
Austria  ^  Ruy  Gomez  de  Silva,  MS. 

-  According  to  Villalafie,  Dofia  Magdalena 
left  Madrid  on  learning  her  husband's  illness, 
and  travelled  with  such  despatch  that  she 
arrived  in  time  to  receive  his  last  sighs.  Hita 
also  speaks  of  her  presence  at  his  bedside. 
But,  as  seven  days  only  elapsed  between  the 
datP!  of  the  knight's  wound  and  that  of  his 
death,  one  fimlsit  difficult  to  believe  that  this 
could  have  allowed  time  for  the  courier  who 
brought  the  tidings,  and  for  the  lady  after- 
wards, whether  in  the  saddle  or  litter,  to  have 
travelled  a  distance  of  over  four  hundred  and 
fifty  miles,  along  execrable  roads,  with  much 
of  the  way  lying  through  the  wild  paases  of 
the  Alpujarrafl. 


DEATH  OF  QUIXADA. 


580 


,he  military  pon,p  suited  to  W-'-tnuerftUu^J^'^^rdXi^ett 
whole  army,  with  arms  reversed  ^:^^^l''^^''t:^'^l^^^^  in  Caniles  ;  and  "  we 

&tt^  t  SS;i:srl;:t'irX"ukra  v-^iaut  soldier  the  battie. 

of  the  faith." '  .  ■,     niorfinet  in  enforcing  discipline. 

Quixada  was  austere  in  l»s  ^^a»«e^^.^"^,,?.J^*^  f  ^ol^^^^^^  so  many  gene- 
He  was  loyal  in  his  natuve,  of  spotless  i"tegnty'  and  V^^^^  his "on^rades ; 
rous  and  knightly  qualities  that  he  c^^^^^^^ed  ^^^  John,  a  iey^f 

and  the  regret  for  his  loss  was  universal   .^  thaTai  v^etter  froni  yoi  could 
days  after  the  event,  remarks,  'I  did  not  think  ^^at  ai^^^^^^^^  of  Quixada. 

have  given  me  so  much  pam  as  that  acq»f  "^tmg  n  e  wrth  th  H      ^^^^ 

p&t?eirdif^?^fV^^^^^^ 

Ser  lord's  decease,  Don  John  wrote  to  £»"» /^^"^i, "ss  of  his  heart : 
letter  of  afiectionate  7}'i"'«"^;i;^XX  slS^  and  «^fe  V  of  his  son,  and 
"  Luis  died  as  became  huu,  hghtin«  foi  tne  «  ""^  ~'         j  -^,^^11  y^  i  owe  to 

covered  with  immortal  honour,  ^''^.^.^i^^ien  ifa^^^^^^^^^^^^  Wrth.  Dear 
him  by  whom  I  was  formed,  or  f  at^^^.J^f  "^"  "  j^  you  indeed  do  I  of 
sorrowins  widowed  mother  -  I  only  am  lef    *» jo'^^^'"'^,  ^^^seken  with  this 

^  ^t^  y^^^l^^l^:^^  «:^i:rSt"a^i 

KToirJ  ^^  ;;^f  ^SrI;.!Xlc  your  son  from  these 

wars  to  your  bosom."  "   .     ,  ,      ,    ^u„r^A  manv  vpars  emDloyinff  her  time  in 
Dona  Magdalena  survived  her  husband  many  v^^^^^^  ^^  ^^^^^ 

acte  of  charity  and  devotion.,  ^^^l^  ^h"  ^  ter  abo^jS^  did  he 

filial  tenderness  which  he  evmces  in  the  l«^\t^^^^^^^  to  his  mother, 

leave  the  comitrv  or  return  to  i^^jj^out  hrst  ^^^^^^  |         ^^.^^^^  ^^.^^^  . 

&-  ^o^of^t^^uL^f  Jir.%,In^^  behind  her  a  reputation 

gnardian,  collected  lu  whole  ''t/f  >>^'' *Xr  ^X  so  forn  dabll  a  force,  l*d 
lut  the  enemy,  shru.kmg  from  an  encounter  wim  so  lori 
Zndoned  the'place  before  the  anproach  of  he  bp^^^^^^  ^^^^^^ 

niander  soon  afterenwuntered  ElHaba*^ium^^^^^^^^  .^,.     ^^^^ 

°  .-  «     .     j-1  r» a  rk    Tiion  Ac  Austria.  3d< 


•  «'Creemo8  piadosamente  que  el  alma  de 
T)  LuiSiria  al  cielo  con  el  olorosonicienso 
?ue^^  quemo  en  los  altares  de  f  •  ^eronimo 
Soraue  siempre  habia  empleado  la  v^a  en 
War  contra  enemigos  de  nuestra  santa  fe,  y 
El'S  tS  muriTbltallando  con  ellos  c^^^ 
&do  valrroso."  Hita.  Guerras  de  Granada, 
torn.  ii.  p-  48'- 


'<>  Carta  del  Rey  k  D.  Juan  de  Austria,  3de 

Marzo,  1570,  MS.  ,  .  a  v.„  oirKnir  from 

"  The  letter  is  translated  by  Stirling  rro°J 
a  manuscript,  entitled  "JoannisAustriaci 
Vita,  auctore  Ant-nio  Ossorio  inji^e  ^»- 
tioSl  Library  at  Madrid  See  Cloister  Life  of 
Charles  the  Fifth  (Am.  ed.),  p.  28&. 


590  REBELLION  OF  TUB  MORISCOES. 

coes,  availing  themselv^  °^Kt""4i*%'S^^^^^^^^^ 
and  succeedea,  «]  ^O"*  "JH'^^  »f 'fX^ed  b^^         of  Vurchena. .  In  a  short 
s egers."    The  fall  of  lijpla  ^^*» J""""™. j'  ,,   -nd  the  v  ctonous  general, 
tinTe  the  whole  Rio  de  A'n'a'f"'^*  J?^  °lu"  "i  *restablkhedhis  quarters, 
crossing  the  «o"tV,'^»*'e"\^;t// ^W  tto  Seu5  from  Andarax. 
on  thelecond  of  May,  at  Pa<l"'f '  *'^"":;,"iS  JSi  >ly  hv  Don  John's  supe- 
These  raj.id  successes  are  "»*  *°  ^^,^X  '^^6  cL     Ailip  had  turned  a 
riority  over  the  enemy  in  strength  or  >'''A»  ^ ,f 'T'^^.g    ,^11  st  the  Turk,  in 
"avouUle  ear  to  the  pope's  y'^'^^tf "  ^^hf^'^i'S'Slan^d^r-i-.-chi^  offered 
which  he  «as  co'"}''""e"'«*l,^y  *'*T,?  »^^j  P"';  °'    i,,g  i„  a  new  war  it  wa^ 
to  liis  brother,  John  of  Austria.    I*"*  ^/"[f.  .'^  !f  ,h,ich  he  was  involved  with 
most  desirable  for  him  to  be  '^e'^'^f^ ''°"  XL' Ve  w^  spirit  of  that  race 
the  Moriscoes     He  liad  »''^^''''X,^f\if  St  bf  force  woufd  be  a  work  of 
to  1«  satisfied  that  to  accomp  ish  his  object  ^X 'o^J«     j;^    therefore,  was 

greater  time  than  he  could  well  a''«™;  J^.'^f.^"  k  J/S  much  condemned 
fo  have  recourse  to  the  concilia  oryp^^^^^^^  ,,„t 

in  the  marouis  "f^KiTv  weary  of  td^dom^^^^^^  and  longing  for  a 

to  Don  John,  who,  heartily  weary  oi  "'■»  ■ .    jj^ther's  views.    Secret 

wider  theatre  of  action,  e"t*'^«^..rtyHatenuT  the  Morisco  chief,  who 
negotiations  were  soon  opened  with  El  Hahanui,^!^^^^^^  left  him  in 

rec^iv«l  the  otier  of  ^f  l"  t«"Vt^°^ 'Xlu^fow^intSa^^  As  a  prelimi- 
BO  doubt,  at  least,  a?  to  "  "^h  ippo  t  from  the  plac^  in  the  Rio  de 
nary  step,  he  "f ,  to/.rTar  brought  within  the  narrower  range  of  the 

ilrrjS,'n^^t«e%:f|d^^^^^ 

^r'A^e^  had!t. -  raite\f  Sntt^^^  into  subjection  with  Utt.e 

cost  of  life  to  the  Spaniards.  nroclamation,  promising  an  entire 

Don  John  followed  this  up  \f'^jfj^^^^^^^  tender  their  sub- 

amnesty  for  the  past  to  all  ^1;  ;^^,^^    ",^1"^^^^^^^  ^hich  had  moved 

:^^ o7Sr^i  Cd^r  VZr^^L'T^:t^^^  PuI  to  the  sword  with- 

out  mercy.  nrnrlamation  we  are  not  informed.    It  was 

What  was  the  effect  of  the  PJ^?'^"^^7^^ mi/p  rT_„:^         distressed  as  they 

probably  not  such  as  had  been  anticii)ated.M  ^^^^  j,^> 

wre,  did  not  trust  the  P^O""«^%^f,^^f^^^^^^^^ 

John,  who  had  now  received  ^  reniforcenieit  o  t^^o  tnou^^^^^        ,       ^.^^^  ^^^ 

his  a;my  into  detachments  with  ordered  s^^^^^^^^^^  j^  ^^  the 

inhabitants  in  a  way  that  ^^hould  compel  them  to  ^s^^^^^^^^  ^.^^ 

wretched  pea^^antry  as  had  taken  f  J  §«  j"  *^^"„;f  X'^^^^^^^  with  their 

shot  and  slTell  and  slaugh  ered  by  ^^^^^^r^^^^  out  by  their 

ho'S^^^t^h^  «- K^^^^^  employed  by  the 

governmenffor  thf  reduction  of  the  rebels." 


'«  Tfiola  is  the  scene  of  the  story,  familiar 
to  every  L.ver  of  Castllian  romance  and  bf-tter 
sn.teiTo  romance  than  history,  ^^he  ^^I^PI 
Tuzanl  and  his  unfortunate  mistreps,  the 
Stiful  Moleha.    It  form,  a  most  pleasing 


episode  inHits'fl  second  volume  (pp.  523-540), 
ami  is  translatfd  with  pathos  and  d' l»<^a7^^y 
Circourt,  Hist,  des  Arabes  d'Espagne,  torn, 
iii.  p.  345,  et  seq.  ,, 

»  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  GranadA,  torn.  U. 


RAPID  SUCCESSES  OF  DON  JOHN. 


591 


i 


1 


Meanwhile,  the  duke  of  Sesa  had  Uken  the  field  on  the  northern  border  of 
the  Alpuiarras,  with  an  army  of  ten  thousand  foot  and  two  thousand  horse. 
H^Va^  op^^^^^^^       Abeu-Aboo  with  a  force  which  in  point  of  numbers  was 
not  inferior  to  his  own.    The  two  commanders  adopted  the  same  policy ; 
avSpTtch^db^^        and  confining  themselves  to  the  ^esulto^^^^^ 
guerilla  warfare,-to  skirmishes  and  surprises ;  while  each  eideavoured  to  dis- 
tress his  adversary  by  cutting  off  his  convoys  and  by  ^^f  "?,5^J,Xri^ 
with  tire  and  sword.    The  Morisco  chief  had  an  advantage  m  the  familiarity 
of  Ws  men  with  this  wild  mountain-fighting,  and  in  their  better  knowledge  of 
?he  intTacies  of  the  country.    But  this  was  far  more  than  — 
by  the  superiority  of  the  Spaniards  in  n"htary  organL^tion   «^^dj^y  their 
possession  of  cavalry,  artillery,  and  nmskets,  in  all  of  which  the  ^]Jo^\^>"S  ^^J« 
lamentably  deficient.    Thus,  although  no  great  battle  ^as  won  by  the  U  m 
tianl  although  they  were  sorely  annoyed,  and  their  convoys  of  provisions 
Suen  r^t  off,  ^y  the  skirniishing-parties  of  the  enemy,  they  contmued 
sS^To  advance,^driving  the  Moriscoes  before  them,  and  s^^^^^ 
permanency  of  their  conquests  by  plantin-  ^\hne  of  forts, jeH^^^^^^^^^^ 
ftlnnir  thp  wasted  territory  n  the  r  rear.    By  the  beginning  of  xMay  tlie  auKe 
o  TesL  had'SiS^^^^^^  Lrders  of  the  Meaiterranean  anS  ^^^^^^ 
his  forces,  greatly  diminished  by  desertion,  to  those  of  Don  John  of  Austna  at 

^^NSltions  during  this  time  had  been  resumed  with  ^El  Habaqui,  who, 
with  the  kSedg^^  if  not  the  avowed  sanction  of  Al^n-Aboo,  had  come  to  a 
Xce  called  Fondon'de  Andarax,  not  far  distant  froni  the  head-quarters  of  the 
ipauish  commander-in-chief.    He  was  accompanied  by  ^^f/f  «Vw^^^^^^^^^^^^ 
Moriscoes  who  were  to  take  part  in  the  discus.sions.    On  the  thirteentn  oi 
M^v  thev  were  met  by  the  deputies  from  the  Castilian  camp,  and  the  confer- 
S  w  Joined     It  soon  appeared  that  the  demands  of  tlie  Moriscoes  were 
whollvtnXissible.    They  insisted  not  only  on  a  general  amnesty  but  that 
thinil  Jhould  be  restored  to  the  situation  in  which  they  were  before  the  edicte 
of  ™iiD  the  Secmid  had  given  rise  to  the  rebellion.    The  .Moonsh  comm  s- 
sbne    were  iiX       undersfeind  that  they  were  to  negotiate  only  on  the 
footfn^Jf  a  conquered  race.    They  were  advised  to  prepare  a  memorial  pre- 
ferr  uf  such  reqSs  as  might  be  fea^sonably  granted  ;  and  they  were  oft^r^ 
the  services  ofl  an  de  Soto,  Don  John's  secretary,  to  aid  them  in  drafting  the 
docuuS     The;  were  counselled,  moreover,  to  «ee  their  master,  Aben-Aboo, 
and  obtain  full  powers  from  him  to  conclude  a  definitive  treaty 

Aben  Aboo,  ever  since  his  elevation  to  the  stormy  sovereignty  of  the  Alpu- 
iflrVj^  had  maintained  his  part  with  a  spirit  worthy  of  his  cause  But  as  he 
IXld  t^wn  afte^^^^^^^  his  Httle  empire,  his  people  butchered 

of  wepU    0^  K  hurned  and  wasted,  until  the  fairest  portions 

werrconverted  into  a  wilderness,-above  all,  when  he  saw  that  his  cause 
TxcTted  no  sympathy  in  the  bosoms  of  the  Mosleni  prmces,  on  whose  support 
hfwiniainlv  relied  --he  felt  more  and  more  satisfied  of  the  hopelessness  of  a 
,^i  wfth  ^thP  Smnish  monarchy.  His  officers,  and  indeed  the  neople  at 
Wgthadtm^^^^^^^  >  ^»d  nothing  but  an  intense  Wtred  of 


nn  290-320,  340-346.— Vanderhammon.  Don 
Jukn  de  Austria,  fol.  119,  et  seq.-Ferreias, 
Hist.  d'Kspagne,  torn.  x.  p.  170.  et  seq. 

•♦  Mendoza,  Guerra  de  Granada,  p.  271,  et 
eeq.-Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada,  torn.  n. 
pp.  283-289,  3"3-315.  321,  et  seq. -In  a  letter 
without  date,  of  the  duke  of  ^"a.  fo'-™'"^ 
part  of  a  mass  of  correspondence  which  1  was 


po  fortunate  as  to  obtain  from  the  collection  at 
Holland  House,  he  insists  on  starvation  as  a 
much  more  »«fectual  means  of  reducing  the 
en.  my  than  the  sword :  ••  Esta  guerra  parece 
que  no  puede  acabarse  por  medio  mas  cierto 
que  el  de  la  hambre  que  necesitara  a  los  cne- 
migos  a  rendirse  6  perecer,  y  esta  los  acabara 
priiiicro  que  el  espada."    MS. 


592  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

the  Spaniards,  and  a  distmst  of  their  good  faith,  had  P^^^^.^^^^J""^'^^ 
from  throwing  down  their  arms  and  accepting  the  prora  ses  of  grace  which 
hJlien  hekl  out  to  them.  The  disastrous  result  of  the  recent  campa^n 
against  the  duke  of  Sesa  tended  still  further  to  the  discouragement  of  the 
Kco  chief ;  and  El  Haba<iui  and  his  associates  returned  w^^^^^^^^^^ 
from  their  master  to  arrange  terms  of  accommodation  with  the  Spaniards 

On  the  nineteenth  of  May  the  commissioners  from  each  side  again  niet  at 
Fondon  de  Andarax.  A  memorial  drafted  by  Juan  de  Soto  was  laid  be^re 
Don  John,  whose  quarters,  as  we  have  seen,  were  in  the  ininjediate  neigh- 
bourhood. No  copy  of  tlie  instrument  has  been  preserved,  or  at  least 
none  has  been  published.  From  the  gracious  answer  returned  by  the  prince, 
we  may  infer  that  it  contained  nothing  deemed  objectionable  by  the  con- 

^^The  deputies  were  not  long  in  agreeing  on  terms  of  accommodAtion,-^r 
rather  of  submission.  It  was  settled  that  the  Moriscocantain  should  proceed 
to  the  Christian  camp,  and  there,  presenting  himself  before  the  commander- 
in-chief,  should  humbly  crave  forgiveness  and  tender  submission  on  behalf  of 
his  nation  ;  that  in  return  for  this  act  of  humiliation  a  general  amnesty  should 
be  granted  to  his  countrymen,  who,  though  they  were  no  longer  to  be  allowed 
to  occupy  the  Alpujari-as,  would  be  protected  by  the  government  wherever 
they  might  be  removed.  More  important  concessions  were  made  to  Aben- 
At)00  and  El  Haba^iui.  The  last-mentioned  chief,  as  the  chronicler  tells  us, 
obtained  all  that  he  asked  for  his  master,  as  well  as  jor  himself  and  his 
friends."  Such  politic  concessions  by  the  Spaniards  had  doubtless  their  influ- 
ence in  opening  tlie  eves  of  the  Morisco  leaders  to  the  folly  of  protracting  the 
war  in  their  present  desperate  circumstances.  i  j  j  r^i  tj  v. 

The  same  evening  on  which  the  arrangement  was  concluded,  hi  Habaqui 
proceeded  to  his  interview  with  the  Spanish  commander  He  was  accom- 
panied by  one  only  of  the  Morisco  deputies.  The  others  declined  to  witness 
the  spectacle  of  their  nation's  humiliation.  He  was  attended,  however,  bv  a 
body  of  three  hundred  arquebusiers.  On  entering  the  Christian  lines,  his 
Uttle  company  was  surrounded  by  four  regiments  of  Castihan  infantry  ana 
escorted  to  the  presence  of  John  of  Austria,  who  stood  before  his  tent, 
attended  by  his  officers,  from  whom  his  princely  bearing  made  him  easily 

yrSabaqui,  alighting  from  his  horse  and  prostrating  himself  before  the 
prince,  exclaimed,  "Mercy  !  We  implore  your  highness,  in  the  name  of  his 
maiesty,  to  show  us  mercy,  and  to  pardon  our  transgressions,  which  we 
acknowledge  have  been  great ! " '«  Then  unsheathing  his  scimitar,  he  pre- 
sented it  to  Don  John,  saying  that  he  surrendered  his  arms  to  his  majesty  in 
the  name  of  Aben-Aboo  and  the  rebel  chiefs  for  whom  he  was  empowered  to 
act.  At  the  same  time  the  secretary,  Juan  de  Soto,  who  had  borne  the 
Moorish  banner,  given  him  by  El  Habaqui,  on  the  point  of  his  lance,  cast  it 
on  the  ground  before  the  feet  of  the  prince.  The  whole  scene  niade  a  striking 
picture,  in  which  the  proud  conqueror,  standing  with  the  trophies  of  victory 
around  him,  looked  down  on  the  representative  of  the  conquered  race,  as  he 
crouched  in  abject  submission  at  his  feet.  Don  John,  the  predominant  hgure 
in  the  tableau,  by  his  stately  demeanour  tempered  with  a  truly  royal  courtesy, 


'•  ••  Con  eatas  cosas  y  otras  particulares  que 
El  Habaqui  pidio  para  Aben  Ab<K),  y  para  los 
amigos,  y  para  sf  mismo,  que  todas  se  le  con- 
c  dieron."  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada, 
torn.  ii.  p.  360. 


'•  "  Mlsericordia,  Sefior,  misericordfa  nos 
conceda  vuestra  Alteza  en  nombre  de  su 
Magestad,  y  perdon  de  nuestras  culpas,  que 
conocemos  haber  sido  graves."  Marmol,  Re- 
belion de  Granada,  torn.  li.  p.  361. 


I 


( 


SUBMISSION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


593 


reminded  the  old  soldiers  of  his  father  the  emperor,  and  they  exclaimed, 
"  This  is  the  true  son  of  Charles  the  Fifth  ! '  , .  ,  r        ^u  a 

StooSng  forward,  he  graciously  raised  the  Morisco  chief  from  the  ground, 
anrretuniing  him 'his  sword,  b/de  him  employ  it  henceforth  m  the  service  of 
the  king     TlTe  ceremony  was  closed  by  flourishes  of  trumpets  and  salvoes  of 

"la^qVi^tS^^^^^ 

he  met  with  every  attention,  was  feasted  and  caressed  by  the  principal  officers, 

and  wL  even'ente^^^^       atk  banquet  by  the  bishop  of  Guadix     He  received 

however,  as  we  have  seen,  something  more  substantial  than  compliments   Und^^ 

?hese  circumstances  it  was  natural  that  he  should  ^«c,«?J,«^^"A^^ 

and  suspicion  to  the  Moriscoes.   It  was  soon  whispered  that  El  Habaqui,  m^^^ 

negotiations  with  the  Christians,  had  been  more  mmdful  of  his  own  mterests 

than  of  those  of  his  countrymen."  x  i  *.    ^.i,     .«i««o  ,^«  vi^o 

Indeed,  the  Moriscoes  had  little  reason  to  congratulate  themselves  on  the 
result  of  a  treaty  which  left  them  in  the  same  forlorn  and  degraded  condition 
Is  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebemon,-which  m  one  importent  respec^ 
fndS  left  them  in  I  worse  condition,  since  they  were  hencef9rth  to  become 
exiles  from  the  homes  of  their  fathers.  Yet,  cruet  and  p  tiable  m  the  extreme 
I^  wis  the  situation  of  the  Moriscoes,  the  Spanish  monks,  as  pori  John  com^ 
nLinT  to  his  brother,  inveighed  openly  in  their  pulpits  against  the  benignity 
ffmercv  of  the  king;^-  and  this  too,  he  adds,  when  it  should  rather  have 
bel  thefr  duty  tb  intercede  for  poor  wretches  who  for  the  most  part  had 
Sed  through  ignorance."  The  ecclesiastic  on  whom  his  censure  most 
hrvilyfalff  Deza,-a  man  held  in  such  abhorrence  by  the 

Al^risroes  L  to  have  been  one  principal  cause  of  their  insurrection ;  and  he 
beseeches  th^  Snf  to  consult  the  interests  of  Granada  by  bestowing  on  him  a 
SpricVor  somi  0^^^^^  dignity,  which  may  remove  him  from  tEe  present 

'""Among  t\o1f  d^^^^  at  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  a.  it  soon  app^red^ 

wa^Abel-Aboo  himself.    At  first  he  afiected  to  sanction  it,  and  Pfojnised  to 
dfail  he  could  to  enforce  its  execution.    But  he  soon  cooled  and  throwing 
the  Lme  on  VhS      declared  that  this  officer  had  exceeded  his  powers 
made  a  alse  re^^^^  tolim  of  his  negotiations,  and  sacrificed  thejnterests  of 
The  nation  to  ^^  own  ambition.-    The  attention.  1^^^^^^^^ 
♦hP  Snaniards   his  early  correspondence  with  them,  and  the  noerai  conces 
sbns  Sd  to  hirby  the  treaty,  furnished  plausible  grounds  for  such  an 

^'iSng  to  the  Spanish  accounts,  however,  Aben-Aboo  at  this  time 
rece'vXa  reinforcement  of  two  hundred  soldiers  from  Barbary,  with  the 
assurance  that  he  would  soon  have  more  effectual  aid  from  Afnca.    This,  we 

not  forget  Deza's  eminent  serviceB.  He  bo- 
came  one  of  the  richest  cardinals,  passing  the 
remainder  of  his  days  in  Rome,  where  be 
built  a  sumptuous  palace  for  his  residence. 
(Cronica  de  Espafia,  p.  753.)  Unfortunately, 
this  happy  preferment  did  not  take  place  till 
some  time  later,— too  late  for  the  poor  Moris- 
coes to  profit  by  it. 

»'  "  Que  el  Habaqui  habia  mirado  mal  por 
el  bien  comun,  contentandose  con  lo  que  sola- 
niente  Don  Juan  de  Austria  le  habia  querido 
conceder,  y  procurando  el  bleii  y  proveci^ 
para  si  y  para  sus  deudos."  Marmol,  Ke- 
belion  de  Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  390. 

2  Q 


"■'  The  fullest  account  of  these  proceedings 
is  to  be  found  in  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Gra- 
nada, tom.  ii.  pp- 355-362. 

'■   "Predicando  en  los  pulpites  publica- 
mente  contra  la  benignidad  y  clemencia  que 
V.   M.  ha  manda<lo  usar  con  esta   genie. 
Carta  de  D.  Juan  de  Austria  al  Rey,  7  de 
Junio,  1570,  MS. 

'»  "Que  los  religioBos  que  habrlan  de  inter- 
ceder  con  V.  M.  por  estos  miserables,  que 
cierto  la  mayor  parte  ha  pecado  con  ignoran- 
cia,  hagan  su  esfuerzo  en  reprender  la  cle- 
mencia."    Ibid.  I.  j:j 

»«  "  The  wise  king,"  as  Bleda  tells  us, "  did 


S: 


594  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

are  told,  changed  his  views.  Nor  is  it  impossible  that  the  Morisco  chief,  as 
the  hou;  approached,  found  it  a  more  dithcult  matter  than  he  had  anticij  ated 
to  resign  his  royal  state  and  descend  into  the  common  rank  and  file  of  the 
vassals  of  Castile,-the  degraded  caste  of  Moorish  vassals,  whose  condition 

was  little  above  that  of  serfs.  i.   j-      •  *„j   v.^  +v,o 

However  this  may  be,  the  Spanish  camp  was  much  disquieted  by  Uie 
rumoui-s  which  came  in  of  Aben-Aboo's  vacillation.  It  w^as  even  reported 
that,  far  from  endeavouring  to  enforce  the  execution  of  the  treaty,  ne  was 
secretly  encouraging  his  people  to  further  re.-istance.  No  one  felt  more  indig- 
nant at  his  conduct  than  El  Habaqui,  who  had  now  become  a^  loyal  a  subject 
as  any  other  in  Philip's  dominions.  Not  a  little  personal  resentment  anus 
mingled  with  his  feeling  towards  Aben-Aboo ;  and  he  '^f^y^^^'^.P'''},^^]^' 
would  place  him  at  the  head  of  a  detachment,  to  go  himself,  brave  the  Morisco 
prince  in  his  own  quarters,  and  bring  him  as  a  prisoner  to  the  camp.  i;on 
Solm,  though  putting  entire  confidence  in  El  Habaqui's  hdelitv,"  Pi;eferred 
insteid  of  men,  to  give  him  money ;  and  he  placed  eight  fiun^red  gold 
ducats  in  his  hands,  to  enable  him  to  raise  the  necessary  levies  among  his 

^^^Thiinortified,  El  Habaqui  set  out  for  the  head-quarters  of  Aben-Aboo,  at 
his  ancient  residence  in  Mecina  de  Bombaron.  On  the  second  day  the  Monaco 
captain  fell  in  with  a  party  of  his  countrymen  lingering  idly  by  the  way,  and 
Kquired,  with  an  air  of  authority,  why  they  did  not  go  and  tender  their 
submission  to  the  Spanish  authorities,  as  others  had  done.  Ihey  repl  ed  they 
were  waiting  for  their  master's  orders.  To  this  El  Haba^ui  rejoined.  All  are 
bound  to  submit;  and  if  Aben-Aboo,  on  his  part,  shows  unwillii|gn^^^^^^ 
so,  I  will  arrest  him  at  once  and  drag  him  at  my  horse's  tad  to  the  Christian 
camp."  "    This  foolish  vaunt  cost  the  braggart  his  Me.         ,  ,  ^,  .    . 

One  of  the  party  instantly  repaired  to  Mecina  and  reported  the  words  to 
Aben-Aboo.  The  Morisco  prince,  overjoved  at  the  prospect  of  having  his 
enemy  in  his  power,  immediately  sent  a  detachment  oi&  hundred  and  Wt^r 
Turks  to  seize  the  offender  and  bring  him  to  Mecina.  They  found  El  Habaciui 
at  Burchal,  where  his  family  were  living.  The  night  had  set  in  when  the 
chieftain  received  tidings  of  the  approach  of  the  Turks  ;  and  under  cover  of 
the  darkness  he  succeeded  in  making  his  escape  into  the  neighbounng  moun- 
tains. The  ensuing  morning  the  soldiers  followed  closely  on  his  track  ;  and 
it  was  not  long  before  they  descried  a  person  skulking  among  the  rocks,  whose 
white  mantle  and  crimson  turban  proved  him  to  be  the  object  of  their 
pursuit.  He  was  immediately  arrested  and  carried  to  Mecina.  His  sentence 
was  already  passed.  Aben-Aboo,  upbraiding  him  with  his  treachery,  ordered 
him  to  be  removed  to  an  adjoining  room,  where  he  was  soon  after  strangled 
His  corpse,  denied  the  rites  of  burial,  having  been  first  rolled  m  a  mat  of 
reeds,  was  ignominiously  thrown  into  a  sewer  ;  and  the  fate  of  the  unhappy 
man  was  kept  a  secret  for  more  than  a  month."  _        .4.1,^  o^„«;oV, 

His  absence,  after  some  time,  naturally  excited  suspicions  in  the  ^pamsh 
camp.  A  cavalier,  known  to  Aben-Aboo,  wrote  to  him  to  obtain  mformation 
respecting  El  Habaqui,  and  was  told  in  answer,  by  the  wdy  prince,  that  he 

"  "En  lo  que  &  esto  toca,  no  tengo  mas  no  lo  hlciese,  le  Uevaria  el  af^^o  .^J*  «'^* ']'« 

prendas  que  la  palabra  del  Hahaquf.  el  cual  8U  caballo."    Martnol.  Rebel.on  de  Granada, 

me  Dodria  eneafiar  ;  poro  certifico  -1 V.  M.  que  torn,  ii  p.  392.                      »          ♦„  „  ^.^T^^A 

™  sHianera  de  proJeder  me  paresce  hombre  "  "  Lo  hizo  abogar  secrotamente,  y  mand6 

que  tracta  verdad.  y  tal  fama  tiene."    Carta  .echar  el  cuerpo  en  un  mu  adar  envuelto  en  un 

de  D.  Juan  de  Austria  al  Key.  21  de  Mayo.  zarzo  de  cafias.  donde  estuvo  mas  de  treint* 

1570  Sis  dia"  sin  saberse  de  su  raueite."    Marmol,  Ue- 

■■"' '"  Qiie  quando  Aben  Aboo  de  su  voluntad  beliou  de  Granada,  torn.  ii.  p.  393. 


STERN  TEMPER  OF  ABEN-ABOO. 


595 


had  been  arrested  and  placed  in  custody  for  his  treacherous  conduct,  but 
that  his  family  and  friends  need  be  under  no  alarm,  as  he  was  perfectly  safe. 
Aben-Aboo  hinted,  moreover,  that  it  would  be  well  to  send  to  him  some  confi- 
dential person  with  whom  he  might  arrange  the  particulars  of  the  treaty,— 
as  if  these  had  not  been  already  settled.  After  some  further  delay,  Don 
John  resolved  to  desi)atch  an  agent  to  ascertain  the  real  dispositions  of  the 
Moriscoes  towards  the  Christians,  and  to  penetrate,  if  possible,  the  mystery 
that  hung  round  the  fate  of  El  Habaqui. 

The  envoy  selected  was  Hernan  Vaile  de  Palacios,  a  cavalier  possessed  of  a 
coui-ageous  heart,  yet  tempered  by  a  caution  that  well  fitted  him  for  the 
delicate  and  perilous  ofiice.  On  the  thirteenth  of  July  he  set  out  on  his 
mission.  On  the  way  he  encountered  a  Morisco,  a  kinsman  of  the  late 
monarch,  Aben-Humeya,  and  naturally  no  friend  to  Aben-Aboo.  He  was 
ac(iuainted  with  the  particulars  of  El  Habaqui's  murder,  of  which  he  gave  full 
details  to  Palacios.  He  added  that  the  Morisco  prince,  far  from  acquiescing 
in  the  recent  treaty,  was  doing  all  in  his  power  to  prevent  its  execution.  He 
could  readily  muster,  at  short  notice,  said  the  informer,  a  force  of  five  thousand 
men,  well  armed,  and  provisioned  for  three  months  ;  and  he  was  using  all  his 
etibrts  to  obtain  further  reinforcements  from  Algiers. 

Instructed  in  these  particulars,  the  envoy  resumed  his  journey.  He  was 
careful,  however,  first  to  obtain  a  safe-conduct  from  Aben-Aboo,  which  was 
promptly  sent  to  him.  On  reaching  Mecina,  he  found  the  place  occupied  by 
a  body  of  five  hundred  arquebusiers  ;  but  by  the  royal  order  he  was  aUowed 
to  pass  unmolested.  Before  entering  the  presence  oi  "  the  little  kinff  of  the 
Alpujarras,"  as  Aben-Aboo,  like  his  predecessor,  was  familiarly  styled  by  the 
Spaniards,  Palacios  was  carefully  searched,  and  such  weapons  as  he  earned 

about  him  were  taken  away.  ,       at      •  u    •  i 

He  found  Aben-Aboo  stretched  on  a  divan,  and  three  or  four  Moonsh  girls 
entertaining  him  with  their  national  songs  and  dances.  He  did  not  nse,  or 
indeed  change  his  position,  at  the  approach  of  the  envoy,  but  gave  him 
audience  with  the  lofty  bearing  of  an  independent  sovereign  ^ 

Palacios  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  touch  on  the  fate  of  El  Habaqui.  After 
expatiating  on  the  liberal  promises  which  he  was  empowered  bv  Don  John  of 
Austria  to  make,  he  expressed  the  hope  that  Aben-Aboo  would  execute  the 
treaty,  and  not  rekindle  a  war  which  nmst  lead  to  the  total  destruction  of 
his  country.  The  chief  listened  in  silence  ;  and  it  was  not  till  he  had  called 
some  of  his  principal  captains  around  him  that  he  condescended  to  reply. 
He  then  said  that  God  and  the  whole  world  knew  it  was  not  by  his  own 
desire,  but  by  the  will  of  the  people,  that  he  had  been  placed  on  the  throne. 
"  I  shall  not  attempt,"  he  said, "  to  prevent  any  of  my  subjects  from  submitting 
that  prefer  to  do  so.  But  tell  your  master,"  he  added,  "  that,  while  I  have  a 
single  shirt  to  my  back,  I  shall  not  follow  their  example.  Though  no  other 
man  should  hold  out  in  the  Alpujarras,  I  would  rather  live  and  die  a  Mussul- 
man than  posse.ss  all  the  favours  which  King  Philip  can  heap  on  me.  At  no 
time,  and  in  no  manner,  will  I  ever  consent  to  place  myself  in  his  power. 
He  concluded  this  spirited  declaration  by  adding  that,  if  driven  to  it  by 
necessity,  he  could  bury  himself  in  a  cavern,  which  he  had  stowed  with  supplies 
for  six  years  to  come,  during  which  it  would  go  hard  but  he  would  find  some 
means  of  making  his  way  to  Barbary.    The  desperate  tone  of  these  remarks 

"  "One  quando  no  quedane  otro  sino  i\  en  hacer ;  y  que  fuese  cierto,  que  en  ningun 

la  AlRUxarra  con  sola  la  camisa  que  tenia  tiempo,  nl  por  ningiina  manera,  se  pondna  on 

vesUdrestrmabamasvivirymorirMoro.que  su  poder."    Marmol.  RebeUou  de  Granada, 

todas  quantas  mercedes  el  Rey  Filipe  le  podia  torn.  ii.  p.  410. 


593  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

effectually  closed  the  audience.    Palacios  was  permitted  to  return  unmolested, 
and  to  report  to  his  commander  the  failure  of  his  inission  u,^«,.>.f 

The  war  which  Don  John  had  flattered  himself  he  had  so  happily  hron-ht 
to^cbse  nSe  a  fire  smothered  but  not  quenched  burst  fortfi  again  with 
redouWed  fury  The  note  of  defiance  was  heard  loudest  amon|  the  hills  of 
Sa  a  wild  sierra  on  the  western  skirts  of  the  Alpujarras,  inliabited  by  a 
bSd  aild  imtamed^^^  more  formidable  than  the  mountameers  of  any  other 
S'cfofTa^da.  5l.n- Aboo  did  all  he  could  to  fan  the  flame^of  insurrec 
tion  in  this  quarter,  and  sent  his  own  brother,  El  (^aiipe,  to  take  ine  com 

""The  Spanish  government,  now  fully  aroused  "1^^^  ni^^^^^S^^^^^^^^^  f^^f^^, 
crush  the  spirit  of  rebellion  than  at  any  tune  during  the  war.  Don  J  ohn  was 
ordered  to  occupy  Guadix,  and  thence  to  scour  the  country  m  a  northerly 
direction  Sher  army,  imder  the  Grand  Commander  Requesens,  marching 
f ^om  Granadi  w^^  enter  the  Alpujarras  from  the  north,  and,  taking  a 
rouTe  Sent^from  that  of  the  duke  of  Sesa  in  the  previous  campaign,  was  to 
S^y  a  war  of  extermination  into  the  heart  of  the  mountains  Finally,  the 
ffi  of  Arcos,  the  worthy  descendant  of  the  §reat  marqms  of  Cadiz^  who  c 
name  w^fso  fa^^^^^^  the  first  war  of  Granada,  and  whose  large  estates  m 
th"s  qiwter  he  had  inherited,  was  intrusted  with  the  operations  against  the 

''"^^eV^^^cZ^^^^^^  his  commi^ion  in  the  same  remorseless 

spirit  in  which  it  had  been  dictated.     Early  in  September,  quitting  Granada, 
ViPtook  the  field  at  the  head  of  five  thousand  men.    He  struck  at  once  into 
l^e  Wt  of  tt  couX     A^  the  evils  of  war  in  its  most  horrid  form  followed 
in  h^sTain     lira  on7his  track  it  seemed  as  if  the  land  had  been  swept  by 
a  conflation     The  dwellings  were  sacked  and  burned  to  the  ground     The 
mXrrf  and  olive  groves  were  cut  down  ;  the  vines  were  torn  up  by  the 
Zts    and  the  ripening  harvests  were  trampled  in  the  dust     The  country 
was  ciuvertS  into  a  wilderness.    Occasionally  small  bodies  of  the  Moriscoes 
Srrres^rat^  stand.     But  for  the  most  part,  without  homes  to  shelter  or 
ood  to  nourish  them,  they  were  driven,  like  unresisting  c^ttje,  to  seek  a  refuge 
^the  depths  of  the  mountains,  and  in  the  caves  m  which  this  partof  the 
countrv  atounded.    Their  pursuers  followed  up  the  chase  with  the  fierce  glee 
S  which  the  hi  nter  tracks  the  wild  animal  of  the  forest  to  his  lair     There 
ihev  were  huddled  together,  one  or  two  hundred  frequently  in  the  same 
cavern     It  was  not  ^sy  to  detect  the  hiding-place  amidst  the  rocks  and 
Sets  which  covered  up  and  concealed  the  entrance.     But  when  it  was 
detected  iT  was  no  dirticult^iatter  to  destroy  the  inmates.    The  green  bushes 
fShed  the  materials  for  a  smouldering  fire,  and  those  within  were  soon 
BuSted  by  the  smoke,  or,  rushing  out,  threw  themselves  on  the  mer^y  of 
thenursueJs.     Some  were  butchered  on  the  spot;  others  were  sent  to  the 
ffirihe  Vlleys  ;  while  the  greater  part  with  a  fate  scarcely  less  terrible, 
were  eiven  up  as  the  bootv  of  the  soldiers  and  sold  into  slavery. 

Alln  K  had  a  narrow  escape  in  one  of  these  caverns  not  far  from 
Berchul  where  he  had  secreted  himself  with  a  wife  and  two  of  bis  daiighters. 
T^e  womrnwere  suffocated,  with  about  seventy  other  persons  The  Monsco 
chief  succeeded  in  making  his  escape  through  an  ai^erture  at  the  farther  end, 
which  was  unknown  to  his  enemies.*' 


RENEWAL  OF  THE  WAR. 


597 


•"  It  is  the  language  of  Marmol,  who  wUl 
not  be  Buspectpd  of  exaggerating  the  cruelties 
of  his  countrymen.  He  does  not  seem,  in- 
deed to  regard  them  as  cruelties :  "  Unos  en- 
viaba  el  Comendador  mayor  li  las  galeras, 


otros  hacla  justicia  de  ellos,  y  los  mas  consen- 
tia  que  los  vendiesen  los  soldados  para  que 
fuesen  aprovecbados."    Rebelion  de  Grauada, 
torn.  ii.  p.  436. 
"  Ibid.,  p.  433. 


i 


Small  forts  were  erected  at  short  intervals  along  the  mined  country.  No 
less  than  eighty-four  of  these  towers  were  raised  in  different  parts  of  the  land, 
twenty-nine  of  which  were  to  be  seen  in  the  Alpujarras  and  the  vale  of  Lecriii 
alone  "  There  they  stood,  crowning  every  peak  and  eminence  in  the  sierra, 
frowning  over  the  horrid  waste,  the  sad  memorials  of  the  conquest.  This  was 
the  stern  policy  of  the  victors.  Within  this  rocky  girdle,  long  held  as  it  was 
by  the  iron  soldiery  of  Castile,  it  was  impossible  that  rebeUion  should  again 

gather  to  a  head.  ,  .     ^,  i- 

The  months  of  September  and  October  were  consumed  in  these  operations.  ■ 
Meanwhile,  the  duke  of  Arcos  had  mustered  his  Andalusian  levies,  to  the 
number  of  four  thousand  men,  including  a  thousand  of  his  own  vassals.    He 
took  with  him  his  son,  a  boy  of  not  more  than  thirteen  years  of  age,— following 
in  this,  says  the  chronicler,  the  ancient  usage  of  the  valiant  house  of  Ponce  de 
Leon  "   About  the  middle  of  September  he  began  his  expedition  uito  the  Sierra 
Vermeja,  or  Red  Sierra.    It  was  a  spot  memorable  in  Spanish  history  for  the 
defeat  and  death  of  Alonso  de  Aguilar,  in  the  time  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
and  has  furnished  the  theme  of  many  a  plaintive  roiimnce  m  the  beautiful 
minstrelsy  of  the  South.    The  wife  of  the  duke  of  Arcos  was  descended  from 
Alonso  de  Aguilar,  as  he  himself  was  the  grandson  of  the  good  count  of  Urena, 
who,  with  better  fortune  than  his  friend,  survived  the  disasters  of  that  day. 
The  route  of  the  army  led  directly  across  the  fatal  field.    As  thev  traversed 
the  elevated  plain  of  Calaluz,  the  soldiers  saw  everywhere  around  the  traces  of 
the  fight     The  ground  was  still  covered  with  fragments  of  rusty  armour,  bits 
of  broken  sword-blades,  and  heads  of  spears.    More  touching  evidence  was 
aff'orded  by  the  bones  of  men  and  horses,  which,  in  this  sohtary  region,  had 
been  whitening  in  the  blasts  of  seventy  winters.    The  Spaniards  knew  well 
the  localities,  with  which  they  had  become  familiar  from  boyhood  m  the 
legends  and  traditions  of  the  country.    Here  was  the  spot  where  the  vanguard, 
under  its  brave  commander,  had  made  its  halt  in  the  obscurity  of  the  night. 
There  were  the  faint  remains  of  the  enemy's  intrenchments,  which  time  had 
nearly  levelled  with  the  dust ;  and  there,  too,  the  rocks  still  threw  tJieir  dark 
shadows  over  the  plain,  as  on  the  day  when  the  valiant  Alonso  de  Agmlar  fell 
at  their  base  in  conibat  with  the  renowned  Ffen  de  Ben  Estepar     The  whole 
scene  was  brought  home  to  the  hearts  of  the  Spaniards.    As  they  gazed  on 
the  unburied  reUcs  lying  around  them,  the  tears,  says  the  eloquent  historian 
who  records  the  incident,  fell  fast  down  their  iron  cheeks,  and  they  breathed 
a  soldier's  prayer  for  the  repose  of  the  noble  dead.    But  these  holier  feeling 
were  soon  succeeded  by  others  of  a  fierce  nature,  and  they  loudly  clamoured 

to  be  led  against  the  enemy."  j     *     -i      v,„;j  «.o.io 

The  duke  of  Arcos,  profiting  by  the  errors  of  Alonso  de  Aguilar,  had  made 
his  arrangements  with  great  circumspection.  He  soon  came  m  sight  of  the 
Moriscoes,  full  three  thousand  strong.  But,  though  well  posted,  they  made  a 
defence  little  worthy  of  their  ancient  reputation,  or  of  the  notes  of  defaance 


«•  Circourt  gives  a  precise  enumeration  of 
the  fortresses  in  different  districts  of  the 
country.  Hist,  des  Arabes  d'Espagne,  torn, 
iii.  pp.  136,  136. 

•»  ♦•Llevando  cerca  de  si  a  su  hijo,  mozo 
quasi  de  trece  afios  Don  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon, 
cosa  usada  en  otra  edad  en  aquellaCasa  de  los 
Ponces  de  Leon,  criarse  los  muchachos  pele- 
and«»  con  los  Moros,  i  tener  a  bus  padres  por 
inaestros."  Mendoza,  CJuerra  de  Granada, 
p.  318. 


'^  For  the  celebrated  description  of  this 
event  by  Mendoza,  see  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp. 
301,  302.  The  Castilian  historian,  who  pro- 
bably borrowed  the  hint  of  it  from  Tacitua 
(Aiinales,  lib.  i.  sec.  31),  has  painted  the 
scene  with  a  consummate  art  that  raises  him 
from  the  rank  of  an  imitator  to  that  of  a  rival. 
The  reader  may  find  a  circumstantial  account 
of  Alonso  de  Aguilar's  disistrous  expedition, 
in  1501,  in  the  History  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella, part  ii.  cb.  7. 


598  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

x^huh  ihpv  had  so  bolcllv  sounded  at  the  opening  of  the  campaign.    They 

W^ffid  mettle  at  Lt,  and  inflicted  ^o-VriTv^LkerthrspiriJ^ 
fV.rfrpniiPnt  reverses  of  their  countrymen  seemed  to  have  bioken  their  spinis, 
Ind  theHerrsShr^^^^^  disorder,  and  tied  in  various  directions  into 
?L  moreTacceLTble  trnct^  of  tlie  sierr^.  The  Spaniards  fo  lo>ved  up  the 
f  udtTve?  who  dtd  not  attempt  to  rally.  Nor  did  they  ever  again  assemble  in 
inf  strength^o  e^ctim^  we?e  the  dispositions  madefy  the  victorious  general. 
ThP  insurrection  of  the  Sierra  Vermeja  was  at  an  end. 

Thf  Xllion  indeed,  might  be  said  to  be  everywhere  cnished  within  the 
borders  of  toni^^^  stout-hearted  of  the  insurgents  still  held  out 

aln?the  cave^^^^^  of  the  Alpujarras,  supporting  a  precarious 

eSSce  untillLy  were  hunted  down  by  detachments  of  the  Spaniarc^^s  who 
were  S  to  the  pursuit  by  the  promise  from  government  of  twenty  ducats  a 
S  fof  every  Mor^^^  But  nearly  all  felt  the  impracticability  of  further 
re^tance  Somrsi^^^ceeded  in  making  their  escape  to  Barbary.  The  rest, 
Sen  fn  spi>^^^^^^  to  extremity  by  want  of  food  in  a  country  now 

turned  iK  desert;  consented  at  length  to  accept  the  amnesty  offered  them, 

"tXTwiuytig^^^^^^^^^^  Don  John  received  advices  of  a  final  edict 

of  Alip,  comnmn^^^^^^^  all  the  Moriscoes  in  the  kingdom  of  Granad^ 
luld  be  at  once  remSved  into  the  interior  of  the  country.  None  were  to  be 
excepted  from  this  decree,  not  even  the  Monscos  delaPaz,  »«  those  were 
called  who  had  loyally  refused  to  take  part  in  the  rebdlion.«  The  arrange- 
rs CtlitiinporUnt  and  difficult  step  were  made  with  singular  prudence, 
S  under  the  genei-al  direction  of  Don  John  of  Austria,  the  Grand  Com- 
nmnderRequeseL,  and  the  dukes  of  Sesa  and  Arcos,  were  carried  mto  etfect 

"  WeTemrof'^bV:^^^^^^^^^  lands  and  houses  of  the  exiles  were  to  be  for^ 
feited  to  the  crown.  But  their  personal  effects-their  flocks,  their  herds,  and 
theb  g^in-would  be  taken,  if  they  desired  it  at  a  fixed  valuation  by  the 
eoveri^ent  Every  regard  was  to  be  paid  to  their  personal  convenience  and 
fecuritr  and  it  wL  forbidden,  in  thVremoval,  to  separate  parents  from 
cSren,' husbands  from  wives,  in  short,  to  divide  the  members  of  a  familv 
Clone  another,-"  an  act  of  clemency,"  says  a>iinianechron^^^^^^^^ 
thev  little  deserved :  but  his  majesty  was  willing  in  this  to  content  them. 

fhfcoiint^  wS  divided  into  districts,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were  to  be 
condi^LTmfder  the  protection  of  a  stron.  miliary  esco^^^^^^^ 
Dlaces  of  destination.  These  seem  to  have  been  the  terntoiy  of  La  Manciia, 
the  northern  borders  of  Andalusia,  the  Castiles,  Estremadura,  and  even  the 
remote  province  of  GaUcia.  Care  was  taken  that  no  settlement  should  be 
made  near  the  borders  of  Murcia  or  Valencia,  where  large  numbers  of  the 
Morfscols  were  living  in  comparative  quiet  on  the  estates  of  the  ™t  nobles, 
whn  wpre  exceedindv  jealous  of  any  interference  with  their  vassais. 

ThTfet  oflfSiber,  All-SainW  Day,  was  appointed  for  the  removal  of 


»'  Mendo^a,  Guerra  de  Granada,  pp.  298- 
314.— Mannol,  Retelion  de  Granada,  torn.  ii. 

pp.  425-431. 

"  Circoart  quotes  a  remarkable  passage 
from  the  Ordenanzas  de  Granada,  which  well 
iUustratPS  the  conscientious  manner  in  which 
the  government  dealt  with  the  Moriscoes.  It 
forms  the  preamble  of  the  law  of  February 
24th,  1571.  "The  Moriscoes  who  took  no 
part  In  the  insurrection  ought  not  to  be  pun- 
ished.    Wc  should  not  desire  to  iiijuro  tbeni ; 


but  they  cannot  hereafter  cultivate  their 
lands ;  and  then  it  would  be  an  endless  task 
to  attempt  to  separate  the  innocent  from  the 
guilty.  We  shall  indemnify  them,  certainly. 
Meanwhile,  their  estates  must  be  confiscated, 
like  those  of  the  rebel  Moriscoes."  Hist,  des 
Arabes  d'Kspagne,  torn.  iii.  p.  148. 

'^  "  Que  las  casas  fucs'-n  y  estuvlesen  Jun- 
tas; porque  aunque  lo  merecian  poco.  quiso 
Fu  Mappstfld  que  se  les  diese  ewte  cniitento. 
Mannol,  ReLelion  de  Granada,  tom.  ii.  p.  43". 


? 


EXPULSION  OF  THE  MOORS. 


59D 


I 


the  Moriscoes  throughout  Granada.    On  that  day  *%,™f  i„^'Jl,'e'if  rSpec' 
principal  churches  of  their  districts,  and,  a"«'bemgfomed  into  the  r^^^^^^^ 

Charged  on  the  brutohty  of  ^^^e  soldiers  "    W^^  .^^ 

on  tfie  present  occasion,  was  attended  with  fewer  act^  ot  vio^^nje  y    ^ 

than  the  former  removal,  from  ^^^^^^f^' ..^^^^l^f i^^^^ 
inferred  by  the  s  lence  of  the  ^^'^^""^it^tv  * Wue  most  part,  felt  too  httle 
from  being  r^^lr-'U^'of^tt  Morhctes  to  m^      a  notice  of  them  indispen- 
interest  in  the  suttenngs  of  t^^.e/^^^^^^^/^^^  .nuht^^  that  whatever  precautions 
sable.    However  this  may  be,  ^^  cannot  be  doiib^^^^^^  ^.^    j^ 

may  have  been  taken  to  spare  the  exiles  ^'^y.  ^^"^f  ff  ^^e  thLt  suggests  an 

i-u^ft  1fl^^^^  s  B  oYt.si[s 

rrenv^rfroS^-alltatt^^^^^^ 

their  own  e\istence,-to  be  ^-f.-^^y  .f™^ '"^..^  \?  l^utf^^^^^^ 

^^gtfa^rs&'irfi^-^^^^ 

obtain  the  king's  consent  to  his  Jfturn     His  arab^^^^^^^  ,      P 

playing  a  part  on  what  now  seemed  to  ^^^^  .^^j^  ^^  ^ 

within  the  mountam-barner  of  the  Alpujarras,  longe  f   independent 

bolder  theatre  before  the  world,    ^e  asP^'^^^'.r  ministers,-to  the 

commandf^  He  addressed  repeated  ^^^^ters  to  the^^^^^^^  ^       ^^^.^ 

Cardinal  Esnino^  and  ^Y^^Jf^el^^^^^^^ 

influence  m  his  behalf        ;,f '^^  ^^  f '„,'  business  of  importance.    I  wish 

^±:^^^^^^"  ISrhile^^Kr^si^is  aSsire  to  have 


•*  •♦  Saquearon  los  soldados  las  casas  del 
luirar  y  tomaron  todas  las  mugeres  por  es- 
ffyas-  CM*  que  dio  harta  sospecha  de  que 
?XlVdThalia  nacido  de  su  cudkia/'  Mar- 
Tiiol  Rebelion  de  Granada,  tom.  li.  p.  444-— 
The  Kr  feelings  of  the  old  soldier  oocj»- 
Bionally-and  it  is  no  small  praise,  consider- 
?ig  tie  tfmes-tnumph  over    bis   national 

"^''^Fofthe  removal  and  dispersion  of  the 
MoriscSes.  see  Marmol,  Rebelion  de  Granada, 
*  X»  ii  nn  437-444.— Ferreras,  Hist,  a  Ji^s- 
tom.  li.  V^'*-^^~*^*:  228  -Vanderhammen, 
pagne,  tom.  x.  pp.  227,  ii^,   ^""  '  ^ 

TVm  Tnan  de  Austria,  fol.  126,— it  may  >*e«i 
X  8 U^nge  that  an  event  of  such  moment 
af  the  .  emuval  of  the  Moriscoes  should  have 
J^en  barely  noticed  when  indeed  nonced  at 
all,  by  the  general  historian.    It  is  still  more 


strance  that  it  should  have  been  passed  over 
in  silfnce  by  a  writer  like  Mendoza,  to  wh(«e 
narJatWe  it  essentially  belonged,  and  who 
could  bestow  thirty  pag^s  or  f  ^'.^  <>•' \^«  ^,^- 
pedition  into  the  Serraniade  Konda  ""J  U'^^ 
was  a  tale  of  Spanish  glory.  The  haughty 
Castilian  chronicler  held  the  race  of  uube- 
lievers  in  too  great  contempt  to  waste  a 
thought  on  their  calamities,  except  sofaraa 
they  enabled  him  to  exhibit  the  prowess  of 

"^"^e^l^QueSumbien  que  allS  se  entendiese 
que  ya  no  soy  mochacho,  y  que  jmedo,  a  D  os 
^nfcias.  comenzar  en  alguna  tua""*  "  ^^^JJ 
Bin  alas  ajenas.  y  sospecho  ques  y«  J'^^P^J® 
Balir  de  pafiales."  Carta  de  D.  Juan  de  Au 
stria  a  Uuy  Gomez  de  bilva,  16  do  Mayo, 
1570,  MS. 


600  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

some  place  more  fitting  the  brother  of  such  a  monarch  as  Philip  and  the  son 
of  such  a  father  as  Charles  the  Fifth."  On  more  than  one  occasion  he  alludes 
to  the  command  against  the  Turk  as  the  great  object  of  his  ambition. 

His  importunity  to  be  allowed  to  resign  his  present  othce  had  continued 
from  the  beginning  of  summer,  some  months  before  the  proper  close  of  the 
campaign.  It  may  be  thought  to  argue  an  instability  of  character,  of  which 
a  more  memorable  example  was  afforded  by  him  at  a  later  period  of  hfe.  At 
leneth  he  was  rejoiced  by  obtaining  the  royal  consent  to  resign  his  command 

ana  return  to  couii.  _       ^  ,  .    j  .    /-.        j       m-n  ^.u^ 

On  the  eleventh  of  November,  Don  John  repaired  to  Granada.  iiU  the 
close  of  the  month  he  was  occupied  with  making  the  necessary  arrangements 
preparatory  to  his  departure.  The  greater  part  of  the  army  was  paid  off  and 
disbanded.  A  sufficient  number  was  reserved  to  garrison  the  fortresses,  and 
to  furnish  detachments  which  were  to  scour  the  country  and  hunt  down  such 
Moriscoes  as  still  held  out  in  the  mountains.  As  Requesens  was  to  take  part 
in  the  expedition  against  the  Ottomans,  the  office  of  (^ptain -general  was 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  valiant  duke  of  Arcos.  On  the  t^venty-nlnth  of 
November,  Don  John,  having  completed  his  preparations,  quitted  Granada 
and  set  forth  on  his  journey  to  Aladrid,  where  the  popular  chiefUin  was 
welcomed  with  enthusiasm  by  the  citizens,  as  a  conqueror  returned  from  a 
victorious  campaiim.  By  Philip  and  his  newly  married  bride,  Anne  of  Austria, 
he  was  no  less  kindly  greeted ;  and  it  was  not  long  before  the  king  gave  a 
substantial  proof  of  his  contentment  with  his  brother,  by  placing  m  his 
hands  the  baton  offered  by  the  alUes  of  generalissimo  in  the  war  against  the 

Turks  i 

There  was  still  one  Morisco  insurgent  who  refused  to  submit,  and  who  had 
hitherto  eluded  every  attempt  to  capture  him,  but  whose  capture  was  of  more 
importance  than  that  of  any  other  of  his  nation.  This  was  Aben- Aboo,  the 
"  little  king  "  of  the  Alpujarras.  His  force  of  five  thousand  men  had  dwindled 
to  scarcely  more  than  four  hundred.  But  they  were  men  devoted  to  his 
person,  and  seemed  prepared  to  endure  every  extremity  rather  than  surrender. 
Like  tfie  rest  of  his  nation,  the  Morisco  chief  took  refuge  m  the  mountain- 
caves  in  such  remote  and  inaccessible  districts  as  had  hitherto  battled  every 
attempt  to  detect  his  retreat.  In  March,  1571,  an  opportumty  presented 
itself  for  making  the  discovery.  a  „  *u« 

Granada  was  at  this  time  the  scene  of  almost  daily  executions.  As  the 
miserable  insurgents  were  taken,  they  were  brought  before  Dezas  tribunal, 
where  they  were  at  once  sentenced  by  the  inexorable  president  to  the  gaJleys 
or  the  gibbet,  or  the  more  horrible  doom  of  being  torn  in  pieces  with  red-hot 
pincers.  Among  the  prisoners  sentenced  to  death  was  one  Zatahan,  who  was 
so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  a  respite  of  his  punishment  at  the  intercession  of  a 
goldsmith  named  Barredo,  a  person  of  much  consideration  in  Granada,  h  rom 
gratitude  for  this  service,  or  perhaps  as  the  price  of  it,  Zatahari  made  some 
important  revelations  to  his  benefactor  respecting  Aben- Aboo.  He  disclosed 
the  place  of  his  retirement  and  the  number  of  his  followers,  adding  that  the 
two  persons  on  whom  he  most  relied  were  his  secretary,  Abou-Amer,  and  a 
Moorish  captain  named  El  Senix.  The  former  of  these  persons  was  known  to 
Barredo,  who  in  the  course  of  his  business  had  frequent  occ^ion  to  make 
journeys  into  the  Alpujarras.  He  resolved  to  open  a  correspondence  with  the 
secretary,  and,  if  possible,  win  him  over  to  the  Spanish  interests.  Zatahan 
consented  to  bear  the  letter,  on  condition  of  a  pardon.    This  was  readily 

-  ••  No  teniendo  el  lugar  y  auctoridad  que        tal  heTxaano."     Carta  <Je  D.  Juan  d«;  Austria 
ba  de  tener  hijo  de  tal  padre,  y  hennano  de       &  Ruy  Gomel  de  Sllva,  4  de  Junio,  1570,  Mb. 


MURDER  OF  ABEN- ABOO. 


CCl 


I 


I 


\ 


granted  by  the  president,  who  approved  the  plan,  and  who  authorized  the 
most  libei-al  promises  to  Abou-Amer  in  case  of  his  co-operation  with  Barredo. 

Unfortunately,— or,  rather,  fortunately  for  Zatahan,  as  it  proved,— he  was 
mtercepted  by  El  Senix,  who,  getting  possession  of  the  letter,  fr^ed  it  to 
Abou-Amer.  The  loyal  secretary  was  outraged  by  th^  attempt  to  corrupt 
him.  He  would  have  put  the  messenger  to  death,  had  not  1^1  feenix  repre- 
sented that  the  poor  wretch  had  undertaken  the  mission  only  to  save  his  lite. 

Privately  the  Moorish  captain  assured  the  messenger  that  Barredo  should 
have  sought  a  conference  with  him,  as  he  was  ready  to  enter  into  negotiations 
with  the  Christians.  In  fact.  El  Senix  had  a  grudge  against  his  master,  and 
had  already  made  an  attempt  to  leave  his  service  and  escape  to  iJarbary. 

A  place  of  meeting  was  accordingly  appointed  in  the  Alpujarras,  to  which 
Barredo  secretly  repaired.  El  Senix  was  furnished  with  an  assurance,  under 
the  president's  own  liand,  of  a  pardon  for  himself  and  his  friends,  and  of  an 
annual  pension  of  a  hundred  thousand  maravedis,  m  case  he  should  brmg 

Aben-Aboo,  dead  or  alive,  to  Granada.  .,    ,    i.  xi.  4.        •  +;^«+;^« 

The  interview  could  not  be  conducted  so  secretly  but  that  an  intimation 
of  it  reached  the  ears  of  Aben-Aboo,  who  resolved  to  repair  at  once  to  the 
quarters  of  El  Senix  and  ascertain  the  truth  for  hunself.  That  chief  had 
secreted  himself  in  a  cavern  in  the  neidibourho9d,  Aben-Aboo  took  with 
him  his  faithful  secretary  and  a  small  body  of  soldiers.  On  reaching  the  cave, 
he  left  his  followers  without,  and,  placing  two  men  at  the  entrance,  he,  with 
less  prudence  than  was  usual  with  him.  passed  alone  into  the  interior 

There  he  found  El  Senix,  surrounded  by  several  of  his  friends  and  kinsmen 
Aben-Aboo,  in  a  peremptory  tone,  charged  him  with  having  held  a  secret 
correspondence  with  the  enemy,  and  demanded  the  object  of  his  late  interview 
with  Barredo.  Senix  did  not  attempt  to  deny  the  charge,  but  explained  his 
motives  by  saying  tliat  he  had  been  prompted  only  by  a  desire  to  serve  his 
master.  He  had  succeeded  so  well,  fie  said,  a^  to  obtam  from  the  president 
an  assurance  that  if  the  Morisco  would  lay  down  his  arms  he  should  recede 
an  amnesty  for  the  past  and  a  liberal  provision  for  the  future. 

Aben-Aboo  Hstened  scornfully  to  this  explanation ;  then,  muttermg  the 
word  "  Treachery  !  "  he  turned  on  his  heel  and  moved  towards  the  niouth  ot 
the  cave,  where  he  had  left  his  soldiers,  intending  probably  to  command  the 
arrest  of  his  lerfidious  officer.  But  he  had  not  given  them,  it  appears,  any 
intimation  of  the  hostile  object  of  his  visit  to  El  Semx ;  and  the  me^^^^^^^^ 
posing  it  to  be  on  some  matter  of  ordinary  business,  had  left  the  spot  to  see 
son  eVtheir  friends  in  the  neighbourhood.  El  Senix  saw  that  no  time  was 
to  be  lost  On  a  signal  which  he  gave,  his  followers  attacked  the  two  guards 
at  the  door,  one  of%vhom  was  kifled  on  the  spot,  while  the  other  made  his 
escape  They  then  all  fell  upon  the  unfortunate  Aben-Aboo.  He  made  a 
deXkte  defence  But  though  tlie  struggle  was  fierce,  the  odds,  were  too 
Sforittobrionr  Itwassoon  terminated  by  the  dastard  Semx  coming 
fehind  hi  nVas4  an^^  with  the  butt-end  of  his  musket  deahng  him  a  blow  on 
the  back  of  Ws  head,  that  brought  him  to  the  gromid,  where  he  was  quickly 

^X^'oi'e'  wa'Sn  iHf  te"  cavern.    His  followers,  soon  learning 
their  mSwate,  dispersed  in  different  directions.    The  faithful  secretory 
feU  shortly  after  into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  who,  with  their  usual 
humanity  in  this  war,  caused  him  to  be  drawn  and  quartered. 
The  iSdy  of  Aben-Aboo  was  transported  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Granada, 

»•  Marmol  Hebellon  de  Granada,  torn.  ii.  752.-Herrera,  Historla  general,  tnm.  i.  p- 
pp  4^9T5i.-MS^,  Guerra  de  Granada.  781._VanderhaiDmen,  Don  Juan  de  Austna. 
pp.  324-^27  .—Bkda,  Cronica  de  Espafla,  p.        fol.  123. 


602  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

where  preparations  were  made  for  giving  the  dead  chief  a  public  entrance 
into  the  city,  as  if  he  had  been  still  alive.  The  corpse  was  ^et  astride  on  a 
mule,  and  supported  erect  in  the  saddle  by  a  wooden  frame,  which  was  con- 
cealed beneath  ample  robes.  On  one  side  of  the  body  rode  Barredo  ;  on  the 
other,  El  8enix,  bearing  the  scimitar  and  arquebuse  of  his  nmrdered  niaKtcr. 
Then  followed  the  kinsmen  and  friends  of  the  Morisco  prince,  with  their 
arms  by  their  side.  A  regiment  of  Castilian  infantry  and  a  troop  of  hor^e 
brought  up  the  rear.  As  the  procession  defiled  along  the  street  of  Zacatni, 
it  was  saluted  by  salvoes  of  musketry,  accompanied  bv  peals  of  artillery  from 
the  ancient  towers  of  the  Alhambra,  while  the  population  of  Granada,  with 
eager  though  silent  curiosity,  hurried  out  to  gaze  on  the  strange  and  ghastly 

spectacle.  ,  __.  . ,       , 

In  this  way  the  company  reached  the  great  square  of  v  ivarambla,  where 
were  assembled  the  president,  the  duke  of  Arcos,  and  the  principal  cayahers 
and  magistrates  of  the  city.  On  coming  into  their  presence.  El  benix  dis- 
mounted, and,  kneeling  before  Deza,  delivered  to  him  tlie  arms  of  Aben-Aboo. 
He  was  graciously  received  by  the  president,  who  confirmed  the  assurances 
which  had  been  given  him  of  the  royal  favour.  The  miserable  ceremony  of  a 
public  execution  was  then  gone  through  with.  The  head  of  the  dead  man 
was  struck  off.  His  body  was  given  to  the  boys  of  the  city,  who,  after  drag- 
ging it  through  the  streets  with  scoffs  and  imprecations,  committed  it  to  the 
tiames.  Such  was  one  of  the  lessons  by  which  the  Spaniards  early  stamped 
on  the  minds  of  their  children  an  indelible  hatred  of  the  Morisco. 

The  head  of  Aben-Aboo,  enclosed  in  a  cage,  was  set  up  over  the  gate  which 
opened  on  the  Alpujarras.  There,  with  the  face  turned  towards  his  native 
hills,  which  he  had  loved  so  well  and  which  had  witnessed  his  brief  and  dis- 
astrous reign,  it  remained  for  many  a  year.  None  ventured,  by  removing  it, 
to  incur  the  doom  which  an  inscription  on  the  cage  denounced  on  the  oftender  : 
«  This  is  the  head  of  the  traitor,  Aben-Aboo.  Let  no  one  take  it  down,  under 
penalty  of  death." "  ,    ,  ,  ,.         .  ^, 

Such  was  the  sad  fate  of  Aben-Aboo,  the  last  of  the  royal  line  of  tlie 
Omeyades  who  ever  ruled  in  the  Peninsula.  Had  he  lived  m  the  peaceful 
and  prosperous  times  of  the  Arabian  empire  in  Spain,  he  might  have  swayed 
the  sceptre  with  as  much  renown  as  the  best  of  his  dynasty.  Though  the 
blood  of  the  Moor  flowed  in  his  veins,  he  seems  to  have  been  remarkably  free 
from  some  of  the  greatest  defects  in  the  Moorish  character.  He  was  tempe- 
rate in  his  appetites,  presenting  in  this  respect  a  contrast  to  the  gross  sensuality 
of  his  predecessor.  He  had  a  lofty  spirit,  was  cool  and  circumspect  in  his 
judgments,  and,  if  he  could  not  boast  that  fiery  energy  of  character  which 
belonged  to  some  of  his  house,  he  had  a  firmness  of  purpose  not  to  be  intnm- 
dated  by  suffering  or  danger.  Of  this  he  gave  signal  proof  when,  as  the  reader 
may  remember,  the  most  inhuman  tortures  could  not  extort  from  him  the 
disclosure  of  the  lurking-place  of  his  friends."  His  qualities,  as  I  have  inti- 
mated, were  such  as  peculiarly  adapted  him  to  a  time  of  prosperity  and  peace. 
Unhappily,  he  had  fallen  upon  evil  times,  when  his  country  lay  a  wreck  at  his 
feet ;  when  the  people,  depressed  by  long  servitude,  were  broken  down  by  the 
recent  calamities  of  war  ;  when,  in  short,  it  would  not  have  been  possible  for 
the  wisest  and  most  warlike  of  his  predecessors  to  animate  them  to  a  success- 
ful resistance  against  odds  so  overwhelming  as  those  presented  by  the  Spanish 
monarchy  in  the  zenith  of  its  power. 


I 


FORTUNES  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


603 


••  **  Esta  es  la  cabeza  del  traidor  de  Aben- 
ab6.  Nadie  la  quito  84  >  p-na  de  muerte." 
Mendoza,  Guerra  <1«'  Granada,  p.  329. — Mnr- 
mul,  Ktbeliuu  de  Gtanada,  lom.  ii.  pp.  455, 


456.— Bleda,  Cronica  de  Espafla,  p. 
niana.  Hist,  de  Espafia,  p.  383. 
*"  Ante,  p.  53U. 


752.— Mi- 


Thp  Pa^tilian  chroniclers  have  endeavoured  to  fix  a  deep  stain  on  his 

M  Z'ofie^ui  ty^  He  was  ;rac  K  a  situatio.f-mucll  against  his  will, 
U  „^»v  hP  adM-^iichSvThim  absolute  control  over  the  lives  and  fortunes 
It  may  be  *"'«<' „."'"™|„as  their  law.  He  passed  the  sentence,  and  en- 
of  his  people.    His  "ord  was  ineir  ia>v.  t'^  to  be  a  traitor  ;  and  in 

provisions  were  not  siich  as  he  had  intended    AM  ^^^^^^        ^ 

fnstruinent  wa3  XTSie  princi^rMorisco  a^mit  who  subscribed  the  treaty 
Spaniard,  hnally,  *''tVna„iKSt,  as  the  favours  heaped  on  him  without 
was  altogether  111  the  '^P*"'f''.;"^J* ,,' *rtiy  be  doubted  that  there  were  good 
measure  too  plainly  proved,  '*  can  "laraiy  pe  uouutc  his  accession  he 

grounds  for  tfie  assertion  ««  Abeii- Aim    i  rom  ^he^^^^^^^^ 
seems  to  have  devoted  hmi^^^^^^^^  „J  to  leave 

of  his  people.    He  could  scarcely  naie.!*  rebellion.    From  what  we 

tion  of  the  treaty  and  to  remind  him  of  'l^*  Xhe  won  d  ratlier  li've  and  die 

return  to  the  laW  o   the  «^^^^^^^^^^  ^^^  t„„,i„g  jt, 

and  were  altogether  uencieiu  in  ''"«  f-o^'^    „,     Snaniard   adventurous  as  he 

S%'^»uSo.now;^^^^^^^ 

of  the  Moriscc^  wa.jijre  »»  b«^^^^^^^^^  stream  is  betraved 

culture  of  the  soil,— as  "»«  ^'='^^„SP  w     With  their  skill  in  husbandry  they 
"'  "1!^%."^ fami&  iit^va"^^  kindf^^^^  especially  thJse  re- 

combined  »  *».""'"J,7LY^,p,  ™^^^^^  that  was  unknown  to  the  Spaniards, 

qmring  dexterity  a°<i /^"f '\*.^f  "' ^^f^^^^^^^^^     the  products  of  their  labour  were 
As  the  natural  result  o^his  superiority,  inep  ^j  ^j^^j^ 

-eiglt's^tnL^i^^^^^^^^^ 
?isTii^'rfa*roa3eZ;fe  olWp^sion  of  a  conquered 


604  REBELLION  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 

race  than  that  afforded  by  the  laws  of  this  period  in  reference  to  the  Moriscoes. 
The  odious  law  of  1566,  which  led  to  the  insurrection,  was  Put  m  tiiU  lorce. 
By  this  the  national  songs  and  dances,  the  peculiar  baths  of  the  Moriscoes,  the 
fites  and  ceremonies  which  had  come  down  to  theni  from  their  ancestors,  were 
interdicted  under  heavy  penalties.  By  another  ordinance,  dated  October  bth, 
1572,  still  more  cruel  and  absurd,  they  were  forbidden  to  speak  or  to  write  tne 
Arabic,  under  penalty  of  thirty  days'  imprisonment  in  irons  for  the  hrst  ottence, 
double  that  term  for  the  second,  and  for  the  third  a  hundred  lashes  and  four 
years'  confinement  in  the  galleys.  By  another  monstrous  provision  m  the  same 
edict,  whoever  read,  or  even  had  in  his  possession,  a  work  written  or  printed 
in  the  Arabic,  was  to  be  punished  with  a  hundred  stripes  and  four  years  in  Uie 
galleys  Any  contract  or  public  instrument  made  in  that  tongue  was  to  be 
void,  and  the  parties  to  it  were  condemned  to  receive  two  hundred  lashes  ana 

to  tug  at  the  oar  for  six  years.*'  ,  ^  j  x    xi,^  ^^„: 

But  the  most  oppressive  part  of  this  terrible  ordinance  related  to  the  resi- 
dence  of  the  Moriscoes.  No  one  was  allowed  to  change  his  abode,  or  to  leave 
the  parish  or  district  assigned  to  him,  without  permission  from  the  regular 
authorities.  Whoever  did  so,  and  was  apprehended  bevond  these  limits,  was 
to  be  punished  with  a  hundred  lashes  and  four  years\  imprisonment  m  the 
galleys  Should  he  be  found  within  ten  leagues  of  Granada,  he  was  condemned, 
if  between  ten  and  seventeen  years  of  age,  to  toil  as  a  galley-slave  the  rest  ot 
his  days  ;  if  above  seventeen,  he  was  sentenced  to  death  ! "  On  the  escape  of 
a  Morisco  from  his  limits,  the  hue  and  cry  was  to  be  raised  as  for  the  pursuit 
of  a  criminal.  Even  his  own  family  were  required  to  report  his  absence  to  the 
ma^strate ;  and  in  case  of  their  failure  to  do  this,  although  it  should  be  his 
wife  or  his  children,  says  the  law,  they  incurred  the  penalty  of  a  whippmg  and 
a  month's  imprisonraent  in  the  common  jail.**  ^   ,  .,     ,,    . 

Yet  in  the  face  of  these  atrocious  enactments  we  find  the  Monscoes  occa- 
sionally making  their  escape  into  the  province  of  Valencia,  where  numbers  of 
their  countrymen  were  living  as  serfs  on  the  estates  of  the  great  nobles,  under 
whose  powerful  protection  they  enjoyed  a  degree  of  comfort,  if  not  of  inde- 
pendence, unknown  to  their  race  m  other  parts  of  the  country,  fcyome  tew 
also,  finding  their  way  to  the  coast,  succeeded  in  crossing  the  sea  to  iiarbary. 
The  very  severity  of  the  law  served  in  some  measure  to  defeat  its  execution. 
Indeed,  Philip,  in  more  than  one  instance  in  which  he  deemed  that  the  edicts 
pressed  too  heavily  on  his  Moorish  vassals,  judeed  it  expedient  to  mitigate  the 
penalty,  or  even  to  dispense  with  it  altogether,— an  act  of  leniency  which 
seems  to  have  found  little  favour  with  his  Castilian  subjects.**  , 

Yet,  strange  to  say,  under  this  iron  system  the  spirits  of  the  Monscoes, 
which  had  been  crushed  by  their  long  sufferings  in  the  war  of  the  rebellion, 
gradually  rose  agam  as  they  found  a  shelter  in  their  new  homes  and  resumed 
their  former  habits  of  quiet  industry.  Though  deprived  of  their  customary 
amusements,  their  fetes,  their  songs,  and  their  dances,— though  debarred  trom 
the  use  of  the  language  in  which  they  had  lisped  from  the  cradle,  which  em- 
bodied  their  national  traditions  and  was  associated  with  their  fondest  recollec- 
tions,—they  were  said  to  be  cheerful,  and  even  gay.  They  lived  to  a  good 
age,  and  examples  of  longevity  were  found  among  them  to  which  it  was  not 

que  sea  en  sua  pereonas  executada."  Ibid., 
ubi  supra. 

*'  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 

**  Exaniplpp  of  this  are  cited  by  Circourt, 
Hist,  des  Arabes  eij  Espagne,  torn.  iii.  pp. 
150,  151. 


FORTUNES  OF  THE  MORISCOES. 


605 


*'  Nueva  Recopilacion,  lib.  viii.  tit.  li.  ley 


19-  ^     . 

♦»  »*  Si  estos  tales  que  se  huvieren  huvdo,  y 

ansentado  fueren  hallados  en  el  dicho  Reyno 

de  Granada,  6  dentro  de  di-z  leguas  cercanas 

h  el,  caygan  e  incurran  en  peua  de  mucrte, 


\\ 


T^ 


I 


I 


easy  to  find  a  parallel  among  the  Spaniarik,    The  Moorish  stock,  like  the 

r^»;^rs\Mrtre'n»j^^ 

considerable     The  smal   remnant  still  left  m  Granada,  with  lis  iove,yt;«r(/a 
'*Yet"tM*Sfwerf  scattered  over  the  country  in  small  and  isolat^ 

the  conquered  race.    They  were  compeiiea  w  i«P^!"  *  ,  separate 

their  fe^stivah,  their  reH^aonthe^^^^^^^^ 

existence  as  a  nft>»"„But  ftis  ^e"-™"!  °"'/  «,„,  ^,%,  {„„  the  past.    But  it 

rhls^Kn^iTt^^^^^^^^ 

emigrants  who  have  thronged  to  »"  ^™r«J,/'J''"^^^  condemned  to 

MoSscoes,  on  the  contrary,  under  *«X'fy  ?^  §,^^^,^4  of  the  community 
exist  as  foreigners  m  tlf  country^  enemies  in  »«  "Ws  ^^^^^^^^  ^^^ 

into  which  they  were  ^rorj^;  ,^?P*"5^",f^^^^^  t«  the  exactions 

them  to  swell  the  horrors  0   an  "^i\fJ''XtiSi  retepsed  into  their 
^^nt&r^iutrlMou'bl'h^r^^^^^^^^^  BtiU  coined  to  be 

Mahometans  at  heart, 


'•  Circourt,  Hiet.  des  Arabes  en  Espagne, 
♦om  U  p.  Iti3.-M.  do  Circourt  has  col- 
lected from  some  authentic  and  not  very 
^cessible  sources,  much  curu^.m  information 
relative  to  this  part  of  bis  subject. 


••  Ferrera«,  Hist.  d'Espagne,  tom.  x.  p.  227. 

«'  "  lis  reiireeenterent  que  ce  recensement 
allait  leur  reveler  le  secret  de  )f"r  """^^J-^ 
effrayant  qu'ils  fourraillaient."  C^'^'^^H' 
Hist,  des  Arabes  en  Espagne,  tom.  lii.  p  ib4. 


^  MARMOL. 

Thus  the  gulf  which  separated  the  two  ^^^n"  s'l^hl^^^^^^^^ 
The  Moriscoes  hated  the  t^Janiards  for  ^^.^^^^^'^^^^^^^'^^or^  they  had 

-wioiis  pursuits  of  gain -a  "/"'"'^,^?f?  ^"  ."t;"^^^^^    The  feeling  of  hate 
complaint  in  the  ,pet> tioi.  of  "'^'^^^^t  th^  S^coes^  opu- 

towards  those  whom  they  both  hate  and  fear  Spaniards  were 

the  monarcny. 

*•  "Qu'il8  accaparaient  tou9  les  metiers,  tout  le  commerce." 
Espagne,  loc.  cit. ^ 


Circourt,  Hist,  des  Arabes  en 


An  historian  less  renowned  than  Mcndoza, 
but  of  more  importance  to  one  who  would 
acquaint  himself  with  the  story  of  the  Mor.sco 
rebellion,  is  Luis  del  MarmolCerbujal.    Little 
i8  known  of  him  but  what  is  t<>  be  g  .thered 
from  brief  notices  of  himself  in  his  works 
lie  was  a  native  of  Granada,  but  we  are  not 
informed  of  the  date  of  his  birth.     He  Nvas  of 
a  eood  family,  and  followed  the  profcssi.m  of 
arSis.    When  a  mere  youth,  as  he  tells  us,  he 
was  present  at  the  famous  siege  of  Tunis,  in 
1535      He  continued  in  the  imperial  service 
two-and-twenty  years.    Seven  years  he  was  a 
captive,  and  followed  the  victorious  banner  of 
Mohammed,  Scherif  of  Morocco,  in  h»8  cam- 
paigns in  the  west  of  Africa.     His  various 
fortunes  and  his  long  rrsideuce  in  different 
parts  of  the  African  continent,  especially  in 
Barbary  and  Eirypt,  supplied  him  with  abun- 
dant  informaiiou  in  respect  to  the  subjects  of 
his  historical  inquiries  ;  and,  as  he  knew  tde 
Arabic,  he  made  himself  acquainted  with  such 
facts  as  were  to  be  gleaned  from  books  in  that 
language.    The  fruits  of  bis  study  and  obser- 
vat^n  he  gave  to  the  world  in  his  "  Descrip- 
cZ  genefal  de  Africa,"  a  ^^;ork  in  three 
volumes,  folio,  the  first  part  of  which  appeared 
at  Granada  in  1573.    The  remainder  was  not 
published  till  the  close  of  the  century. 

The  book  obtained  a  high  reputation  for  Its 
author,  who  was  much  commended  for  the 
fideliiy  and  diligence  with  which  he  h&a 
pushed  his  reseaixhes  in  a  field  of  I  tters  into 
which  the  European  scholar  had  as  yet  rarely 
ventured  to  penetrate.  '  , 

In  the  year  1600  appeared,  at  Malaga,  his 
second  work,  the  "  Uistori^i  fd  fi^^^ianj 
Casiiao  de  los  Moriscon  d^l  Jieyvo  de  Gia- 
nadZ-  in  one  volume,  folio.  For  the  compo- 
sition of  this  history  thf^^'hor  was  admirably 
qualified,  not  only  by  his  f»n">»f '^J' .^/f '' '^^J 
Ihat  related  to  the  character  and  condition  of 


the  Moriscoes,  but  by  the  part  which  he  had 
personally  taken  in  the  war  ol  the  insurrection. 
He  held  the  office  of  commissary  in  the  royal 
army,  and  served  in  that  capacity  from  the 
commencement  of  the  war  to  its  close.     In 
the  warm  colouring  of  the  narrative,  and  m 
the  minuteness  of  its  details,  we  feel  that  we 
are  reading  the  rep^.rt  of  one  who  has  himself 
behold  the  scenes  which  he  describes.   Indeed, 
the  interest  which,  as  an  actor,  he  naturally 
Ukes  in  the  operations  of  the  war,  leads  to  an 
amount  of  d.tail  whi.h  may  well  be  con- 
demne«'  as  a  blemish  by  those  who  do  not  feel 
a  similar  interest  in  the  particulars  of  the 
etrupgle.     But  if  his  htyle  have  somewhat  ol 
the  rambling,  discursive  manner  of  the  old 
Castilian  chronicler,  it  has  a  certain  elegance 
in  the  execution,  which  brings  it  much  nearer 
to  the  standard  of  a  classic  author.     Par  from 
be.iiK  chargeable  with  the  obscurity  of  Men- 
dozaf  Marmol   is  uncommonly   perspicuous. 
With  a  general   facility  of   expression,   his 
lancuage  takes  the  varied  character  suited  to 
the  ti.eme,  sometimes  kindled  into  eloquence 
and  occasionally  soltened  into  pathoe.    for 
which  the  melancholy  character  of  his  story 
afforded  too  many  occasions.    Though  loyal 
to  his  country  and  his  faith,  yet  he  shows  but 
few  gleams  of  the  fiery  intolerance  that  be- 
longed to  his  nation,  and  especia  ly  to  that 
lK)rtiou  of  it  which  came  into  collision  with 
the  Moslems.     Indeed,  in  more  than  one  pas- 
Mire  of  his  work  we  may  discern  gleams  of 
that  Christian  charity  which  in  Castile  was 
the  rarest,  as  it  was.  unhappily,  the   least 
precious  of  virtues,  in  the  age  in  which  he 

' Yn  the  extensive  plan  adopted  by  Marmol, 
his  history  of  the  rebellion  embraces  a  pre- 
liminary notice  of  the  conquest  of  Granada, 
and  of  that  cruel  policy  of  the  conquerors 
which  led  to  the  insurrection.    The  nairative. 


\ 


<4 


I'l 


\ 


LEAGUE  AGAINST  THE  TURKS. 


607 


thus  complete,  supplied  a  most  important 
hiatus  in  the  annals  of  the  country.  Yet 
notwithstanding  its  importance  in  this  view, 
and  its  acknowledged  merit  as  a  literary  com- 
position, such  was  the  indifference  of  the 
Spaniards  to  th(  ir  national  history  that  it  was 
not  till  the  close  of  the  last  century,  m  1797, 
that  a  second  edition  of  Marmol's  work  was 
permitted  to  appear.  This  was  in  two  vol- 
umes, octavo,  from  the  press  of  Saucha,  at 
Madrid,— the  edition  used  in  the  preparation 

of  these  pages.  _  j  v     *  -  ♦>,« 

The  most  comprehensive  and  by  far  tne 
most  able  history  of  the  Moors  of  Spam  with 
which  I  am  acquainted  is  that  of  the  Count 
Albert  de  Circourt,—"  Histoire  d£S  Arabts  en 
Espagne."     Beginning  with  the  beginning, 
the  author  opens  his  narrative  with  the  cou- 
nnest  of  the  Peninsula  by  the  Moslems      He 
paints  in  glowing  colours  the   magnificent 
empire  of  the  Spanish  caliphs.    He  dwells 
with  sufficient  minuteness  on  those  inter- 
minable fends  which,  growing  out  of  a  diver- 
sity  of  races  and  tribes,  baffled  every  attempt 
at  a  permanent  consolidation  under  one  govern- 
ment.   Then  comes  the  famous  war  of  Gra- 
nada, with  the  conquest  of  the  country  by  the 
"  Catholic  Kings  ; "  and  the  work  closes  with 
the  sad  tale  of  the  subsequent  fortunes  of  tbe 
conquered  races  until  their  final  .expulsion 
from  the  Peninsula.    Thu>  the  rapidly  sluft- 
ing  scenes  of  this  most  picturesque  drama, 
sketch.^  by  a  master's  hand,  are  brought  in 
regular   succession   before    the   eye  of  the 

'^^iJr conducting  his  long  story,  the  author, 
far  from  confining  himself  to  a  dry  record  of 
events,  diligently  explores  the  causes  of  these 


events.  He  scrutinizes  with  care  every  inch 
of  debatable  ground  which  lies  m  his  patb. 
He  enriches  his  narrative  with  copious  dis- 
quisitions on  the  condition  of  the  arts,  and 
the  progress  made  by  the  Spanish  Arabs  in 
science  and  letters,  thus  presenting  a  com- 
plete view  of  that  peculiar  civilization  which 
so  curiously  blended  together  the  character- 
?8tic    elements   of  European   and   OrienUl 

culture.  .    .        ■«»  j„  nj- 

If,  in  pursuing  his  speculations,  M.  de  Ur- 
couA  may  be  sometimes  thought  to  refine  t<x> 
much,  it  Jannot  be  denied  that  they  are  dis- 
anguished  by  candour  and  by  a  Pbdosophi^l 
spirit.    Even  when  we  may  differ  from  his 
cSnclusions.  we  must  allow  that  they  are  the 
result  of  careful  study  and  di>play  an  inde- 
pendent way  of  thinking.    I  P^^^  ^ ^f  J^ 
in  one  important  instance-the  pobcy  pf  the 
government  of  Ferdinand  and  I«abelU--he 
Ihould  have  been  led  to  dissent  fr''™  the 
opSns  which  1  had  expressed  inn^y  history 
of  those  sovereigns.     It  is  P<>s8ible  that  the 
predilection  which  the  writer,  whether  his- 
Sn^r  novelet,  naturally  feels  for  his  hero 
when  his  conduct  aff-rds  any  ground  for  it 
may  have  sometimes  seduced  me  /jom  ^he 
strict  line  of  impartiality  in  my  e«ti^*}f J^ 
rhflracter  and  motives  of  action.    I  see,  how- 
evS^no  reason  to  change  the  conclusions  at 

which  I  had  arrived  after  ^Tn^^t^lt^hl 
♦ho  anhiPTt  Yet  I  cannot  deny  that  tne 
laSous^'S  ihe  French  historian  have  .bed  a 
fght  upon  more  than  one  obscure  passage  /a 
the  administration  of  Ferdinand  and  I8abellJ^ 
fo?  whkh  the  student  of  Spanish  history  owes 
him  a  debt  of  gratitude. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

^v_         1-        <■«,.  ♦v.o  Wnr— Don  John  Commander-in-Chief— His 
League  .gainst  the  ■r-^'^^i;^^;Z!^kS'^X'^?.i'u.^in.. 

1670-1571. 

Wh,„e  Philip  wa,  occupied  with  *«  M^^^-^"  SlTfe  ^^^^^^^^^ 

called  to  another  V'^rter  'vteea^'J"™"?!^^  j,,^  Magnificent 

common  with  the  rest  of  Christendom     In  r5bb,ho^^^^^^^ 

closed  his  long  and  Pf»^P«™P/^i''Ti,  ^a^fXr  Bred T,  the  seraglio,  he 
possessed  few  of  the  .juahties  of  h«  E  tndolent  way  of  life  and  in  t1.e  free 
^owed  the  fruits  »«  h;^.,!! "^'^°" '"  " ^^^  efflminate  tastes,  he 

indulgence  of  the  most  ''"^e"''""^  *?&  heloneed  not  only  to  his  father,  but 
inherited  the  passion  for  conquest  «liichbelongeanOT^^^  ^  ^^^ 

*°  *^*  -""It  field''''Trei  wertTedty  vacant  cmul^iders,  Jvho  had  learned 
?Krt"of  tr  uMo^maT  Seli.^  was,  above  all,  fortunate  in  possessmg 


608  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

for  his  grand  vizier  a  minister  whose  untiring  industry  and  remarkable  talents 
for  business  enabled  him  to  bear  on  his  own  shoulders  the  whole  burden  of 
trovernment.  It  was  fortunate  for  the  state,  as  well  as  for  the  sultan,  that 
Mahomet  had  the  art  to  win  the  confidence  of  his  master  and  to  mamtam  it 
unshaken  through  the  whole  of  his  reign        ,       ,  „  ,.  ^,  .    . 

The  scheme  which  most  occupied  the  thoughts  of  Sehm  was  the  conquest  ot 
Cyprus.  This  island,  to  which  Nature  had  been  so  prodigal  of  her  gifts, 
belonged  to  Venice.  Yet,  placed  at  the  extremity  of  the  Mediterranean,  it 
seemed  in  a  manner  to  command  the  approaches  to  the  Dardanelles,  while  its 
line  of  coast  furnished  convenient  ports,  from  which  swarms  of  cruisers  might 
Bally  forth  in  time  of  war  and  plunder  the  Turkish  commerce.  .  . 

SeUm,  resolved  on  the  acquisition  of  Cyprus,  was  not  slow  in  devising  a 
pretext  for  claiming  it  from  Venice  as  a  part  of  the  Ottoman  empire,     ihe 
republic,  though  willing  to  make  almost  any  concession  rather  than  come  to  a 
rupture  with  the  colossal  power  under  whose  shadow  she  lay,  was  not  prepared 
to  surrender  without  a  struggle  the  richest  gem  in  her  colonial  diadeni.     War 
was  accordingly  declared  against  her  by  the  Porte,  and  vast  preparations  were 
made  for  fitting  out  an  armament  against  Cyprus.     Venice,  m  her  turn, 
showed  her  usual  alacrity  in  providing  for  the  encounter.    She  strained  her 
resources  to  the  utmost.     In  a  very  short  time  she  equipped  a  powerful  fleet, 
and  took  measures  to  place  the  fortifications  of  Cyprus  in  a  proper  state  ot 
defence.    But  Venice  no  longer  boasted  a  navy  such  as  in  earlier  days  had 
enabled  her  to  humble  the  pride  of  Genoa  and  to  ride  the  unquestioned 
mistress  of  the  Mediterranean.   The  defences  of  her  colonies,  moreover,  during 
her  long  repose,  had  gradually  fallen  into  decay.     In  her  extremity,  she  turned 
to  the  Christian  powers  of  Europe,  and  besought  them  to  make  common  cause 

with  her  against  the  enemy  of  Christendom.  i.    r>.     ^u 

Fortunately,  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  was  occupied,  at  this  crisis,  bv  Pius  the 
Fifth,  one  of  those  pontiffs  who  seem  to  have  been  called  forth  by  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  time,  to  uphold  the  pillars  of  Catholicism  as  they  were  yet  trembhng 
under  the  assaults  of  Luther.    Though  he  was  near  seventy  years  of  age,  the 
fire  of  youth  still  glowed  in  his  veins.    He  possessed  all  that  impetuous  elo- 
quence which,  had  he  lived  in  the  days  of  Peter  the  Hermit,  would  have 
enabled  him,  like  that  enthusiast,  to  rouse  the  nations  of  Europe  to  a  crusade 
against  the  infidel.    But  the  days  of  the  crusades  were  past ;  and  a  summons 
from  the  Vatican  had  no  longer  the  power  to  stir  the  souls  of  men  like  a  voice 
from  heaven.    The  great  potentates  of  Europe  were  too  intent  on  their  own 
selfish  schemes  to  be  turned  from  these  by  the  apprehension  of  a  danger  so 
remote  as  that  which  menaced  them  from  the  East.    The  forlorn  condition  of 
Venice  had  still  less  power  to  move  them ;  and  that  haughty  republic  was 
now  made  to  feel,  in  the  hour  of  her  distress,  how  completely  her  perhdious 
and  unscrupulous  policy  had  estranged  from  her  the  sympathies  ot  her 

neighbours.  •    <.  aVo, 

There  was  one  monarch,  however,  who  did  not  close  his  ears  a^inst  the 
appeal  of  Venice,— and  that  monarch  one  of  more  importance  to  her  cause 
than  any  other,  perhaps  all  others  united.  In  the  spring  of  1570,  Luigi  iorre^ 
clerk  of  the  apostolic  chamber,  was  sent  to  Spain  by  Pius  the  Fifth  to  plead 
the  cause  of  the  republic.  He  found  the  king  at  Ecija,  on  the  route  from 
Cordova,  where  he  had  been  for  some  rime  presiding  over  a  meeting  of  the 
cortes.  The  legate  was  graciously  received  by  Philip,  to  whom  he  presented 
a  letter  from  his  holiness,  urging  the  monarch,  m  the  most  earnest  and  eloquent 
language,  to  give  succour  to  Venice  and  to  unite  with  ner  in  a  league  against 
the  infidel    Philip  did  not  hesitate  to  promise  his  assistance  in  the  present 


i 


LEAGUE  AGAINST  THE  TURKS. 


609 


emergency ;  but  he  had  natural  doubts  as  to  the  expedtency^^^^  binding  him^ 

self  by  a  feagiie  wth  a  P^^fJ,?"  !j°^f  STevU  «   Accompanied  by  the  legate, 
postponed  hfs  decision  m,  .1  h"?  a^^*  »  ~„  ttelS  commercial  capital 

joy  by  the  1°/^.  i"^'tK;^^,i,Kf.d  to  S  did  they  ever 

predominant  trait  of  the  »pa"ia™s ,  aim  w  i  ,     ^  {  ^  ,g,„  eer- 

Sy:Vastrt=g%^^^^^^^^^ 
;;fcw^ringtoresr.^^ 

mon^teries,  hearing  Te  Deum,  and  o^^™^  "P  ''f  Se'r,  ".hile  the  streets 
He  was  attended  by  a  g^y  P^-^^^f"  »/ "^^^^^  »* 

expenses  of  the  king  s  approacning  iiitu  ictb       Tyiaximilian     The  fair  young 

t7;«,rwre''irh:t^^'y^^^  P-Sea^ihe  ..tio. 

'"^^Esfville,  Philip  laid  the  -JOect^Mhe  league  ^^^^  his  minister. 

Some  of  these,  and  among  *? '"H^^f  PJ^^^To't  bSg  Spai"  by  a  formal 
Castile,  entertained  great  doubts  as  »«  the  policy  otwimn^^^^^^         ^ 

treaty  with  the  Venetian  repuWic.  B"*-  V^™"^  '  „  -nS  Independently 
Philip  took  a  broader  view  of  the  mfter  than  his  mi^^^^^^^  great  champioii 
of  his  willingness  to  present  h™f  ^^Sf^f/," '^7^' thftest  opportunity  for 
of  the  Faith,  he  felt  that  such  an  alliance  ?"«f<^  ™?jPf  fJ[^,^  safety  of 

crippUng  the  marituue  P""''."' T"S:t"?a^^^^^^^^  deliberation, 

his  own  colonial  possessions  m  the  Mwiterrane^^^^  ^^^^^^ 

he  dismissed  the  %ate  with  the  assurance  *at,n^^^^^  ^^  ^„„,j 

which  pressed  on  him  '^th  in  the  Low  Cwntries  an^^  ^  ^ 

furnish'  immediate  succom  to  Vmey "d  ^"d  the  republic  in  forming  a 
with  full  powers  to  unite  «^th  those  of  the  pope  a^a  y  ^^  ^^^^^ 

treaty  of  alliance  against  ^e  Ottoman  Porte     l  he  pag  y^^ 

with  a  letter  to  the  same  effect,  addressea  oy  r niup  ^^^^ 

The  ensuing  summer,  the  royal  af  minute  Jan'ous  joni 

.  Ferreras    Hist.  d-F^page,  ^^^^  ^SttS  in  ?.e  sixteenth  century.     U 

239,  240.-Cabrera.  t  .lipe  &f g"™«'  Pg  ^^•^^g       ^.^g  a  common  saying,- 

8p  enSrs  of  the  royal  reapiion  at  ^ev.ll^  No  ha  visto  a  maiaviIU. 

Silidi,  enriched  by  the  Indian  trade,  took  its  o  ^ 


610 


WAR  WITH  TUE  TURKS. 


the  last  of  August,  1570,  the  combined  fleet  effected  its  junction  with  the 
Venetians  at  Candia,  and  a  plan  of  operations  was  immediately  arranged. 
It  was  not  long  before  the  startling  intelligence  arrived  that  Nicosia,  the 
capital  of  Cyprus,  had  been  taken  and  sacked  by  the  Turks,  with  all  the 
circumstances  of  cruelty  which  distinguish  wars  in  which  the  feeling  of 
national  hostility  is  embittered  by  religious  hatred.  The  plan  was  now  to 
be  changed.  A  dispute  arose  among  the  commanders  as  to  the  course  to 
be  pursued.  Ko  one  had  authority  enough  to  enforce  compliance  with  his 
own  opinion.  The  dispute  ended  in  a  rupture.  The  expedition  was  aban- 
doned ;  and  the  several  commanders  returned  home  with  their  squadrons, 
without  having  struck  a  blow  for  the  cause.    It  was  a  bad  omen  for  the  success 

of  the  league.'  ,     ^      ,  ^         u 

Still,  the  stout-hearted  pontiff  was  not  discouraged.  On  the  contrary,  he 
endeavoured  to  infuse  his  own  heroic  spirit  into  the  hearts  of  his  allies,  giving 
them  the  most  cheering  assurances  for  the  future  if  they  would  but  be  true  to 
themselves.  Philip  did  not  need  this  encouragement.  Once  resolved,  his  was 
not  a  mind  lightly  to  be  turned  from  its  purpose.  Venice,  on  the  other  hand, 
soon  showed  that  the  Catholic  kin^  had  good  reason  for  distrusting  her 
fidelity.  Appalled  by  the  loss  of  Nicosia,  with  her  usual  inconstancy,  she 
despatched  a  secret  agent  to  Constantinople  to  see  if  some  terms  might  not 
yet  be  made  with  the  sultan.  The  negotiation  could  not  be  managed  so 
secretly,  however,  but  that  notice  of  it  reached  the  ears  of  Pius  the  Fifth. 
He  forthwith  despatched  an  envoy  to  the  republic  to  counteract  this  measure 
and  to  persuade  the  Venetians  to  trust  to  their  Christian  allies  rather  than  to 
the  Turks,  the  enemies  of  their  country  and  their  religion.  The  person 
selected  for  this  mission  was  Colonna,  who  was  t|uite  as  much  distinguished 
for  his  address  as  for  his  valour.  He  performed  his  task  well.  He  represented 
so  forcibly  to  the  government  that  the  course  he  recommended  was  the  one 
dictated  not  less  by  interest  than  by  honour,  that  they  finally  acquiesced,  and 
recalled  their  agent  from  Constantinople.  It  must  be  acknowledged  that 
Colonna's  arguments  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  cold  reception  given  to 
the  Venetian  envoy  at  Constantinople,  where  it  was  soon  seen  that  the  con- 
quest of  the  capital  had  by  no  means  tended  to  make  the  sultan  relax  his  hold 
on  Cyprus.'  . 

Towards  the  close  of  1570,  the  deputies  from  the  three  powers  met  in  Rome 
to  arrange  the  terms  of  the  league.  Spain  was  represented  by  the  Cardinals 
Granvelle  and  Pacheco,  together  with  the  ambassador.  Juan  de  Zuniga,  all 
three  at  that  time  being  resident  in  Rome.  It  will  readily  be  believed  that  the 
interests  of  Spain  would  not  suffer  in  the  hands  of  a  commission  with  so 
skilful  a  tactician  as  Granvelle  to  direct  it. 

Yet,  though  the  parties  seemed  to  be  embarked  in  a  common  cause,  there 
was  found  much  difficulty  in  reconciling  their  different  pretensions.  The 
deputies  from  Venice,  in  the  usual  spirit  of  her  diplomacy,  regarded  the  league 
as  exclusively  designed  for  her  benefit,— in  other  words,  for  the  protection  of 
Cyprus  against  the  Turks.  The  Spanish  commissioners  took  a  wider  view, 
and  talked  of  the  war  as  one  waged  by  the  Christian  against  the  Infidel, — 
against  the  Moors  no  less  than  the  Turks.  In  this  politic  view  of  the  matter, 
the  Catholic  king  was  entitled  to  the  same  protection  for  his  colonies  on  the 
coast  of  Africa  as  Venice  claimed  for  Cyprus. 

Another  cause  of  disagreement  was  the  claim  of  each  of  the  parties  to  select 


LEAGUE  AGAINST  THE  TURKS. 


611 


I 


a 


a  commander-in  chief  for  the  expedition  from  its  own  nation.  Tliis  pre- 
eminence was  finally  conceded  to  Spain,  as  the  power  that  was  to  bear  the 
largest  share  of  the  expenses. 

ft  was  agreed  that  the  treaty  should  be  permanent  in  its  duration,  and 
should  be  directed  against  the  Moors  of  Tunis,  Tripoli,  and  Algiers,  as  well  as 
against  the  Turks  ;  that  the  contracting  parties  should  furnish  two  hundied 
galleys,  one  hundred  transports  and  smaller  vessels,  fifty  thousand  foot,  and  four 
thousand  five  hundred  horse,  with  the  requisite  artillery  and  munitions  ;  that  by 
April,  at  farthest,  of  every  succeeding  year,  a  similar  force  should  be  held  in 
readiness  by  the  allies  for  expeditions  to  the  Levant ;  and  that  any  year  in  which 
there  was  no  expedition  in  common,  and  either  Spain  or  the  republic  should 
desire  to  engage  m  one  on  her  own  account  against  the  infidel,  the  other  confede- 
rates should  furnish  fifty  galleys  towards  it ;  that  if  the  enemy  should  invade 
the  dominions  of  any  of  the  three  powers,  the  others  should  be  bound  to  come 
to  the  aid  of  their  ally  ;  that  three-sixths  of  the  expenses  of  the  war  should  be 
borne  by  the  Catholic  King,  two-sixths  by  the  republic,  the  remaining  sixth 
by  the  Holy  See ;  that  the  Venetians  should  lend  his  holiness  twelve  galleys, 
which  he  was  to  man  and  equip  at  his  own  charge,  as  his  contribution  towards 
the  armament ;  that  each  power  should  appoint  a  captain-general ;  that  the 
united  voices  of  the  three  commanders  should  regulate  the  plan  of  operations ; 
that  the  execution  of  this  plan  should  be  intrusted  to  the  captain -general  of 
the  league,  and  that  this  high  ottice  should  be  given  to  Don  John  of  Austria  ; 
that,  finally,  no  one  of  the  parties  should  make  peace,  or  enter  into  a  truce 
with  the  enemy,  without  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  the  others.* 

Such  were  the  principal  provisions  of  the  famous  treaty  of  the  Holy  League. 
The  very  first  article  declares  this  treaty  perpetual  in  its  nature.  Yet  we 
should  be  slow  to  believe  that  the  shrewd  and  politic  statesmen  who  directed 
the  affairs  of  Spain  and  the  repubUc  could  for  a  moment  believe  in  the  per- 
petuity of  a  contract  which  imposed  such  burdensome  obligations  on  the 
parties.  In  fact,  the  league  did  not  hold  together  two  years.  But  it  held 
together  long  enough  to  accomplish  a  great  result,  and  as  such  occupies  an 
important  place  in  tlie  history  of  the  times. 

Although  a  draft  of  the  treaty  had  been  prepared  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
preceding  year,  it  was  not  ratified  till  1571.*  On  the  twenty-fourth  of  May 
the  pope  caused  it  to  be  read  aloud  in  full  consistory.  He  then,  laying  his 
hand  on  his  breast,  solemnly  swore  to  the  observance  of  it.  The  ambassadors 
of  Spain  and  Venice  made  oath  to  the  same  ettect,  on  behalf  of  their  govern- 
ments, placing  their  hands  on  a  missal  with  a  copy  of  the  Gospels  beneath  it. 
On  the  day  following,  after  mass  had  been  performed  the  treaty  was  pubhcly 
proclaimed  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter.^ 

The  tidings  of  the  aUiance  of  the  three  powers  caused  a  great  sensation 
throughout  Christendom.  Far  from  dismaying  the  sultan,  however,  it  only 
stimulated  him  to  greater  exertions.  Availing  himself  of  the  resources  of  his 
vast  empire,  he  soon  got  together  a  powerful  fleet,  partly  drawn  from  his 
own  dominions,  and  in  part  from  those  of  the  Moslem  powers  on  the  Medi- 
terranean, who  acknowledged  allegiance  to  the  Porte.  The  armada  was 
placed  mider  the  command  of  SeUm's  brother-in-law,  the  Pacha  Piali,  a  man 


■  Herrera,  H  storla  general,  torn.  i.  p.  798, 
et  seq. — Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  vi.  cap. 
17.— Sagredo,  Monarcas  Othomanus,  p.  277. 


■'  Cabrera,  Filipe  Sogundo,  p.  667.— KSagredo, 
Monarcas  Otbomanos,  p.  277. 


*  A  copy  of  tbe  treaty,  in  Latin,  dated 
May  25tb,  1571,  exists  in  tbe  library  of  the 
Academy  of  History,  at  Madrid.  Sefior 
Rosell  lias  transferred  it  to  tbe  appendix  of 
his  work,  Historia  del  Com  bate  naval  de 
Lepanto  (Ma^lrid,  1853),  pp.  180-189. 


•  A  copy  from  the  first  draft  of  the  treaty, 
as  prepared  in  1570,  is  incorporated  in  the 
Documentos  ineditos  (torn.  iii.  p.  337.  et  seq.). 
The  original  is  in  the  library  of  the  duke  of 
Ossuna. 

•  Rosell,  Combate  naval  de  Lepanto,  p.  56. 


gl2  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

than  mere  physical  courage-_  ottoman  admiral  sailed  out  of  the  Golden 

Early  in  the  sprmg  of  lo/l  the  7*?™*,'?  *'''V  ™'  he  remained  until  joined 

Horn  and  directed  his  course  V"Tu'l%^^"ltol "  ,i,r«^^^  Ali,-a  Cala- 

by  a  strong  Algerine  force  under  the  redo  htoble  cor^^'j^.  ^^     ^     ;  ^  „f  ^ey 

brian  renegade,  who  had  "^«n '"'™  *;„,Sd  tot  sS  '»'  ^^^  Adriatic  ; 
of  AlKier^.    Early  m  the  ««a,^"  *  f/»',"™'^V  te^  belonging  to  the 

and  Piali,  fter  landing  and  fc^y>»g  ^^>>t«  rpenetrate\igher''up''the  gulf, 
republic,  deUched  Uluch  with  nis  3*"™".'  *^j  ^  near  to  Venice  as  to 
T/e  Algerine  '»  ««f  *"\*i,,f,fpiran  ^^^^^  as  they  had 

throw  the  inhabitants  of  that  •=»?"„ '"t'n  ™nturies  before,  had  resounded 
not  felt  since  the  cannon  of  the  Genoese,  two  cen^^^^^^  j^_._^^. 

over  their  waters,    But  it  wa^.  ■  «t  the  dey  »  l^'^soon  drawing  off,  he  joined 

^Vet^gab,e  Pius  even  before  ^e^tfJ^itTo^'o  tS^tfe 
his  nephew.  Cardinal  Alessandrmo,  to  ttie  dmerew  to  ^^  j^^^^j^^,  ^^ 
drooping  spirits  of  the  alhes  mid  to  per^^^^^^  ^  ^j^^,y 

join  the  league.  _  In  the  middle  «  May.  ^"e     „      ,  recention  that 

train  of  ecclesiastics,  aj-peared  at  M-idrid.  Flulip  |?^^^"brother,  6on  John, 
fully  testified  his  devotion  to    he  Ho^yS^.Th^^^^  ^,^ 

and  his  favounte  """"^ter.  Buy  txon  ez  ae  oiiva,  |,ig  q„arters  in  the 

nobles,  waited  at  once  on  the  <=a'^'J»*VfAt,X  tinted    y  6^  of  his 

suburbs,  at  the  Dominican  monasteiy  of  A'°cha  Ynanw«    y ,  ^^^^^^^^ 

own  order.  On  the  following  n'0™'"8  *f  „,^P*id"on  a  mule,  gorgeously 
in  great  ^tato  into  the^p.Ul.  jH«  ^  momaed^°''^„%^  ^ '..f ,  ^  ,  ^^ 

caparisoned,  the  gift  ot  ttie  ciiy.    *J"""  "  ,  „randees,  who  seemed  to  vie 

was  escorted  by  a  pompous  array  ^^P^^^^^^  way  he  was  met 

with  one  another  in  the  ^P^^^f^,  of  th^^^^^^^^  he 

by  the  royal  ca  valcade     As  the  f  gate  paiQ  nis  u  courtesy, 

remained  with  his  head  "ncovered  ;  and  ™^^^^^^^^^^  hat  in  his  hand.' 

while  he  addressed  a  few  remarks  to  the  c*J^J^*^"'^"v^^^  on   the   right 

SrLt=»coSrr^VSffie?l^uette^o^  the  p^unctiUous 

^Th^iTnL  were  concluded  by  religious  services  in  the  "  "[^^J.^fi 

Mart  whe?e  the  legate  after  P^ttV^™  hiS^Srl  '•  Y^tlf  more 
remisSon  of  the  pains  of  Purgatory  'o^tw"  hundred  y«i^  the  crnzada,  the 
Tvorth,  in  a  temporal  view,  ^T^^  the  grant  to  W  e  wng  ot^  ^^^^^ 

excmacUi,  and  other  conce^ions  of  f,'*J  *^  L'fJJ'o^tT^^^^  These  con- 

Sls^r^met'gtd  L'?rsu'^;W''r^TcXl  sorely  drained  by  the 
costly  preparations  for  the  war. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  WAR. 


613 


•  Paruta.  Gueira  di  Cipro,  p.  120,  et  seq. 
-Hprrera,  Hist,  general,  t-.m.  ii.  pp.  H.  15 

•  Cabrera,  Filifie  Seeundo,  lib.  ix.  caP- 2^- 
— Ferreras,  Hi8t.  d'Espagne,  torn  x.  pp. 
247,    248.— Vanderhammen,    Don    Juan    ae 

^"'^^No^^'^o^Be  maravillaron  los  curiosos, 


»  <« 


viendole,  6  por  casualidad  6  blen  de  intents, 
tcrciar  llanamente  en  la  conversacion,  contra 
las  etiquetas,   basta    entonces    obsorvadas. 
Resell,  Combate  n:ival  de  Lepanto  p.  59 

•°  "  Y  concede  dozientos  aftos  de  perdon  a 
los  presentes"— Vanderhammen.  Don  Juan 
de  Austria,  fol.  152 


Ji  • 


r^^rzintfxl^Sd^y^o^l::!:^^^^^^^^^^ 

wa"  sV'eded  on  the  charge  of  incapacity,  shown  «^Pf  "^'ly '" '''^StS  f^^^ 

monarchy.    Even  a  corps  ^^  ''"^^^        .  ^^^  the  veteran  garrisons  in 

Sd^TtSntirco^St^^^^^^^^^^  employed  in 

the  war  against  the  Turk  renuired  extraordinary  efforts  to  fill  the 

J^::^  tr  pS  oc^o^^'ii?for^'.dr  Li  TL  been  7o  popular  with  the 


>'  "7)e   la*   mejores  que   jamas   se    han 
visto,"--  among  the  best  galleys  that  were 
ever   8een."-say8    Don    Juan,  m  a    letter 
from  Sina   to    Don   Garcia    de   Toledo^ 
Documentos  ineditos,  torn.   ni.  p.  ^^5.— lue 
earlier  part  of  the  third  volume  of  the  Docu- 
Sent'^s'ineditos  is  taken  "P  .^'"^  t^J^^^^^J- 
BDondence   between   John    of    Austria   ana 
gW  de  Toledo,  in  which  the  former  asks 
information  and  advice  in  respect  to  the  best 
m^le  of  conducting  the  war.     Don  Garcia  de 
To^L,  fourth  marquis  of  Villafranca  was  a 
mm  of  high  family  and  of  great  sagacity  and 
Sner^encf     He  had  tilled  some  of  the  highest 
pX  m  The  government,  and  as  the  reader 
may  remember,  was  viceroy  of  Sicily  at  the 


time  when  Malta  was  besieged  by  the  Turks 
The  coldness  whir  on  that  occasion  he 
appeared  to  show  to  the  besieged  excited 
general  indignation  ;  and  1  ventured  to  stato. 
5n  an  autbJriiy  which  I  did  not  profess  to 
esteem  the  best,  that  in  consequence  of  this 
he  fell  into  disgrace,  and  was  suffered  to  pass 
the  remainder  of  his  years  in  oqscurity. 
lAnU,  p.  438.)  An  investigation  of  docu- 
l^ents  ^which  \  had  not  then  ^en  s^ows 
this  to  have  been  an  error.  The  ample 
correspondence  which  both  Phil  p  the  Sea.iui 
and  Don  John  carried  on  with  him  gives  un- 
deniable  proofs  of  the  confidence  he  continued 
Jo  en^y  at  court,  and  the  high  deference 
which  was  paid  to  his  opinion. 


614  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS, 

nation.    Indeed,  the  Spaniards  ent.^^ 

-^irr:?hrtilt^:^fS^^ 

Beculiar  manner  to  the  sensibilities  o', ™.,^*^"S'  The  whole  number  of 
Ikh  the  sound  of  the  battle-cry  against  the  ""fdej-  ^^  ;  thousand.  Of 
Tnfclntry  r^sed  by  the  oonfederat^  Se"en"'tltS*leU.anpointed  troo^, 
?oSpSndin|Cn:^°™-votrrs!'rnyo£  whom  belonged  to  the  noblest 

houses  of  the  Peninsula.**  receiving  the  last  instructions  of  his 

On  the  sixth  of  Jun^  Don  J^^i^^,  a  Her  ^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^ 

brother,  set  out  from  Madrid  (mi  hi. ^^^^^^^^^  escorted.by  a  splendid 

private  establishment,  making  *  "^"f  .^°"L\'e '^  ^  him  in  the  triumphs  of  the 
Company  of  lords  and  cavahp,  eager  to  share  w^^^^^  ^^^^  rate 

S%nxious  to  reach  \h^/,«,^'  ^^^^^^^^^^^  Yet,  notwithstand- 

than  was  altogether  relished  by  the  rest  oi  y^e  ui  ^  j^-    attention  in 

i"  speJ  on  the  road,  tl^ere  were  ma^^^^^  ^^^  ^        ,y 

fhl  towns  through  which  he  pas^^^^^^^^  ^^  ^^^  great  lords  were 

had  the  appearance  of  a  royal  proj^ss     ine  «^  ^  ^^.^  ^^^^^^     i„  the 

thrown  open  with  Pnncely  hospital^^^^^^^  recm^  Tirtained  by  the  viceroys 
chief  cities,  as  Saragossa  ^"^.^^'^ff^^'^'ia  have  been  shown  to  the  king  hi m- 
with  all  the  pomp  and  ceremon>  f^^^f^fi^^^^^^J^pital  of  Catalonia,  and  found 
self.  He  remained  some  days  V"  ^„^^.  ^"Jf.  ^r^^^^  and  dock-yards,  now 
there  much  to  engage  his  attention  in  the  arsena,^  jignmage  to  the 

aSreXthe  bustle  of  preparau^^^^  he  W  ^^ 

Lghbouring  Hermitage  of  01  rl^ad^^  ^^^^^^  always  deeply 

^:^^tl^f^^  than  thirty 

Mediterranean,  and  landed,  on  t{^fj^^'\\"'^as  lodged  during  his  stay  m 
fhe  senato  came  out  to  ^.f  ^»^«  ^^j^^^,"eiived  em^  ^"^  congratulatory 

the  palace  of  Andrew  Dona.    Here  he  receiveu  eu  ^^^^^  greeted 

addresses  from  the  different  princes  of  ^^ajy^.    He  haa  a^^^^^      y        ^^^^^^  ^^^ 

with  an  autograph  letter,  couched  m  ^^^.J^^^^^.^fj^^^    was  careful  to 
Tovere^gn  pontirf.     To  all  these  communicaUons  Don  Jonn  ^^  ^.^ 

reply     He  acmiainted  his  holiness,  "^^P^^*/;!^^^^^^^  his  brother, 

proceedings.    While  on  the  way  he  had  rece^^^^  ^  hv  which  each  one  of  his 

K  b^^  ^  ^''^^  "^^'^^T'  ".^  '^.a^^Xrwas    hT^  Knm^d  to  crowned 
Correspondents  should  be  addressed.   ,Nor  was  tnis  n  k       ^  „     j^  ,,o 

headsf  but  comprehended  nob  esa^^^^^^^  studied  than 

counter  has  the  Pinions  code  of  etiqiiet^^^^^      m  ^^ 

in  Spain  ;  and  no  Spaniard  ^vas  better  versea  in  t  ^           dropned 

Persuing  hi^3  route  by     ^ter^  Don  John,  m  the  moi  ^^^^^^^^   ^^  t\iat 

anchor  in  the  beautiful  bay  of  Naples.    Arrangeiuet*  witnessed 

city  for  his  reception  on  ^,"^;^^  "|ff]^^i^^^^^^^^  to^the  nost  of  viceroy 
on  his  iourney.    Granvelle,  who  had  ff  Jf.  y  7;^        j^n,  to  welcome  his  royal 

^me  forth,  at  the  head  of  a  long  a^^^^^^^^^^^^^  richly-tinted  tapes- 

S^nlla'yr^le^t^^^^^^^^  ^'-^-^  -^  ^^""^  ^^" 

tries  ana  {,»j  j  „  „.„^„,u.™„.pn    has    been   careful   to 


RECEPTION  AT  NAPLES. 


615 


"  Authorities  differ,  as  usual,  as  to  the 
li^reetTy  avoids  the  extremes  on  either  s>de. 


x^  Vanderharamen  has  been  careful  to 
tran.cril>e  this  precious  catalogue.  Don 
Juau  de  Austria,  lol.  156,  et  seq. 


graced  with  the  beauty  and  ^  ^f  on  dtha^,  tTa"^^^^^^ 

I  dark  eve  sparkled  as  it  gazed  on  the  ^^^J^^J"'^^^^^^^        assume  the  Woirof 

hero  wh6  at  the  age  of  twenty -four  had  come  ^^^^^^^^^^^  ^hTs  splendid  dress  of 

command  and  lead  the  ^F^^^^pf  of  hi^^  g^^^^^^^^^^  to  advantage.    A 

white  velvet  and  cloth  of  gold  set  o^/v^'^^fy^?  ^nd  his  snow-white  plumes, 
crimson  scarf  floated  loosely  over  his  b^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^^       f^sioji 

drooping  from  his  cap,  singled  with  the  ye^^ow^  .^^^  might  love  to 

over  hi?  shoidders.    ft  was  a  Wf  "^^^.^^J^^^  sheathed  in  the  iron 

look  on.  It  was  certainly  not  the  P\c^^"®.°\^7^eneral  aspect,  might  be  re- 
mnoply  of  war.  But  the  T'^f  PXVi^ml/Srous  bekring  and  the 
tievei  from  the  charge  of  etleminacy  by  hi^  tru^  cm  ^^^^  Uneaments 

rcrh^&\%l^ap1^'v1eti»bLt\  hisc^hns  to  a  descent 

from  the  imperial  house  of  Hapsburg.  preparations  for  the  cam- 

Don  John  had  found  no  place  ''}^J^^f''^\lT^^^  bay,  ready  to  sad 

paign  than  Naples.    A  fleet  was  "^iiig  at  anchor  m^^^^  J^  ^^^^^  ^ 

Snder  the  command  of  Don  Alyaro  l^zan   ^^^^  "^^^^         gallant  achieve- 
nobleman  who  had  distinguished  himself  by  no^  \^y^^\hehoun^^t\ons  of 

nient  in  the  Mediteiranean  and  w^^^^^ 

a  fame  that  was  one  day  to  eclipse  that  oteveiy  01  ^^^  ^^  ^^^ 

Ten  days  Don  John  ^eniamed  at  Naples,  am^  Ughtly  amidst  the  fetes 
Though  impatient  to  reach  Me^ma^h^^^^^^^  ii«^  J^^  ^     ^i^  enter- 

and  brilliant  spectacles  ;vhich  his  trienaiyno^  he  was  well  skilled  in  the 
tainment.  He  entered  gayly  mto  the  revels  ^^^^^«  ^  better  than  he,  or 
courtly  and  chivalrous  exercises  o^h^^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^^^  ^    ,^,ried  off 

rode,  or  fenced,  or  played  at  tennis  witn  more  ^  ^^  showed  as  much 

more  frequently  tfie  prizes  pf  the  tourney,    ina^^^^  ^^^^^       ^^^^ 

ambition  to  excel  in  the  "iimic  game^^^^^^  ^^^  believe,  that  Don 

his  accomplishments  and  personal  attractio^^^^^^        y  ^^^^^^  ^^  j^aiy. 

John  had'uttle  reason  ^  c^mplam  of  co^dnes^^i^i,  ^he  men.    The  young 
But  he  seems  to  have  been  no  less  a  lavour  ^^  chivalry,  and 

^valiers,  in  particular,  regarded  him  as  the  very  n       ^     ^^.^  clustered 
Odiously  fo/med  themselves  on  him  as  their  ^^del.^^^^^^         ^^^^  ^^ 

»irh^  ^"e  »35L  ^^t^  etrt»ysi^ 

^grmlsTdi^^^^^^^^^^^  ™^  ^^^"  "^^ ''  ^'^.":" 

manner.  .     *  „v  „art  in  a  ceremony  of  an  interesting  and  signifi- 

While  at  Naples  he  took  part  m  *  ^^^f,™}^ "Vesentation  of  a  standard  sent 

cant  character.*^  H  ^'^I'^UT  X    Vhe  cereCny  tSk  place  in  the  church 
by  Pius  the  Fifth  for  'he  Holy  W^.Tte  ceremony  ^^  j^^^^ 

of  the  Franciscan  convent  of  ^a"^  Omara^    wu^  .        ntificals.    le 

In.    Mass  was  ^'^""^fft^J^^hkh  Cj»hn'^^^^^^  "-^^t 

Deum  was  then  chanted,  after  wmcn  i"" '  •'    ,  '    'T    palate,  who,  first  de- 

asbwand  dignified  f  P.  F^,^Ss^l'\„  the  name^f  his  hoUness  next 
livprinff  to  him  the  baton  of  g^"^™.'*'^'"'";  "  j  if  ™„s  of  azure  damask.  A 
Xced  in  his  hands  the  consecrated  standari  It  *a^  °» /^^ile  below  were 
Sw>^  embroidered  o"  ^^^^Pf^j  P|;^i^^Wr^t  and  of  Venice  on 
the  arms  of  the  Church,  with  tho.e  ol  »^  ^  general.  u>m. 

..  V.n.erha.n>en   TJ,^  J-  de  ^u,p        «-  -  P,,  3^. 
fol.  159,  et  seq.  — t  erreras,  tii=t-  «      r  o 


III 


616  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

the  left,  united  by  a  chain,  from  which  were  suspended  the  arms  of  John  of 
Austria.  The  prelate  concluded  the  ceremony  by  invokmg  the  blessmg  of 
Heaven  on  its  champion  and  beseeching  that  he  might  be  permitted  to  carry 
the  banner  of  the  Cross  victorious  over  its  enemies.  The  choir  of  the  convent 
then  burst  forth  into  a  triumphant  peal,  and  the  people  from  every  quarter 

of  the  vast  edifice  shouted  "  Amen  ! "  '*  .   xu    «  «,i.^ 

It  was  a  striking  scene,  pregnant  with  matter  for  meditation  to  those  who 
gazed  on  it  For  what  could  be  more  striking  than  the  contrast  attorded  bv 
these  two  individuals,— the  one  in  the  morning  of  life,  his  eye  kindling  with 
hope  and  generous  ambition,  as  he  looked  into  the  future  and  prepared  to 
tr^d  the  path  of  glory  under  auspices  as  brilliant  as  ever  attended  any 
mortal ;  the  other  drawing  near  to  the  evening  of  his  day,  looking  to  the  past 
rather  than  the  future,  ^vith  pale  and  thoughtful  brow,  as  of  one  who,  after 
many  a  toilsome  day  and  sleepless  night,  had  achieved  the  proud  eminence 
for  which  his  companion  was  panting,— and  had  found  it  barren  ! 

The  wind  having  become  more  favourable,  Don  John  took  leave  of  the  gay 
capital  of  the  South,  and  embarked  for  Messina,  which  he  reached  on  the 
twenty-fifth  of  August.  If  in  other  places  he  had  seen  preparations  for  war, 
here  he  seemed  to  be  brought  on  the  very  theatre  of  war.  As  he  entered  the 
noble  port,  he  was  saluted  with  the  thunders  of  hundreds  of  pieces  of  ordnance 
from  the  combined  fleets  of  Rome  and  Venice,  which  lay  side  by  side  awaiting 
his  arrival.  He  landed  beneath  a  triumphal  arch  of  colossal  dimensions,  em- 
bossed with  rich  plates  of  silver  and  curiously  sculptured  with  embleniatical 
bas-reliefs  and  with  complimentary  legends  in  Latin  verse,  furnished  by  the 
classic  poets  of  Italy.'«  He  passed  under  two  other  arches  of  similar  rich  and 
elaborate  construction,  as  he  rode  into  the  city  amidst  the  ringing  of  bells,  the 
cheers  of  the  multitude,  the  waving  of  scarfs  and  handkerchiefs  from  the 
balconies,  and  other  lively  demonstrations  of  the  public  joy,  such  as  might 
have  intoxicated  the  brain  of  a  less  ambitious  soldier  than  John  of  Austria. 
The  festivities  were  closed  in  the  evening  by  a  general  illumination  of  the 
city,  and  by  a  display  of  fireworks  that  threw  a  light  far  and  wide  over  the 
beautiful  harbour  and  the  countless  ships  that  floated  on  its  waters. 

Nothing  could  be  finer,  indeed,  whether  by  day  or  by  night,  than  the  spec- 
tacle presented  by  the  port  of  Messina.  Every  day  a  fresh  reinforcement  of 
squadrons,  or  of  single  galleys  or  brigantines,  under  some  brave  adventurer, 
entered  the  harbour  to  swell  the  numbers  of  the  great  armada.  Many  of  these 
vessels,  especially  the  galleys,  were  richly  carved  and  gilt,  after  the  fashion  of 
the  time,  and  with  their  many -coloured  streamers,  and  their  flags  displaying  the 
arms  of  their  several  states,  made  a  magnificent  show  as  they  glanced  over  the 
waters.  None,  in  the  splendour  of  their  decorations,  exceeded  the  Keatym 
the  galley  of  the  commander-in-chief  was  termed.  It  was  of  great  size,  and  had 
been  built  in  Barcelona,  famous  for  its  naval  architecture  all  the  world  over. 
The  stern  of  the  vessel  was  profusely  decorated  with  emblems  and  devices  dmwn 
from  history.  The  interior  was  furnished  in  a  style  of  luxury  that  seemed  to 
be  designed  for  pleasure  rather  than  for  the  rough  duties  of  war.  But  the 
galley  was  remarkable  for  both  strength  and  speed,— the  two  most  essential 
qualities  in  the  construction  of  a  ship.  Of  this  she  gave  ample  evidence  in  her 
contest  with  the  Turk."  , 

The  whole  number  of  vessels  in  the  armada,  great  and  small,  amounted  to 


ARRIVAL  AT  MESSINA. 


617 


"  "  Luego  8U  AUeza,  el  Coro,  y  Pueblo 
dixeron  con  musica,  vozes,  y  alegria ;  Amen." 
Vanderhammeo,  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  159. 

"  For  a  miuute  account  of  thebe  arches  and 


their  manifold  inscriptions,  see  Vanderham- 
men,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  lGO-162. 
"  KoaeU,  Combate  naval  de  Lepanto,  p. 

84. 


CsrweJshl^sof  enonuous  bulk,  and,  as  it  »ould  see",  of  dum^^^^^^^^^^^ 

tion,  carrying  J^ch  more  than  forty  pieces  of.art'"«f?-.IJ'f^f  I^"i*J?\w^ 
o  Jnvo  rif  Trallpvs  less  than  their  Venetian  confederates.  But  tney  i*r 
LSedhemirthe  number  of  their  frigates,  brigantines,  and  vesse  s  of 
sm-S^er  sii  Thev  bLted  a  still  greater  superiority  in  the  equipment  of  their 
Tvv  Indeed  the  vTnetL  smiaSron  was  found  so  indifterentlv  manned  that 
AnY'Tohnoriered  sevS  thousand  hands  to  be  drafted  from  the  ships  of  the 
Ktdian  ^wertand  from  the  Spanish,  to  make  up  the  necessary  compte- 
nlent.' TlS^CIecling  conveyed  so  f  ^^^  VS^r VtUT^BuTi^'  the 
re^SSr^^n'c^  EaTntit  We  ntS^tot^^nor  ^^sent  it." 
•^  X  nnSr  of  oersons  on  board  of  tlie  fleet,  soldiers  and  seamen,  was  esti- 

enemy.    But  Don  J°»>{;.  T^'*  *  PT^S  reinforcements, 

declined  moving  untU  he  had  ^een  str*S^  not  doubt  that  in 


>«•  Don  John.  In  his  correspondence  with 
his  friend  Don  Garcia  de  Toledo,  speaks  with 
high  disgust  of  the  negligence  Bliown  in  equip- 
S  UK  tlie  Venetian  gaUeys.  In  a  lett-r  dated 
Ses^^int  August  3utb,  he  Rays,    "Pooeme 


oierta  conpoja  vr  que  el  mundo  me  obUga  i. 
hacer  algnna  cosa  de  momento,  cuntando  las 
galeras    por  numero   y   no    por  cualidad. 
DocumeutoB  ineditos,  torn.  iil.  p.  18. 


li'l 


618  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

forw^d*  nto  ed  to  hmmt  the  imagination  of  the  aspiring  ch.eftain  ai^  to 
Son  hta  0  wkrd  in  the  path  of  perilous  ambition  to  its  inekncholy  clos^ 

nn  thP  mole     and  as  each  vessel  passed  successively  before  him  he  bestowed 
tidings  to  his  master." 


CHAPTER  X. 

WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

1671. 
As  the  allied  fleet  coasted  along  ^^^^^^f^^J^^'^'^'^Z  ^^'Ik-ngtCe 

Gii  de^Andra^a,  to  collect  tidings  of  I^^.f;'^^.  ..^JlrS  L  Sa t^^^^^^ 
„.ander  met  the  Chnst.an  fl^^^^'.^/^^'^fe^^^he^I^^  fearful 


"  Resell,  Combate  naval  de  Lepanto,  p. 
82  —The  clearest  and  by  far  the  most  elabo- 
rate account  of  the  battle  of  Lepant..  is  to  be 
found  in  the  memoir  of  Don  Cayelan  Kosell, 
which  received  the  prize  of  the  Royal  Academy 
of  History  of  Madrid,  in  IH53.  It  is  a  imrra- 
tlve  which  may  be  read  with  pride  by 
Spaniards,  for  the  minute  details  it  gives  of 
the  prowess  shown  by  their  heroir  ancestors 
on  that  memorable  day.  The  author  enters 
with  spirit  into  the  stormy  scene  he  describes. 


If  his  language  may  be  thought  sometimes  to 
betray  the  warmth  of  national  partiality,  it 
cinnot  be  denied  that  he  has  explured-tl.e  best 
sSHrces  of  information  and  endeavoured  to 
place  the  result  fairly  before  the  reader 
*^ ««  Torres  y  Aguilera.  Chronica  de  Guerra 
que  ha  acontescido  en  Italia  y  partes  de  Le- 
?ante  y  Berberia  desde  1570  en  1574  (Cara- 
goca,  1579).  fol.  54.-Vanderhammen  Di.n 
Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  165.  et  seq.-Cabrera. 
FUipe  Segundo,  lib.  ix.  cap.  23. 


PLAN   OF  OPERATIONS. 


619 


deciding.    The  treaty  of  flUance   ind-^^.;|^J^i„'>jjr^^^ 

^ttS»couneil«.^^^^^^ 

rience  of  the  naval  prowess  of  *«7"^/K'^confined  the  operations  of  the 
so  formidable  an  armament,  and  would  ''*'^  "<'  "'  gven  Dorui,  whose 

tet  to  the  siege  of  some  place  Won^ng  to  the  Modems.   Ji^ve.  ^^^  ^^.^^^^^ 

life  had  been  spent  m  figku.g  "'^^  *^S  suWinded  by  friendly  shores, 

to  attack  the  enemy  m  hi^  pr«^«"'X     r.  '"uM  ''  ^^  "''S*^' '^ 

whence  he  might  easiy  obtam  succour     It  would  oe       ^^,^  ^^^^  ^^ 

"Xtte^ri^^^hel^^^^^^^ 

To  them  it  ap^ared  that  the  gref  objert  ^^^^^^^^^  ottered  than  the 

Ottoman  fleet,  and  that  a  hetter  opportunity  Mum 

present  one,  while  the  enemy  was  *"t  up  m  the  |uit,  _^.^^  ^^^     ,y 

L  would  find  no  means  of  escape.  ..^oi^'X^^y^pua^^^^  were  entitled  to  the 

of  the  n,ajority,  but  of  »«»*  ^  *^°,^  tSaS  Wis  of  Santo  Cru^he 

greatost  deference.    Among  these  were  tne  t^*'  f  „  ^f  Don  John 

Land  ConnnanderRequesens  who  sUUr^am^  new       P«^l  ^^  ^^^  g.^^j 

and  had  command  of  a  ga  ley  m  his  rea^-.y"™,"'"; »    .    ^mhority  to  the 
«  uadron,  Barbarigo,  *?  Venetian  k^<J^^^^^^^^^  Faiese,the 

ciptain-general  of  his  n^Vo".  the  ^^""Xw  Vto  had  come,  on  this  memorable 
SrJr l^^rfiKt>"te^:k^^^^^  -t  m  wh,ch  he  was 

ported  in  his  own  judgment  5  .^nd  he  resolved  mi  J     ^^  ^^^  ^ 

to  give  the  Turks  battle  in  the  Pf^^J^^^^^f  ^.y^,  battted  by  the  winds,  and 
however,  to  be  joined  by  a  part  o  his  «ee^'^"^'^  ^  ^^ith  its  numerous  oars 
without  oars,  still  lagged  far  behind,    ^^f,  ^^^.^^erties  of  a  modern  steamer, 

£bi':  »"aci:rardTi.p^»y^^^^  op^'-  ^-^  °^ 

Albania.  ^,     ...  ,.  .,     .  <5pntj.mber     Here  the  vessels  were  got  in 

This  he  did  on  the  thirtieth  »«  SeP^^^^^,  review  before  the  commander- 
readiness  for  immediate  a-^t'on^ Jhey  l«Asea  in  re  ^^.^^  ^^^  artillerymen 
in-chief,  and  went  through  their  vanousevom^^^^  ^^^^  ^.^^     ^^^ 

and  musketeers  showed  e?9e"ent  practire.    J^on    ^  occurred  at  this 

confidence  to  the  approaching  combat     An  ere         eonsetiuences.      ^    ^  ^ 
thiie  which  might  have  he^  attended  w.tli  the  w^^^^^^      ^  been  drafted  to 

A  Roman  officer  named  /o™"^ J'"?  „    "n"  ,  engaged  in  a  brawl  with 
m^e  up  the  complement  of  the  Venet^aji  J»eys,  engag  _^       ^^^ 

"me  Jhis  crew."^  This  reacted  the  ear,  of  ""'^J^'^^^tiU  smarting  from 

ge^ral.    The  old  man,  naturally  of  *  «H«J^%^X  introduction  of  the  alli.^ 

fhe  insult  which  he  fa»?;^^^,tlv  orderS  the  arrest  of  the  oflender     Tortona 

tkk^^^^^  t^ra^^^anded  prieeding  .used 


820  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

the  deepest  indication  in  I>on  John,  who  -j^rMi^^^^^^^^^ 

to  himself.    In  the  first  moments  of  his  wrath  he  t^'^ea  oi  i^J^        -,t,^^„^e, 

Venetian  admiral  by  V""''»\P""^^"\^^*"r  iSd  in  tmfthe  most  reason  to 
of  Colonna-who  as  the  W»' 'ominan-kr  had^m^  ^l^j^j  ^^ 

con,plain-and  the  entreaties  of  "the  f^>|»d^  P/^^^^^^^^^^^  ^Tiould  never 

abstain  from  any  violent  act.   H^  'nsisted,  nowever  i  represented  by 

None,  we  may  imagine,  would  be  so  likely  to  exate  an  i  antiquity. 

Actium,  on  whose  waters  was  ^^^^JJ^^  thoufhT  to  tl^^^^^^^  he  dwelt  on  the 
But  the  mariner,  probably,  gave  httle  tl^ught  ^o  ^^^  P^.  'j^  ^  enveloped  the 
contiict  that  awaited  hiin  at  ^epanto     On  the  tifUi  a  t  n^^^  f^^  ^^^^ 

armada  and  shut  out  every  object  from  s^^^^;^  ^^^^^^^  uiysses,  they 

I^iS/ana^oftEfS^^^^^ 

^^Z.Z  X%^^^-^  ^U'^Uweatl'ier  were  still 

unfavourable.  .  ,  _-.^:vpa  tidin^^s  that  Famagosta,  the 

While  lying  off  Cephalonia  he  ha^  re^^^ved  ^^'^-^  \",  ^^^  ^liis  under 
second  city  of  Cyprus,  had  fa  len  in  o  the  h~f  the  «"^  J  ^^^^  ^  defence 
circumstances  o!  unparalleled  P^J^^TfJ^^XS  was  allowed  to  capitulate  on 
that  had  cost  hecatombs  of  lives  to  ^J^^^J^.^^^^^^^  same  Serce  chief 

honourable  terms.    Mustepha,  the  Mosle     co^^^^^^^^  ^^^^^^^^ 

who  had  conducted  the  siege  «V^^l^.S     After  a  short  and  angry  confer- 
with  four  of  the  principal  Venetian  captains     After  a  sno^^^^       The  other,  a 

ence,  he  ordered  them  all  to  f  ^^^^^^^l,  ,1^^^^^^^^^^^  caused  to  be 

noble  named  Bragadmo,  who  had  held  th^/^^^J^^^in  of ^^^^  victim 

flayed  alive  in  the  market-place  of  the  city      U^^^^^^  yard-arm  of 

vids  then  stufted  ;  and  with  this  ghastly  ^^ophy  clan  nn{.^^i^^^^^  j 

his  galley,  the  brutal  monster  sailed  ^af  ^o^^^^^^^^^  The  fall  of 

Stl^feci^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ 

^^^  0=  XSg  -tn^^f^  K^lS/^nS 
with  an  inextinguishable  thirst  for  vengeance     the  armada  were  impatient 

lleno  el  pellojo  de  pj.Ja  lo  hizo  colpar  de  la 

por  toda  la  ribera  de  la  Sum.        lorres  y 
Affuilera.  Chronica,  fol.  45. 
^  ibid      fol     44,    45.-Paruta.  Guerra   di 
Cipro,  pp.  I3oll44.-Sagredo.  Monarcus  Otho- 
luanos,  pp.  283-289. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  COMBAT. 


621 


>  Torres  y  Aguilera.  Chronica,  fol.  64-- 
Vandevhammen."*  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol. 
173._Paruta,  Ouerra  di  Cipro,  p.  l^^-  ,  ^f 
fiion  de  la  Batalla  naval  que  entre  Chrm- 
ianos  V  Turcos  liubo  el  afio  1571,  MS.-Otra 
RXio^n,  Docuraentos  Ineditos.  torn.  ill.  p. 

^''•Paruta,  Guerra  di  Cipro,  pp.  143,  144.— 


ft  was  still  contrary  and  the  gaUeys  w^e ^^^^^^^^     ^^e^e'attSt^^^^^^^^^^^ 
more  to  their  oars  than  their  sails,    ^y.^f^^'^*  ly.^the^n^^^  defends  the 

.zolari,  a  cluster  of  h^g^/^^f^'^ '^^^^^^^^^  ^^^^S,  while 

entrance  of  the  gulf  of  Lepanto.  .,\^^^f®;,."'J^„^  ^i  t^e  hostile  navy.    At 
every  eye  was  strained  to  ^^tch  the^fi^t  ghmp^^  ^^^ 

length  the  watch  on  the  foretop  of  ^^^^'f.'l^^^^^  Several  others, 

after  declared  that  the  whole  ^tt<)man Jieet  was  in  s^^^^^^^ 

given  by  the  pope,  and  directed  a  g""  f  be  fi/^d,  the  signal  i^  ^^_^_ 

|fiteti\^!r^:i;^t{ISr^^tCS^ 

^''^C';^,:c^";r-;pUins  now  f^^^^^l^^^^^Xf^o^r  t'^^^e^'^n^' 
orders  of  the  commander-in-chief.    f^«%**  .7' Xdie^^^^  of  engaging  the 

who  ventured  to  i"tijl''^V''f'"/ri^Wpd  advantage     U  Don  John  cut 
enemy  in  a  position  where  he  had  a  decided  adyantege^    cui  ^^^ 

"Xk.A  already  given  to  each  conimander  of^  g'l^^S^^^S  mS 

to  the  manner  in  which  the  line  of  5?"le  v^'^„*?,f,Vorder  It  extended  on  I 
the  enemy.    The  arnmda  was  now  disponed  nittet  o^to     »  ^  ^^.^^ 

front  of  three  n.iles^    Far  O'V^'voi^An.frew  Dorii-a  nanie  of  terror  to  the 
commanded  l.y  the  Genoese  admiral,  Andrew  Dona,    ana°         j  sixty-three 

Moslems.    The  centre,  or  battle,  as  '»  «f^f  "^''' J^''o„  the  one  side  by 
galleys,  was  led  by  John  of  Austria,  who  wa   suppo  tw  01  ^^^^^._^_^ 

tolonna,  the  c»ptain:general  of  *.«  P?f J  ^"l""*^"^  the  galley  of  the 

^ri^^aSaJThi^^^^^^^^^ 

of  his  teacher  in  the  art  of  war  Venetian,  Barharigo,  whose 

The  left  wing  was  commanded  by  the  »<>«'«;  *«Jf^^'roached  a!  near  as, 

vessels  stretched  along  the  f^'°''*"  T^  "Xre!  s"  as  to  prevent  his  being 

i„  his  ignorance  of  the  c^st.  he  ^awd  to  veimirj  s  ^y^^^   f,,^  galleys, 

r^^eft^o^rS  m"^l!&  of^S^nrar  ^  wHh  f-t^.^to  a^t  in  any 
i^Si-KtS'if,  tr^h^M^tltpa^^^^^^^^^  action,  which 

was  thus  left  to  the  galleys.  .^^  ^^       ||gy  ^s  to  allow 

Each  commander  was  to  occupy  so  ^^^  space  ^^m  n  ^      j^  ^^^ 
room  for  manoBUvring  it  to  a^.^^ntage,  and  yet  not  ^  ^^  ^^^^^  ^.^f^ 

to  break  the  line.    He  was  directed^  ^Ji^r  The  beaks  of  the  galleys  were 
him  at  once,  and  board  as  soon  a^  pos^b  e^    a  help  h,  action.  Shey  were 

.  Torres  y  Aguiiora.  Cbronicj    fol.  6D.-D«can,o,,«s  .ncdHos.  tou,.  m.  p. 
Historij  del  CouilMitc  uaval,  pp.  ^^,  «*• 


622  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

as  it  is  said,  with  eminently  good  effect.    It  n^/Sle*™"^*  ^^^  ""' 

R^iue^sens  to  do  the  san.e  with  the  vesi^els  »" 'f  l^*'-    ";7X^  Tn^urage- 
vou  will  secure  a  glorious  immortality."     His  \s ords  ^^^^^  receivea  wu" 

Both  circumstances  were  of  g(Kxl  omen  to  ^^f^^^^^"'^^^'^^^^^ 

Tn  tile  centre  of  the  extended  line,  and  directly  opposite  to  the  station 
occ^i^  hythe  ^ptain-general  of  the  League,  was  tje  ^"Se  ^  ^^^yg?^^^' 
Pasha.    The  right  of  the  armada  was  commanded  by  Mahomet  buocco, 


•  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  63.— 
HerTcra,  HiBt.  general,  torn.  il.  P- 30-«^;*' 
cion  de  la  Batalla  naval,  MS.— Rosell,  Hls- 
toria  del  Combate  naval,  pp.  9\  99.  l^O. 

«=  Torres  y  Aguil«ra,  Chronica,  fol.  67,  et 
Bcq— Relacion  de  la  Batalla  naval,  Mb.— 
Otras  Relaciones,  Documentos  iueditos,  torn, 
ill.  pp.  242,  262.  ,       ^.  . 

■>  Most  of  the  aathorlties  notice  this  aus- 
picious change  of  the  wind.  Among  others. 
See  Relacion  de  la  Batalla  naval,  MS  .-Ke- 
lacion  escrita  por  Miguel  Servia,  confesor  de 


Don  Juan,  Documentos  ineditos,  torn.  xi.  p. 
368,— Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  75.— 
The  testimony  is  that  of  persons  present  in 

^^-  AmMst  the  contradictory  estimates  of  the 
number  of  the  vessels  and  the  lorces  in  the 
Turkish  armada  to  be  found  in  different  writers 
and  even  in  .fHcL-l  relations,  1  have  con- 
f)rmed  to  the  statement  given  in  SeRor 
R„seir8  Jfcmorta,  prepared  after  a  careful 
comparison  of  the  various  authorities.  Uis- 
toria  del  Combate  naval,  p.  94. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  COMBAT. 


623 


viceroy  of  Egypt  a  --'KlrbUwLcor^Tr'fr  M^r^^^^ 
Uluch  Ali,  dey  of  Algiers,  the  redoubUble  corsair^  ^^^ 

Pasha  had  experienced  » J'^^t^^ ''J^i*fry  of  ^  formidable  an 

^^^  n«t  ^^."^L-A^S^^l^'i^^^^^^  .reat  respect, 
could  turn  him  from  his  purpose.  ,    .  t^.    j^^gj  fleet  was  much 

He  had,  moreover,  f\«i7?f  >nte"'g«°^  "^^\*„^*r^^^^^^ 
inferior  in  strength  ^  what   t  proved.    In  this  e^^^^^^      ^^  ^^^^ 

f^rst  appearance  of  the  <-bristians  ,  iw  u  J^^^^^J^  ^hore,  was  hidden 

commanded  by  ^^'barm  strettng  S«^^^^^^^  of  the  Christian 

from  his  view.  As  he  drew  "«YfLi  If^o  he  still  did  not  abate  one  jot  of 
lines,  it  is.said  his  <=°""f  "^"^uV*"around 'him  w  h  th^  confidence  as 

his  resolution.  He  spoke  to  those  a^»™"  "j^;^  .^^ers  to  strain  every  nerve, 
before,  of  the  result  of  the  ba"K-  {i\-Sure  than  often  belonged  to  his 
Aliwas  a  man  of  more  humanity  nmsnaiiire       ^.^^  ^j      captives;  and 

nation.  His  g^'ley-^'aves  were  ^'^ J  "«^^^^^^^^^^  .Vif^our  countrymen  are 
he  addressed  tliem  in  this  brief  and  p^^^^^^  .v  ^  ^.^  .^  ,i 

'^.ZA^'i^'^^^ot."'li  you  What  1  doU  by  you,  do  then  the 
ns\TT:rkish  admiral  d-^^^^^ 

trX""^ iroTCtr!^^"-^  ^n  <Ji-hagtc'/bt werth^e 
»%lied  to  by  the  Chn^-r  At  th  s  sotoutrut  Jd«.th-like 
two  tfeets  was  now  ^'^V'fj.^'""^^™^^^         the  confederates.    Men  seemed 
silence  reigned  throughout  'h«j;?f,'?eexMctotion  of  some  great  ^^^^ 
to  hold  their  breath  as  •«  »>»^«'^'^ed  m  the  expectatio  ^  s^^^  ^         ^^^^^^ 

The  day  was  magnificent     A  light  Jf^ !*'  ™'' ^jnds.    It  was  nearly  noon ; 
on  the  waters,  somewhat  [ette  J  by  the  «)ntrwy  ^^^  ^  ^^ 

and  as  the  sun,  "^"tmg  through  a  clmiawsssKy,  ^^^  multitude  of 

the  Turkish  armada.  It  '^'a«.*«i"f'f'"Srfne  on  board  of  the  Christian 
Intered  into  battle.  Very  ditterei  t  ^^^  *«^S  ca»-l/>ie,  standing  on  the 
galleys.    Don  John  might  be  th<^re  s^ii,  ariiie       ^    ^    conspicuous  posi- 

|row  of  the  Bef,  *"™"!^  "^h  "eveX  h^^^^^^^  ^U  humblv  prayed  that 
tion,  kneeling  down,  he  raised  "i^  eyes  to  ne  ,  example  was  follow^ 
the  Almighty  would  be  with  his  people  on  in<iuvw.j  themselves  on  their 

by  the  whole  fleet.  Officers  ^"d  J«".  ^'cS  £fer  wh^^^^^^  «»*t«d  from 
knees  and  turning  *e'r  eyt]' ,*»thM  They  then  received 

Kt«o^  ^hnSfol  r.r/th^re  were  some  in  every  vessel ;  and 


•  "  Si  hoy  es  vuestro dia, Dios  os  lode ;  pero 
estad  deZs  que  si  gano  la  J-nada,  o«  ,^^^^^ 

'''^'l'"'  '■  P'^l'm'?  hab^is^  biSo."     Ro^n. 
las  obras  que  de  mi  haDeis  rec  "lu 
Historiadf I  Combate  naval,  p.  lOI.-bor  tue 


loot  T^QffM  see  Paruta,  Guerra  dl  Cipro,  pp. 
S  r5?!lSgreSo  M'^onarcas  Othomanos,  p. 
is-il-Torns  y  Aguilera,  Chronica  fol.  65, 
66.-Relacion  de  la  batalla  naval.  MS. 


624  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

each  man,  as  he  rose  to  his  feet,  gathered  new  strength,  as  he  felt  assured  that 
the  Lord  of  Hosts  would  fight  on  his  side."  l  *  *v,^„ 

When  the  foremost  vessels  of  tlie  Turks  had  come  withm  cannon-shot  they 
onened  their  fire  on  the  Christians.  The  firing  soon  ran  along  the  whole  of 
tSe  Turkish  line,  and  was  kept  up  without  interruption  as  it  advanced.  Don 
John  ^^ve  orders  for  trumpet  ancfatabal  to  sound  the  signal  for  action -which 
was  followed  by  the  simuftaueous  discharge  of  such  of  the  guns  in  the  com- 
bfned  fle^t  as  could  be  brought  to  bear  on  the  enemy.  The  Spanish  commander 
&usti  thT^^^^^  niammoth  war-ships  of  which  some  account 

has  S  already  given,  to  be  towed  half  a  mile  ahead  of  the  fleet,  where  they 
mlkunter^^^^^^^  advance  of  the  Turks.  As  the  latter  came  abreast  of 
S  the  huge  galleys  delivered  their  broadsides  right  and  lef^  and  their 
Wv  ordnanle  Produced  a  startling  effect.  Ali  Pa^ha  gave  orders  for  his 
S  to  open  &eir  line  and  pass  on  either  side,  without  engaging  these 
monsters  of  the  deep,  of  which  he  had  had  no  experience.  Even  so  their 
Cy  guns  did  considerable  damage  to  several  of  the  nearest  vessels,  and 
Sd  some  confusion  in  the  i«icha's  line  of  batt  e.  They  were,  however, 
Sfumwieldy  craft,  and,  having  accomplished  their  object,  seem  to  have  taken 

"'Th^L^Xb^^  wing  of  the  allies,  which  Mahomet  Sirocco  was 

de^iroufoTtum^^^^^^^  had  been  anticipated  by  Barbarigo,  the  Venetian 

adnS  who  cominanded  in  that  quarter,  ^o  prevent  it,  as  we  have  seen  he 
fay  S  his  vessels  as  near  the  colst  as  he  dared  Sirocco,  better  acquainted 
with  the  soundings,  saw  there  was  space  enough  for  him  to  pass,  and,  darting 
by  with  all  the  speeed  that  oars  could  give  htm,  he  succeeded  m  doubling  on 
E  enemy  Thus  placed  between  two  fires,  the  extreme  of  the  Chnstian  left 
fought  at  terrible  ^disadvantage.  No  less  than  eight  gflleys  went  t^  the 
Km  and  seveml  others  were  captured.  The  brave  Wbarigo,  throwing 
h?nS  into  the  heat  of  the  fight,  without  availing  himself  of  his  defensive 
a«  was  pierced  in  the  eye  %  kn  arrow,  and,  reluctant  to  leave  the  glory 
of  the  field  to  another,  was  borne  to  his  cabin.  The  combat  still  continued 
with  mSted  fury  on  the  part  of  the  Venetians.  Jh^y/^^f^^^^t^^^.^eT^^ 
felt  that  the  war  was  theirs,  and  who  were  animated  not  only  by  their  thirst 

^'par  o^n  the  cS^i^right  a  man^uvre  similar  to  that  so  successfully  exe- 
cuted by  Sirocco  was  attempted  by  Uluch  Ali,  the  dey  of  Algiers.  Profit  ng 
bv  his  superiority  in  numbers,  he  endeavoured  to  turn  the  right  wing  of  the 
confeSes  It  was  in  this' quarter  that  Andrew  Dona  cominanded.  He 
Tad  foreseen  this  movement  of  his  enemy,  and  he  succeeded  in  foiling  t. 
It  wasa  trial  of  skill  between  the  two  most  accomplished  seamen  m  the 
MedrterraiS.  Doria  extended  his  line  so  far  to  the  right,  mdeed,  to  nrevent 
Kg  suTromided,  that  Don  John  was  obliged  to  remina  him  that  he  left  the 

Parnta,  Ouerra  di  Cipro,  p.  168. -Cabrera, 
Filipe  Spcundo,  p.  6X8— Relacion  de  la  BataUa 
naval,  MS.-Otra  Kelacion,  DocumentoB  in- 
editos.  torn.  xi.  p.  36rt.-The  inestimable  col- 
lection of  the  Docnmentos  ineditos  contains 
several  narratives  of  the  battle  of  Lepanto  by 
contemporary  pens.  One  of  these  is  from 
the  manuscript  of  Fray  Miguel  Servia,  the 
conftssor  of  John  of  Austria,  and  present 
with  him  in  the  engagement.  The  different 
narratives  have  much  less  discrepancy  with 
cue  another  than  is  usual  on  such  occaslous. 


BATTLE  OF  LEPANTO. 


695 


»"  This  fact  is  told  by  most  of  the  historians 
of  the  battle.     Th"  author  of  the  manuscript 
BO  often  cited  by  me  further  pays  that  it  was 
whil^^  the  fleet  was  thus  engaged  In  prayer  for 
aid  from  the  Almighty  that  the  change  of 
wind  took  place:  "  Y  en  este  medio,  que  en 
la  oracion  se  pedia  A  Dios  la  victoria,  estaba 
el  m  tr  alterado  de  que  nuestra  armada  recibia 
Kran  d.ifto  y  antes  que  se  acabase  la  dicha 
oracion  el  mar  estuvo  tan  quieto  y  sosegado 
que  jamas  se  a  visto.  y  fue  fuercja  li  la  armada 
enei-ig*  amainar  y  venir  al  rcmo." 

"  Tones  y  Aguilt-ra,  Chrunica,  fol.  71.— 


rpnfrp  too  much  exDOScd     His  dispositions  were  so  unfortunate  for  himself 

liis^wn  Ihie  wa^^^^^  weakene^and  atTorded  -me  vu^^^^^^^ 
his  assailant.    These  were  soon  detected  by  the/,f  ^^^\y«,^,^^^^^^^^^^^^^^  tenarated 
like  the  king  of  birds  swooping  on  his  prey,  he  fell  on  ^o  »«  f  "^^^^^^^  S  one 
by  a  considerable  interval  from  their  companions,  and,  s"^^l^"^;  "If  ^  ^^^"^  ""''^^ 
carried  off"  the  great  Capitana  of  Malta  m  triumph  as  his  prize 

While  the  combat  oi^ned  thus  disastrously  to  the  allies  both  on  the  right 
anLn  the  lef?,  in  the  centre  they  may  be  saixi  to  have  ^o"ght  with  d^^^^^^^ 
fortune  Don  John  had  led  his  division  gallantly  forward.  But  the  object 
on  which  he  wi^ntent  was  an  encounter  with  Ali  Pasha,  the  foe  most  worthy 
0  his  sword  The  Turkish  commander  had  the  same  combat  no  less  at  heart 
The  /aUevs  of  toth  were  easily  recognized,  not  only  from  their  position,  but 
from  Wsimerbr  size  and  richer  decoration.  The  one,  moreover,  displayed 
the  how  baX^^^^  ;  the  other  the  gr^t  Ottoman  standard    Tins 

hkP  the  ancient  standard  of  the  caliphs,  was  held  sacred  in  its  character.  It 
was  coveiXith  tex^^^  from  the  I&ran,  emblazoned  in  letters  o  goW,  and 
had  the  name  of  Allah  inscribed  upon  it  no  less  than  twenty-eight  thousand 
n?ne  hui  dred  tos  It  was  the  banner  of  the  sultan,  having  passed  from 
?Xr  te  son  siS^^  foundation  of  the  imperial  dynasty,  and  wa^  never  see^n 
K  ^eld  uXs?the  g^nd  seigneur  or  ^is  Heutenai^  w^^^^^^^^ 
\Kci\h  the  chiefs  urced  on  their  rowers  te  the  top  ot  tneir  ^peeu.     j.iieu 

ga^ys\tn  shot  Sdof  the  rest  of  the  «»« sIf'riCWt  madS 
Simri  as  bv  the  force  of  a  tornado,  and  dosed  with  a  shock  that  niaae  every 
?  nXr  ?«^k  and  the  two  vessels  quiver  to  then-  very  keels.  So  powerful, 
indeed  w^  the  impetus  they  received  that  the  pacha's  galley,  which  wa.s  con- 

musketry     It  walVeturned  with  equal  spirit  and  much  more  e^^ct '  ^«^^^^ 
fpll  at  every  discharge,  their  places  were  soon  supplied  by  those  in  jesene. 


"  Torres  y  Agullera,  Chronica,  ^J-  72.- 
Kelacion  de  la  BataUa  naval,  MS.-The  last- 
mentioned  manuscript  is  one  ot  m^my  left  us 
?y  parties  engaged  in  the  fight.  The  author 
of  this  relation  seems  to  have  written  it  on 
b>ard  one  of  the  galleys  while  lying  at 
reiala,  during  the  week  alter  the  engage- 
ment    The  events  are  told  iu  a  pla.u,  un- 


affected manner,  that  Invites  the  confidence  of 
the  reader.  The  original  manuscript,  from 
which  my  copy  was  Uken,  is  to  be  found 
in  tlie  library  of  the  University  of  Leya**"- 

■^  A  minute  description  of  the  Ottoman 
standard,  taken  from  »  manuscript  of  Luia 
del  Marmol.  is  given  in  the  Coleccionde  Docu- 
meutos  ineditos,  torn.  iii.  p.  270, « t  scq. 

2  S 


t 


626  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

the  conflict.    Both  Ali  and  Don  John  were  -;PP-^ird:r:L* we  have 
valiant  captains  in  their  fleets.    Next  to  the  !n.am.n  commd       '  ^ 

seen,  were'^Colonna  and  the  veteran  I,^X,  'of  romance     In  this  way  a  Httle 
perionned  feats  of  arms  worthy  of  a  paladin  «/ TXarfeaders,  who  sometimes 

klXlX»ftyt3^^^2^^^ 

^^jreoui^/efXrlCT^^^^^^^^^ 

his  antagonist."  „.i,„u  «vtont  nf  the  entrance  to  the  gulf  of 

Thns  the  fight  raged  along  *!>«  ^'^^^.t- 1^*?"' 1  o^^^^^^^  eflectually 

lepanto.    The  volun^so    vapour  roUmg^^^^^^^^^  ^^^^^^^      , 

^rnTfX^ei.?dSe^^^^^ 

Sf-J^!;e:t:^to?cc:,l=;«^ 

another,  independently  »« '^e  jes^,  and  mte^^^  ^„^ 

in  other  qnartere.  The  pontes'  exhibitecl  tew  °l^"{'f  ^^^^^  n  ^^  rather 
skilful  manojuvres  to  be  expected  in  a  e«^at  "a™  ^"^""'^[j  .j,je  ™lley.s 
an  assemblage  of  petty  actions,  resembling  those  »n,jf f^„/"*,,  K,.,,^^,^ 

miscuoHsly  together  in  the  embrace  of  dj*._^  Ht  w^  a  ghSy  spectacle, 
S"i;af  flo'^dV^vS  frX'lides  0^  «.  veJeU,  sLining  the 
waters  of  the  giilf  for  miles  around.  .  covered  it  with  the 

So.rds^rw=A^ui^^^^ 

Z^^^^^^^S^U^^^  ?wf  hS  &re  had  [eigned  over 
these  beautiful  solitudes.  mmmanded  hv  BarbariL'O,  had  been  sorely 

'tilt  S«' f  r  b^^^^^  ie^» 

If ^^l^fhaXeTJ^.'^  Trtt^S^^^ 

i%  hTfr^^  A^tS"  t^^^Sr^st  K^^^t."    Th^e  (Christian 


BATTLE  OF  LEPANTO. 


627 


'♦  Documentos  ineditos,  torn.  iii.  p.  265 ; 
torn.  xi.  p.  368.-Torre8  y  Aguilera,  Cnronica, 
fol  70.-Paruta,  Guerra  di  Cipro,  pp.  15b, 
157.-Relacio.i  de  la  BaUUa  navul,  M^. 

'*  Herrera  notices  one  galley,  i.a  ria- 
montesa  de  Saboya  degollada  en  ella  toda  la 

heridas  D.  Francisco  de  Saboya."    Another, 


"  La  Florencia."  says  RoseU,  "Per^^/o  ^^^ 
lo8  8..ld,.dos  cbusma,  galeote*  y  caballero.  de 
£n  Es-ebali  que  en  ella  habia,  excepto  su 
cipitan  Ton.as  de  Medicis  y  diez  y  sets  bom- 
bre'  mis.  aunque  todos  heridos  y  esiropeados. 
Historia  del  Combate  naval,  p.  113. 

'«  ♦•  Tonio  una   Alabarda  o  Pertesana,  y 
ligando  en  ella  el  Sancto  Crucifixo,  verdadera 


n 


galley-slaves,  in  some  instances,  broke  their  fetters  and  joined  their  country- 
men against  their  masters.  Fortunately,  the  vessel  of  Mahomet  Sirocco,  the 
Moslem  admiral,  was  sunk  ;  and  though  extricated  from  the  water  himself,  it 
was  only  to  perish  by  the  sword  of  his  conqueror,  Giovanni  Contarini.  The 
Venetian  could  find  in  his  heart  no  mercy  for  the  Turk.  ,^7.  u    4. 

The  fall  of  their  commander  gave  the  final  blow  to  his  followers.  Without 
further  attempt  to  prolong  the  fight,  they  fled  before  the  avenging  swords  of 
the  Venetians.  Those  nearest  the  land  endeavoured  to  escape  by  runnmg 
their  vessels  ashore,  where  they  abandoned  them  as  prizes  to  the  Christians. 
Yet  many  of  the  fugitives,  before  gaining  the  land,  peiished  miserably  m  the 
waves.  i3arbarigo,  the  Venetian  admiral,  who  was  still  hngenng  m  agony, 
heard  the  tidings  of  the  enemy's  defeat,  and,  uttering  a  few  words  expressive 
of  his  gratitude  to  Heaven,  which  had  permitted  him  to  see  this  hour,  he 
bivitlipd  his  last  " 

During  this  time  the  combat  had  been  going  forward  in  the  centre  between 
the  two  commanders-in-chief,  Don  John  and  AU  Pasha,  whose  galleys  blazed 
with  an  incessant  fire  of  artillery  and  musketry,  that  enveloped  them  like  a 
martyr's  robe  of  flames."  The  parties  fought  with  equal  spirit,  though  not 
with  equal  fortune.  Twice  the  Spaniards  had  boarded  their  enemy,  and  both 
times  they  had  been  repulsed  with  loss.  Still,  their  superiority  m  the  use  of 
fire-arms  would  have  given  them  a  decided  advantage  over  their  opponents 
if  the  loss  they  had  inflicted  had  not  been  speedily  repaired  by  fresh  reinforce- 
ments More  than  once  the  contest  between  the  two  chieftains  was  inter- 
rupted by  the  arrival  of  others  to  take  part  in  the  fray.  They  soon,  however, 
returned  to  each  other,  as  if  unwilling  to  wa.ste  their  strength  on  a  meaner 
enemy.  Through  the  whole  engagement  both  commanders  exposed  themselves 
to  danger  as  freely  as  any  common  soldier.  In  such  a  contest  even  Fhilip 
must  have  admitted  that  it  would  be  difticult  for  his  brother  to  find,  with 
honour,  a  place  of  safety.  Don  John  received  a  wound  in  the  foot.  It  was  a 
slight  one,  however,  and  he  would  not  allow  it  to  be  dressed  till  the  action 

was  over 

Again  his  men  were  mustered,  and  a  third  time  the  trumpets  sounded  to 
the  attack.  It  was  more  successful  than  the  preceding.  The  Spaniards  threw 
themselves  boldly  into  the  Turkish  galley.  Thev  were  met  with  the  same 
spirit  as  before  by  the  janizaries.  Ali  Pasha  led  them  on.  Unfortunately,  at 
this  moment  he  was  struck  in  the  head  by  a  musket-ball  and  stretched  sense- 
less in  the  gangway.  His  men  fought  worthily  of  their  ancient  renown.  But 
they  missed  the  accustomed  voice  of  their  commander.  After  a  short  but 
ineffectual  struggle  against  the  fiery  impetuosity  of  the  Spaniards  they  were 
overpowered  aiil  threw  down  their  arms.  The  decks  were  loaded  with  the 
bodies  of  the  dead  and  the  dying.  Beneath  these  was  discovered  the  Turkish 
commander-in-chief,  severely  wounded,  but  perhaps  not  mortally.  He  /as 
drawn  forth  by  some  Castilian  soldiers,  who,  recognizing  his  person,  would  at 
once  have  despatched  him.  But  the  disabled  chief,  having  ralhed  from  the 
first  eff-ects  of  his  wound,  had  sufficient  presence  of  mind  to  divert  them  from 
their  Dumose  by  pointing  out  the  place  below  where  he  had  deposited  liis 
money^rd  jewels ;  and  they  hastened  to  profit  by  the  disclosure  before  the 
treasure  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  their  comrades. 

pendon,  se  puso  delante  de  todos  a.ssi  dosar- 
mado  como  estava,  y  fue  el  primero  que  entro 
en  la  Galera  Turquesca,  haziendo  cuii  su 
Alabarda  cosas  que  ponian  admiracion." 
Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronicas,  fol.  75. 
17  41  Vivio  hasta  que  sabiendo  que  la  vitoria 


era  ganada  dijo :  que  daba  gracias  &  Dios  que 
lo  hubiese  guaidado  tanto  que  viese  vencida 
la  bat  alia  y  roto  aquel  comun  enemigo  que 
tanto  dese6  ver  destruido."  Herrera,  Rela- 
cion  de  la  Guerra  de  Cipro,  Docuoientoa 
Ineditos,  torn.  xxl.  p.  360. 


>• 


628  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

Ali  was  not  so  successful  with  another  ^oWier  'rho  came  f  s^^^^^^^^^^ 
branching  his  sword  and  peparing  to 

commander.    It  was  m  vain  that  tne  ^^^f  "^J"!;*^^     crAllpv-slaves  whom  Don 

the  generous  conduct  »«  ^'i  to  h.b  Chn^^^^^^^^  ^  ^  ^^,,,,1 

deserved  a  better  fate.  ,He  coldly  in'lU'fea    0| J'"^  p     j^,u  jh^  order 

pilled  Zn  •  wff  that  of  the  Cross,  run  up  in  its  place,  proclanned  the 
Most 'prefeiWthe  latter.    Many  vessels  ;«e  -^^^  by  ^^ ^^|^*^,  ^ 

Se^^\  z^^'Xm  'ix:;^^  |^^''  4k'i  til. 

and  destroying  several  vessels,  and  would  have  inflicted  still  ^^^avier  losses  on 


«•  "Relaclon   de  la  Batalla  naval,  MS.— 
Herrera,  Hist,  genpral,  torn.  ii.  p.  33.— Paruta, 
Guerra  di  Cipro,  pp.  157,  158.    Docunientos 
ineditos,  torn.  iii.  p.  244.— Torres  y  Agnilera 
t«41s  a  rather  extraordinary  anecdote  respect- 
injr  the  great  standard  of  the  League  In  the 
Heal.     The  figure  of  Christ  emblazoned  on  it 
was  not  hit  by  a  ball  or  arrow  during  the 
action,  notwithstanding  every  other  banner 
was  pierced  in  a  multitude  of  places.     Two 
arrow9,however.lodged  on  either  side  of  the  cru- 
cifix, when  a  monkey  belonging  to  the  galUy 
ran  up  the  mast,  and,Mrawing  out  the  weai>.)n8 
with  his  teeth,  threw  them  overboard !    Chro- 
nica, fol.    75.)    Considering  the  number  of 
ecclesiastics  on  board  the  fleet,  it  is  remark- 


able that  no  more  miracles  occtirred  on  this 

occ&sioTi 

'»  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  72,  et 
seq.— Relacion  de  la  Batalla  naval,  /i^.— 
Vanderhammen,  Don  .Juan  de  Austria,  fol. 
182  — Documentos  ineditos,  torn.  in.  p.  247, 
et  seq.— Paruta,  Guerra  dl  Cipro,  p.  i6iJ  — 
Cabrera,  Filil>e  Segundo,  lib.  ix.  cap.  25,  26. 

"  P6  el  estandarte  barbaro  abatido 
la  Cruz  del  Redentor  fue  enarbolada, 
con  un  triunfo  sohue  y  grande  gloria, 
cantando  abiortamente  la  vitoria. 

Erciila,  La  Araucana,  part  ii. 
canto  24. 


ROUT  OF  THE  TURKISH  ARMADA. 


629 


supported  by  Cardona,  "general"  of  thef  idlian  sqna^ron^^^^ 

to  his  relief.    Dashnig  into  the  ""-^ft  "*  *'p!"*%;^^^^^  the 

like  a  thunderbolt  on  fheAlprniega  leys.    Few  attem^^^^^^  ^^^^ 

shock.    But  in  their  haste  ^  avoid  it  they  were  enc^^^^^^         compelled  to 

his  Genoese  galeys.    Thus  ^f  *  »"  jf ''f  "j-fetrby  fl  ght     He  cut  adnft 
abandon  his  prizes  and  P™l:''|e /or  h  s  own  ^''^Jy  ^^  °'|^'^  „„  ^^ich  three 

S^SrrpKS'th^es^^^^^^^^^^ 

E^ail^"SSSiSs^=»^^ 

rnearwho  had  b'een  rocked  from  infancy  on  its^^^^^^^  ^ 

tL^itj^rss^ja^^^^^^^^^ 

in  his  wake.  But  he  was  boj^f^f  ^^^^^^^  his  ow^  assailants,  was  coming 
his  pursuers.    Don  John,  ^^^ving  dis^osea  ot  ms  oy  ^j    ^i^eroy.     A 

to  tL  support  of  Dona,  and  now  30»^ed  in  the  pursuit  oi  ^  ^^ 

rocky  heaWand,  stretc  img,  far  into  the  sea>y  ^^  t»ie  P^^^^  \^^  ,,^,\,  ^ere 
and  iiis  enemies  hoped  to  intercept  him^^^^^^^^^^^  ^^.      ^^re 

stranded  on  the  rocks.  But  the  [f  \»^^^^^^^  ^^en,  quickenini  their 
boldly  out  to  sea,  safely  ^o?^^^^,*^^,  P'?™^"S  white  skils,  the  last  thing 
flight,  they  gradually  fa^ed  from  the  ^onz^^i  ^^^^^^^  their  way  to 

viSble,  showing  in  the  f  tance  hke  a  flock  o^^^^^  ^^  ^fieir 

their  native  homes.    The  90"^^^^^,^^.^^^^^^^^  Iheir  rowers,  who  had 

own  galleys  on  this  occasion  by  the  circumsto^^^ 
been  allowed  to  bear  arms  in  the  fight,  hemg  cnppiea  uy  u 

The  battle  had  lasted  more  than  four  h^^^^^^^ 
almost  without  a  cloud  through  ^^^^^^^  ^l^^^^^  for  himself  and 

signs  of  a  coming  storm.    Betore  seeKin«  ^  p  ^.^^  ^^^^^^^^ 

hil  prizes,  Don  ^hn  f/J.^J.^^^^^^  'K,  mostly  belonging  to  the 

vessels  too  much  damaged  for  further  serv^^^^^     i  ^^^^^  ^^  ^  ^^^^^^ 

enemy,  after  saving  ^^J^^^^^as  of  aij  vame  on  ooar^^^  ^^^^^^  ^^^ 

He  selected  the  neighbouring  nort  ^^  P^tala,  as  anora^^^^  ^^^ 

-i^I'.-^^^!<^'^^T^^'^^^'^^  ol  th^e  deep. 


630  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 


CHAPTER  XL 

WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 
KeUken  by  the  Turks.  1671-1674. 

loKO  and  loud  were  the  congratulations  "°- P^jf  to  Jhe  youn|Com^^^^ 

Seatlv  relied.    Lastly,  the  Turks  were  the  vanquished  party,  and  m  tneir 
more  than  forty  galleys  escaped  out  o   "'^»^,,'X?v"^re  token  and  dW^ 

one  hundred  Ind  seventy  thousand  gold  sequms,-a  large  sum,  but  not  large 
enough,  it  seems,  to  buy  ofl  his  life.* 


»  The  loss  of  the  Moslems  Is  little  better 
than  matter  of  conjecture,  so  contradictory  are 
the  authorities.  The  author  of  the  Leyden  Mb. 
dismisses  the  subject  with  the  remark,  I^ 
Kente  muerta  de  Turcos  no  se  ha  podido  saber 
p<.r  que  la  que  se  hecl.o  en  la  mar  fuera  de  los 
deKollados  fueron  infinitos."  1  have  con- 
formed,  as  in  mv  other  estimates,  to  those  of 
Sefior  Resell,  Historia  del  ComJ'ate  naval,  p. 
118. 


•  Rosell  computes  the  total  loss  of  the 
allies  at  not  less  than  seven  thousand  six 
hundred;  of  whom  one  tbo«s*"^>  ^/.'f 
Romans,  two  thousand  Spaniards,  and  the 
remainder  Venetians.     Ibid.,  p.  113.         

=•  Ibid ,  ubl  supra.— Torres  y  AguUera, 
Chronica,  fol.  74.  et  seq.-Documentos  in6- 
ditos,  torn.  iii.  pp.  24fr  249  ;  tom.  Xl  p.  3  0. 
— Sagredo,  Monarcas  Othomanos,  pp.  295,  296, 
— Relacion  de  la  BaUlla  naval,  MS. 


LOSSES  OF  THE  COMBATANTS. 


631 


The  losses  of  the  combatants  cannot  be  fairly  PF^f  ^^i^^^fc^.^ 

of  glory  they  gave  little  heed  to  their  personal  safety,  /^e  omcer  secona  m 
command  among  the  Venetians,  the  comnia'i'lerin-chief  of  the  iurkisn 
armament,  and  tke  commander  of  its  right  wing,  all  fell''\'he  battle.  Many 
a  h  .'h-born  cavalier  closed  at  Lepanto  a  long  career  of  l""'  o"f  f^'^.f  "'^^^^ 
More  than  one,  on  the  other  hanS,  dated  the  commencemen  of  the.r^reer 
from  this  day.  Such  was  Alexander  Farneseprmce  f  J^^'J,  J^fea fs 
was  but  a  few  years  younger  than  his  »»'^  tipfr  ^nltnf  &  on?hS  the 
had  niaced  an  immense  distance  between  their  conditions,  ine  o'";  ""'%  ^ 
po-t  ofTommander-in-chief,  the  other  Wng  only  ?,  P"y^t«  *dve«  Yet 
even  so  he  succeeded  in  winning  great  renown  by  '''^,  ^'i^f '''^"'^S^  i  ^ 
gluev  in  which  he  sailed  was  lyii^,  yard-arm  and  y^^^''^^!  f  "?f?f  J  „* 
tClish  galley,  with  which  itj'^^hot^y  engaged       n  t      m  .kt  oU^^^^^ 

^tlSrf  :f  thunder  and  %Ht.nn.^^^^^^^^ 

after  the  battle^  during  ^hic^time.^he  fleet  rode^^  ,^^^^ 

ril^dety^-vl^^^ 

Kmed  hiLelf  of  the  conduct  of  the  t-ops,  -^^^^^^ 

those  who  deserved  them.    With  ^he  sick  and  ine  J«  ^  furnishing 

greatest  sympathy,  endeavoiinng  to  alleviate  th^^^^^^  ^^^^ 

them  with  whatever  his  galley  conteined  that  co^W  po^tn'^^^^^  ^  ^^^^  ^e 

fort     With  so  cenerous  and  sympathetic  a  nature,  \i  is  noi  wuuuci 

shodd  have  Stiblished  himself  in  the  hearts  of  his  soldiers.' 


*  Relacion  de  la  Batalla  na^aj'  ^^•-P'^l 
John  notices  this  achievement  of  his  ga  lant 
khisman  in  the  first  letter  which  he  wrote  tx> 
pE  after  the  action.  The  letter,  dated  at 
?e  a  I  October  10th.  is  published  by  Apanc 
Documentos  ineditos  relatives  a  la  Batalla  de 

HPCkr^ete,'vida    de  Cervantes   (Madrid, 
1819).  p.  19.-Cervante8,  in  the  prologue  to 


the  second  part  of  Don  Quixote,  ^"^i^ing  to 
Lepanto,  entliusiastically  exclaims  that,  for 

alfhis  wounds,  he  would  n«t  h/J«  ^/J^tsilm 
glory  of  being  present  on  that  day :  "  Qu»sier* 
Intes  h..berm4  ballado  en  aquella  facciou 
prodfgi  .sa,  que  sano  ahora  de  mis  hendas.  sm 
haberme  ballado  en  ella."  ,         . 

•  This  humane  conduct  of  Do"  J^^"  » 
meationed.among  other  writers,  by  the  author 


632  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

But  the  proofs  of  this  kindly  temper  were  not  confined  to  his  own  followers. 
Among  the  prisoners  were  two  sons  of  Ali,  the  Turkish  commander m -chief. 
One  was  seventeen,  the  other  only  thirteen  ye;\rs  of  a^e  Ihus  early  had 
their  father  desired  to  initiate  them  in  a  profession  which,  beyond  all  others, 
opened  the  way  to  eminence  in  Turkey.  They  were  not  on  board  of  his^^lley  ; 
and  when  they  were  informed  of  his  death  they  were  mconsolable.  io  this 
affliction  was  now  to  be  added  the  doom  of  slavery. 

As  they  were  led  into  the  presence  of  Don  John,  the  youths  pr9strate(l 
themselves  on  the  deck  of  his  vessel.  But,  raising  them  up  he  aflfectionately 
embraced  them,  and  said  all  he  could  to  console  them  under  their  troubles. 
He  caused  them  to  be  treated  with  the  consideration  due  to  their  rank.  His 
secretary,  Juan  de  Soto,  surrendered  his  quarters  to  them.  They  were  pro- 
vided  with  the  richest  apparel  that  could  be  found  among  the  spoil,  iheir 
table  was  served  with  the  same  delicacies  as  that  of  the  commander-in-chief ; 
and  his  chamberlains  showed  the  same  deference  to  them  as  to  himself.  His 
kindness  did  not  stop  with  these  acts  of  chivalrous  courtesy.  He  received  a 
letter  from  their  sister  Fatima  containing  a  touching  appeal  to  Don  Johns 
humanity  and  soliciting  the  release  of  her  orphan  brothers.  He  had  sent  a 
courier  to  give  their  friends  in  Constantinople  the  assurance  of  their  personal 
safety  ;  «  which,"  adds  the  lady,  "  is  held  by  all  this  court  as  an  act  of  great 
courtesy,-7m/i  gentileza ,— and  there  is  no  one  here  who  does  not  admire 
the  goodness  and  magnanimity  of  your  highness."  She  enforced  her  petition 
with  a  rich  present,  for  which  she  gracefully  apologized,  as  intended  to  express 
her  own  feelings,  though  far  below  his  deserts.^  .      j  *    xi. 

In  the  division  of  the  spoil,  the  young  princes  had  been  assigned  to  the 
pope  But  Don  John  succeeded  in  obtaining  their  liberation.  Unfortunately, 
the  elder  died— of  a  broken  heart,  it  is  said— at  Naples  The  younger  was 
sent  home,  with  three  of  his  attendants,  for  whom  he  had  a  particular  regard. 
Don  John  declined  keeping  Fatima's  present,  which  he  gave  to  her  brother.  In 
a  letter  to  the  Turkish  princess,  he  remarked  that  he  had  done  this,  not  because 
he  undervalued  her  beautiful  gift,  but  because  it  had  ever  been  the  habit  of 
his  royal  ancestors  freely  to  grant  their  favours  to  those  who  stood  m  need  of 
them,  but  not  to  receive  aught  by  way  of  recompense.*  ,   ^    .  ^ 

The  same  noble  nature  he  showed  in  his  conduct  towards  Veniero.  We 
have  seen  the  friendly  demonstration  he  made  to  the  testy  Venetian  on  enter- 
in"-  into  battle.  He  now  desired  his  presence  on  board  his  galley.  As  he 
drew  near,  Don  John  came  forward  frankly  to  greet  him.  He  spoke  of  his 
desire  to  bury  the  past  in  oblivion,  arid,  complimenting  the  veteran  on  his 
prowess  in  the  late  engagement,  saluted  him  with  the  endearing  name  of 
*'  father."  The  old  soldier,  not  prepared  for  so  kind  a  welcome,  burst  into 
tears ;  and  there  was  no  one,  says  the  chronicler  who  tells  the  anecdote,  that 
could  witne&s  the  scene  with  a  dry  eye.* 


of  th^»  Relacion  de  la  Batalla  naval,  whose 
language  shows  that  his  manuscript  was 
written  on  the  spot :  "  El  queda  visitando  los 
heridos  y  procurando  su  remedio  haziendoles 
merced  y  dandoles  todo  lo  que  aviase  menea- 
ter."    MS. 

'  "  Lo  qual  toda  esta  corte  tuvo  &  gran 
gentileza,  y  no  hazen  sino  alabar  la  virtud  y 
grandeza  de  vuestra  Alteza."  The  letter  of 
Fatima  is  to  be  found  in  Torres  y  Aguilera, 
Chronica  (So\.  92).  The  chronicler  adds  a 
list  of  the. articles  sent  by  the  Turkish  princess 
to    Don    John,  enumerating,    among   other 


things,  robes  of  sable,  brocade,  and  various 
rich  stuffs,  fine  porcelain,  carpets  and  tapestry, 
weapons  curiously  inlaid  with  gold  and  silver, 
and  Damascus  blades  ornamented  with  rubies 
and  turquoises. 

"  "  El  presente  que  me  embio  dexe  de  re- 
scibir,  y  le  huvo  el  mismo  Mahamet  Bey,  no 
porno  preciarle  como  cosa  vcnidade  su  mano, 
sino  por  que  la  grandeza  de  mis  antecessores 
no  acustumbra  re8cit)ir  dvines  de  los  necessi- 
tadoa  de  favor,  sino  darlos  y  hazerles  gracias." 
Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  94. 

*  According  to  some,  Don  John  was  in- 


TRIUMPHANT  RETURN. 


633 


Wliile  at  Petala,  a  council  of  war  was  called  to  decide  on  the  next  operations 
of  the  tieet.  Some  were  for  following  up  the  blow  by  an  immediate  attack  on 
Constantinople.  Others  considered  that,  from  the  want  of  provisions  and  the 
damaged  state  of  the  vessels,  they  were  in  no  condition  for  such  an  enterprise. 
They  recommended  that  the  armada  should  be  disbanded,  that  the  several 
squadrons  of  which  it  was  composed  should  return  to  their  respective  winter- 
quarters  and  meet  again  in  the  spring  to  resume  operations  Others,  again, 
among  whom  was  Don  John,  thought  that  before  disbanding  they  should 
undertake  some  enterprise  commensurate  with  their  strength.  It  was  accord- 
ingly determined  to  lay  siege  to  Santa  Maura,  in  the  island  of  Leucadia,— a 
st?ongly-fortified  place,  which  commanded  the  northern  entrance  into  the 

^^The  tleetVeighing  anchor  on  the  eleventh  of  October,  anived  off  Santa 
Maura  on  the  following  day.  On  a  careful  reconnoissauce  of  the  grou"«,  it 
became  evident  that  the  siege  would  be  a  work  of  much  greater  dithculty  than 
had  been  anticipated.  A  council  of  war  was  again  sumnioned ;  and  it  was 
resolved,  as  the  season  was  far  advanced,  to  suspend  further  operations  lor 
the  present,  to  return  to  winter-quarters,  and  m  the  ensmng  spring  to  open 
the  campaign  under  more  favourable  auspices.  „„«^^ 

The  next  step  was  to  make  a  division  of  the  spoil  taken  irora  the  enemy, 
which  was  done  in  a  manner  satisfactory  to  all  parties.  One-half  of  the 
galleys  and  inferior  vessels,  of  the  artillery  and  small  arms,  and  also  of  the 
captives,  was  set  apart  for  the  Catholic  King.  The  other  half  ^^as  dmded 
between  the  pope  and  the  republic,  in  the  proportion  settled  by  the  tr^ty  of 
confederation."*  Next  proceeding  to  Corfu,  Don  John  passed  three  days  at 
that  island,  making  some  necessary  repairs  of  his  vessels  ;  then,  bidding  ^leu 
to  the  confederates,  he  directed  his  course  to  Messma,  which  he  reached,  after 
a  stormy  passage,  on  the  thirty-first  of  the  month.  ,  ,     .,     ,vi,oK;foT.f« 

We  raayimag^ne  the  joy  with  which  he  was  welcomed  by  the  inhabitants 
of  that  city,  whSh  he  haVleft  but  little  more  than  six  weeks  before  and  to 
which  he  had  now  returned  in  triumph,  after  winning  the  most  i»ef  lo^^bk  Xfl 
victory  of  modern  times.  The  whole  population,  with  the  niagistratos  at  the^r 
liead  hurried  down  to  the  shore  to  witness  the  magnificent  spectacle.  As  the 
Snt  armament  swept  into  port,  it  showed  the  results  of  tSe  late  contest  m 
manv  a  scar  But  the  consecrated  standard  was  sti  1  proudly  flvmg  at  the 
nShe^^of  the  W;  and  in  the  rear  came  the  long  ine  of  conquered 
gal  ey^^^  much  worse  ^Hght  than  their  conqueror^  *?^^^"S  /hei^  ^"JTf 
ignominiously  behind  them  through  the  water  On  landing  at  the  head  of 
fis  tr^ps,  Don  John  was  greeteS  with  flourishes  of  music,  while  salvoes  of 


duced  by  the  persuasion  of  his  friends  to  make 
these  advances  to  the  Venetian  admiral. 
(See  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  75,-- 
Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol. 
123  )  It  is  certain  he  could  not  erase  the 
memory  of  the  past  from  his  bosom,  as 
appears  from  more  than  one  of  his  letters,  m 
which  he  speaks  of  the  difiRculty  he  should 
find,  in  another  campaign,  in  acting  in  concert 
with  a  man  of  so  choleric  a  temper.  In 
consequence  the  Venetian  government  was 
induced,  though  very  reluctantly,  to  employ 
Veniero  on  another  service.  In  truth,  the 
conduct  which  had  so  much  dipgusted  Don 
Jolm  and  the  allies  seems  to  have  found 
favour  with  Veniero's  countrymen,  who 
regarded  it  as  evidence  of  bis  sensitive  con- 


cern for  the  honour  of  his  nation.  A  few 
years  later  tht  y  made  ample  amends  to  the 
veteran  for  the  sliglit  put  on  him,  by  raising 
him  to  the  highest  dignity  in  the  repubhc. 
He  was  the  third  of  his  family  who  held  th« 
office  of  doge,  to  which  he  was  chosen  in  1576, 
and  in  which  he  continued  till  his  death. 

'"  The  spoil  found  on  board  the  Turkistt 
ships  was  abandoned  to  the  captors.  I  here 
was  enough  of  it  to  make  many  a  needy 
advt  nturer  rich.  "  Assi  por  la  victoria  havida 
como  porque  muchos  venian  tan  ricos  y  pro- 
6pt  rados  que  no  havia  hombre  que  se  preciasse 
de  gastar  moneda  de  plata  sino  Zequines  m 
curasse  de  regatear  en  nada  que  comprasse. 
Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  79. 


634  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS, 

artillery  tomdered  from  *^  fort--/:^rSr^^^^^^ 

to  our  day -and  received  a  more  ^"Pf'S""^' XT  statue  in  bronze  was 
city  of  thirty  thousand  crowns,  i  mally,  a  <»'°^~'.  I'^J  the  conqueror  of 
executed  bv  a  skilful  artist,  as  a  Pe™'»«"' °  f '""'^X  JdevX  i 
Snto.  Don  John  accepted  the  "loney ;  ^"'^'^'^^.^Sus  spirit,  he  had 
relief  of  the  sick  and  ™"f  «''/»<•  PVoo^i  taken  Tn  the  TurkisTh  vessels,  in- 
^  tKero^n^W/all^^^ett^^  found  in  the  galley  of  Ah 

Christendom ;  for  it  had  Wn  *  g«X  ,?Sv  "  tM  tLir  joy  by  such  extra- 
by  sea.    The  confederates  more  P^^'cnlarly  testine^^^^  ^^^^     j,, 

ordinary  demonstrations  a.s  showed  ^?ff^«'^,',°*,eas^"of  existence  from  the 
Venice,  which  might  be  said  to  have  ga'P^u  a  new  ie«c 
result  of  the  batae,  the  doge,  the  senjtor^  and  the  Peop^  ™J„^^^  „j  ^^^heir 
S"  "nVf  p»e^t:rfe^»Tc4r^s  set  apart  to  I.  observed 

coasts  desolated  by  the  pt^oman  crm^^^?  {^  *.   squadron,  he  was  welcomed 
marquis  of  Santa  Oruz,  returned  to  PO^t  ^jth  his  squaa      ,     ^.^  ^„    ^ign. 

with'acclamations  such  as  g^^^^.^J^,^  ?^,"^^^'^^^^^^^  Rome  were  paS  to 

But  even  these  honours  were  in^f  ^^J  t^  ^^^  ^  he  was  borne  in  stately 
Colonna,  the  captam-general  ^^^^^e  w^^^  t)efore  him,  and  a 

processiin,  with  the  t^oph^es  won  from  the  enen^^^^^  ^^^  splendours 

throng  of  mourning  captives  1",  ^he  i^ear  the  sge^^^^^^^  announced 

of  thi  ancient  Roman  triumph.    Pui^^  ^.^^  ^^^^  Heaven 

»B^^w^«f.^^refflmrh2^ 

S'^r^fexcSl^CinTe  ^^d^^rEvaWlis^^There  was  a  man 

sent  from  God ;  and  his  "^-^n^^;;^^,  •i^'J^„  ^jth  which  the  glad  tidings  were 
We  may  readily  believe  that  the  J^y^  ^^^fV  ^..^^ 

Fuese  todo  repartido 
En  premio  de  bus  trabajos 
Pue8  lo  hablan  merecido. 
Durao,  Komancero  general  (Madnd. 
1851),  torn.  il.  p.  l«5. 

"  Lorea,  Vlda  de  Tio  Quinto,  caP'/^'J'  * 
li  -Torres  y  Aguilera.  Chronica,  fol.  80  -- 
Rosell,  llistoiia  del  Combaie  naval,  pp.  124. 

^^?«  PhiliD   In  a  letter  to  his  brother  dated 
fromrhe  £co?ial  in  the  following  November. 


»  For  the  preceding  pages  see  Vanderham- 
men  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  186,-lorre8 
vAK«iler^ Chronica,  fol.  79.-Cabrera.  Fihpe 
i^^ndo  ^  696,-Herrera,  Historia  general, 
torn.  ii.  p.   37,-Ferrera8,  Hist,  d  fc^pagae. 

***"■  In^M  romance  thus  commemorates  this 

liberal  conduct  of  Don  John  : 

"  Y  ansi  seda  como  de  oro 
Ninguno  cosa  ha  querido 
Don  Juan,  como  liberal. 
For  moBtrar  do  ha  descendldo, 


ENTHUSIASM  THROUGHOUT  CHRISTENDOM. 


635 


t 


government,  containing  a  full  »<:«»""' "f^.^^S  attending  vipers  on  the 
the  palace^  he.found  the  king  u^h^pria^ 

eve  of  All.-Sa.irts     The  new^  LxShig  Uiis  in  his 'demeanour,  he  contmued 
ri-^o^urieT^i&t^^^^^ 

IteTtlo^X^n^J^"^^^^^^^^^ 

KpTt  ^t^^£^VSZlkX^S^^  the  ^ople 
unitetl  with  the  eo"rt  in  a  general  tha.^^^^^  ,  ^j,^  ^^.^j 

In  a  letter  from  Philip  to  his  bother,  aaieuiroii  ^ 

ninth  of  November,  he  wTites  to  him  out  of  »"«  ™'°!f  "  "^  "^  tf,e  joy  it 
language  of  gratitude  an^brotherly^ove  :  I  f  ^„"°t  ^^''^P^^he  Utle,  oi  'the 
has  given  me  to  learn  the  Particulars  ot  your  c^^^^  ,^^^^  ^^  ^^^^g 

greut  vaour  you  showed  inj^  J  own  pes^^^  ^^^  ^     .^^^ 

re  SrSo  t.^-;  £«tt&rn'rL"r^^tte1rr^:S 
i^  TJr  Tmf ti  Sot^^KrLf^oJ  #^^  .ahied  such  glory  for  you 
in  the  eyes  of  God  and  of  t^^^  whole  wor^^^^  enthusiasm 

The  feeUngs  of  the  king  were  fully  shared  by  h^^^^J^^^  '  ^-^^^^^  bounds, 
roused  throughout  the  country  ^Y ,*^®  ^^^^^  John,  "who 

"There  is  no  man,"  writes  one  of  the  W/.i^^^S  it lee^^  rather  like  a 
does  not  discern  the  hand  of  ^^^  Lord  in  it ,  tiumg^^^^  encounter  that  the 
arhLS^ori^  ^^^^^^^^  Pai-ters  were  employed 

"  _  .        -  .._.._..- K^ti^o  rnvRl  secretary 


speaks  of  his  delight  at  receiving  this  trophy 
from  the  hands  of  Figueroa.  (See  Jbe  letter, 
*n  Rosell,  Hist,  del  Cowbate  naval,  Apend. 
?Fo  uT  The  standard  was  deposited  in  he 
E^oria  ,  where  it  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  the 
yS?  1671.    Documentos  ineditos,  torn.  m.  p. 

^^?»'  "Y  S  M.  no  se  alter6,  ni  demud6,  ni 
hizo  sentlmiento  alguno,  y  se  estuvo  con  el 
^LbSe  y  serenidad  que  antes  estab^ 
con  el  qual  semblante  ^Btuvo  hasU  qj^e  se 

r^^^s^n^c^:^:^,  oo^urrs 

*"f?'arird ' vSiume  of  the  Documentos 
ineditos  contains  a  copious  extract  from  a 
xnanuscript  in  the  f-oml  written  by  a^^^^ 

ZfS  lip'eSved  intXnce  of  the  victory 
Jtom  a  J^Sde^iespatchedly  Don  John,  while 
enwid  atvesper^  in  the  palace  monastery 
of  ^the  Escorial.  This  account  is  the  one 
followed  by  Cabrera  (Filipe  S-gun-  o,  p.  696) 
Ini  Wthe  principal  Castilian  writers.  Its 
S;'atuVcy%Cevyr,  is  sumcient^y  aUes^-ed 
by  two  letters  written  at  the  time  to  uon 


John  of  Austria,  one  by  the  royal  secretary 
ilzLora,    the    other    by    Philip    himself. 
According  to  their  account,  the  person  who 
firsTconveyed  the  tidings  was  the  Venetian 
Sister;  and  the  place  where  they  were  re- 
cei  ved  by  the  king  was  the  P"vate  chapel  of  the 
palace  at  Madrid,  while  engaged  at  Vespers 
Jn  AU-Sainta'  eve.     It  is  worthy  of  notice 
that  the  secretary's  letter  contains  no  hint  of 
the  nonchalance  with  which  Pb'i>P  ^«  !^»^/^ 
have  heard  the  tidings.  Ihe  originals  of  these 
nteresting    despatches    still    exist    in    the 
Konal  Library  at  Madrid.    They  have  been 
copied  by  Seftor  Rosell  for  his  memoir  (Apend 
Nos    13   15).    One  makes  little  progress  m 
Sry  before  finding  that  it  is  much  easier 
to  repeat  an  error  than  to  correct  it. 

"  "  Y  ansi  k  vos  (despues  de  Dios)  se  ha  de 
dar  el  parabien  y  las  gracias  della,  como  yo  os 
las  dov,  y  i  m(  de  que  por  mano  de  pei^ona 
que  ta^nto  me  toca  cJmo  la  vuestra^  y  d  quien 
?o  tanto  quiero,  se  haya  hecho  ""  tj"^»° 
negocio.  y  ganado  vos  tanta  ^^PJ,  ^^^V^ 
con  Dios  y  con  todo  el  mundo.  Rosell,  His- 
toria  del  Combate  naval.  Ap^nd.  No  15. 
'•  Carta  del   secretario  Alzamora  i.   Don 


6.16 


WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 


to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  the  glorious  eve^  ptSwfyeSr""!!^!?^. 

•^4^i^'^J^Jt:^:::^:1^^t^lI^  1-,  --ted  th^r^t  picture 


a-i"who  now,  wheuZ;^^?^^^^ 
—        -      the  League,    still  hanyng  on  i-.^Biration  to  the 


of"  The  Victory  of  the  League,"  ^ti  1  hanging  on   n^«*..^-^^^^^^  ^,^^ 

SJon^ett^l'y^XP^t™^^^^ 

—as  imperishable  as  the  language  'tsell.  ,    .  and  bravery  which 

While  all  were  thus  readv  to/«»'l«;  •'°"\^^„*"J\\ev  ™^^  and  conld 

had  won  the  greatest  battle  of  the  t"  '«-"«"•  ^^^X^^f^^^e^  the  fruits  of 

criticise  even!  n>o'«„«"«|;'"yvZ?,t\CT^Charies'  The  Fifth,  gained  such  a 
this  great  victory.     Had  Don  John  sf  her,  <-harles  ine  ,  t        ^^^^  ^^^ 

victory,  it  was  said,  he  ''ould  not  thus  have  „„,ttedt^^^^^^^  ^    ^,^^jh^^ 

enemy  could  recover  from  thej^low,  would  tave:^^^^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^^^^^ 

Many  expressed  the  conviction  that  the  young  gei.ei 
have  led  his  navy  against  Constantinople  criticising  his  course 

There  would  indeed  seem  to  be  pla"f;hte  ^0'"^^  wr  ^^  f  t^l  conduct  of 
after  the  action.  But  we  must  «J"f;"^'' iVL^M  J-  "^^^^^^^^^^  j  ^j^  ;„  ^al 
Don  John,  that  his  situation  was  f  togedier  dite  ^  ^^^^  ^j^ 

father.    He  possessed  no  such  jl',  o'"te  aaithority  as  tne  ,^  ^^^^  ^^^^ 

army.   The  great  leaders  of  the  co^ifederates  we"-«J0  nea^  ^j  importance.   The 
the/each  claimed  a  right  to  be  consulted  on  »»  "'^a  /  {^ere  did  also 

gritest  Jealousy  «'«ted  among  the  tl^ee  com^^^^^^^  all  united,  it  is  true,  in 

Smon2  the  Kooill"'j?'V''%Tthev  w^e  all  influenced,  moi-e  or  less,  by  the 
their  Wred  to  the  Turk     Tlut  they  ^jre  wi  n  ^^^^.^hewas  to  be 

intere.sts  of  their  own  states,  in  ""eroiining  uic   i  ^  ^^^^y 

assailed.    Every  r<x«l  of  territory  wring  from  the  e^^^^^^^  .^  ^^^ 

only  serve  to  f  fjV^^^fXSn  lonld  strin^hen  the  empire  of  Castile, 
western  parts  of  the  Mediterran^n  wouiu  t  Venetians  was,  as  we 

^"4se  who  censured  Don  John^o-^^^^^^^^^^ 

nople  would  seem  to  have  had  ^"V^a  veij  inadej^^^^^^  ^  ^^^^^^^ 

of  the  Porte,-as  shown  in  the  course  of  that  v^^^^^  in  ^^^^^  ^^ 

able  letter  /rom  the  duke  of  Alva,  ^ntten  the^m^^^^^^^^ 

Lepanto,  in  which  he  discusses  t^iel^.^^^^^^^^^^^  ^^^^  ^,  ^,,1     , 

full  fruits  of  the  victory.  In  it  ^e  ^^f  ;Y,L  Turkish  dominions,  unless 
against  Constantinople,  or  indeed  any  Pf^J^/^^^^^/^  ^^f  Xstendom,  must  end 
supported  by  a  general  coalition  of  the  great  powe^^^^^  '         .^^u 

only  in  disapporntnient,-so  vast  were  t^eje^^^;^^^^^^^^^  ^  ^ound  in  military 
ilf^^^-Sri^'c^^^^^^^^^^  ^on^^ohn's  disposal  for  effecting 


Juan  de  Austria,  Madrid.  Nov.  ".  ^571.  ap. 
RoaeU,  Hisioria  del  Combate  naval,  Apend. 

^  "  S'e  Ford,  Handbook  for  Spain,  vol.  U.  p. 

*^-  Ercilla  has  devoted  the  twenty-fourth 
canto  of  the  Araucana  to  the  splendid  episode 

of  the  battle  of  Lepauto  .  If  K-^^V't'Ss^acl 
Uke  Cervantes,  present  m  |he  fight,  hiHac 
qualntance  with  the  p  incipal  actors  lu  it 


makes  his  epic,  in  addition  to  its  poetical 
SJrit8,of  con^siderable  value  as  historical  tes- 

*^T%e  letter,  which  is  dated  Brussels,  Nov. 
17th  1571,  is  addressed  to  Juan  de  Zufiipa.the 
Castilian  'ambassador  at  .the  court  of  ^rne 
A  coDV  from  a  manuscript  of  the  sl.xteeniQ 
centu?y,  n  the  library  of  the  duke  of  Ossuna. 
S  inserted  in  the  Documentos  meditos,  torn, 
lil   pp.  292-303. 


RESULTS  OF  THE  BATTLE. 


637 


this  object,— confederates  held  together,  as  the  event  proved,  by  a  rope  of 
sand,  and  a  fleet  so  much  damaged  in  the  recent  combat  that  many  ot  tne 
vessels  were  scarcely  seaworthy !  ^,     ,         .,        ,.   v    ^.u^j. 

In  addition  to  this,  it  may  be  stated  that  Don  John  knew  it  was  his  brother^ 
wish  that  the  Spanish  squadron  should  return  to  Sicily  to  pass  the  winter. 
If  he  persisted,  therefore,  in  the  campaign,  he  must  do  so  on  his  own  responsi- 
bility. He  had  now  accomplished  the  great  object  for  which  he  had  put  to  sea. 
He  had  won  a  victory  more  complete  than  the  most  sanguine  of  his  country- 
men had  a  right  to  anticipate.  To  prolong  the  contest  under  the  present 
circumstances  would  be  in  a  manner  to  provoke  his  fate,  to  jeopard  the  g  ory 
he  had  already  gained,  and  incur  the  risk  of  closing  the  campaign  with  melan- 
choly cypress,  instead  of  the  laurel-wreath  of  victory.  Was  it  surprising  that 
even*  an  adventurous  spirit  like  his  should  have  shrunk  from  hazardmg  so  vast 

a  stake  with  the  odds  against  him  ?  ,  -r         .  v  ^-0+^^ 

It  is  a  great  error  to  speak  of  the  victory  of  Lepanto  as  a  barren  victo^, 
which  yielded  no  fruits  to  tho  e  who  gained  it.  True,  it  did  not  strip  the 
Turks  of  an  inch  of  territory.  Even  the  heavy  loss  of  ships  and  soldiers  which 
it  cost  them  was  repaired  in  the  following  year.  But  the  loss  of  reputation- 
that  tower  of  strength  to  the  conqueror-was  not  to  be  estimated  ihe  long 
and  successful  career  of  the  Ottoman  princes,  especially  of  the  last  one,  feoiy- 
man  the  Magnificent,  had  made  the  Turks  to  be  thought  invincible.  There 
was  not  a  nation  in  Christendom  that  did  not  tremble  at  the  idea  of  a  war 
with  Turkey.  The  spell  was  now  broken.  Though  her  resources  were  still 
boundless,  she  lost  confidence  in  herself.  Venice  gained  confidence  in  propor- 
tion. When  the  hostile  fleets  met  in  the  year  following  the  battle  of  Lepanto, 
the  Turks,  though  greatly  the  superior  in  numbers  declined  the  conibat  i^or 
the  seventy  yeaS  which  elapsed  after  the  close  of  the  present  war,  the  lurks 
abandoned  their  efforts  to  make  themselves  masters  of  any  of  the  nch  posses- 
sions of  the  republic,  which  lay  so  temptingly  around  them.  When  the  two 
nations  came  next  into  collision,  Venice  instead  of  leaning  on  confederate^ 
took  the  field  single-handed,  and  disputed  it  with  an  intrepiditv  which  placed 
her  on  a  level  with  the  gicantic  power  that  assailed  her  ,That  power  was 
already  on  the  wane ;  and  tliose  who  have  most  carefully  studied  the  history  of 
the  Ottoman  empire  date  the  commencement  of  her  declme  from  the  battle  of 

T  *■      23 

^Ihe  allies  should  have  been  ready  with  their  several  contingents  early  in  the 
spring  of  the  following  year,  1572.  They  were  not  ready  till  the  summer  was 
weU  advanced  One  cause  of  delay  was  the  difficulty  of  deciding  on  what 
qutter  the%irkish  empire  was  to  be  attacked.  The  Venetians,  from  an 
obvious  regard  te  their  own  interests,  were  for  contmumg  the  war  111  the 
Levant  Philip,  on  the  other  hand,  from  similar  motives,  would  have  trans- 
S  t  to  the  western  part  of  the  Mediterranean  and  have  undei-taken  an 
eSition  against  the  Barbary  powers.  Lastly,  Pius  the  Fifth,  urged  by  that 
fiXenthusii^m  which  made  him  overlook  or  overleap  every  obstacle  m  his 
path,  would  have  marched  on  Constantinople  and  then  earned  his  conquering 
Wers  to  the  Holy  Land.    These  chimerical  fancies  of  a  crusader  provoked  a 


"  "Ya  havreis  entendido  la  rtrden  que  se 
OS  ha  dado  de  que  iriverneis  en  Medina,  y  las 
causas  dello."  Carta  del  Rey  a  su  herinano. 
ap.  Rosell,  Historiadel  Combate  naval,  Apeud. 

No   15. 

"  See  Rosell,  Historia  del  Combate  naval, 
p.  157.  — Lafuente,  Historia  de  R-ipafia 
(Madrid,   1850),  torn.  xiii.  p.  538.— Ranke, 


who  has  made  the  history  of  the  Ottoman 
empire  his  particular  study,  remarks,  "The 
Turks  lost  all  their  old  confidence  after  the 
battle  of  Lepanto.  They  had  no  equal  to 
oppose  to  John  of  Austria.  The  day  of 
Lepanto  broke  down  the  Ottoman  supre- 
macy." Ottoman  and  Spanish  Empires  (Lng, 
trans.),  p.  23. 


638  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

smile-it  may  have  been  a  sneer-from  men  better  instructed  in  military 

"^pluS^l^bt'ldto  infuse  his  own  spirit  into  the  monarchs  of  Christen- 
,lo„,  Knt  it  was  in  vain  that  lie  urged  them  to  join  the  LeaRue.  All,  for 
fome  r^son  or  oTher"  dS'ined  it.    It  |  possible  that  they  may  have  had  less 

fear  of  the  Turk  than  of  augmenting  the  PO«fr  «' »>>«  ^'  '^'  "i^PJ'^eur  ^  on 
great  plans  of  Pius  the  Fifth  were  termmated  by  h  «  d^th  wl uch  occurred  on 
♦1,0  Hrit  nf  Mav  1572  He  was  the  true  author  of  the  League,  it  occupica 
hi  thoug4^^^^^^  of  his  existence  ;  and  his  last  act  was  to  appix>- 

p  at^  to  its  uses  a  considerable  sum  of  monev  lyn.g  m  his  cotos.-  He  m^^^ 
Cfriilv  ^\(\  to  have  been  the  on  y  one  of  the  confederates  who  acted  solely 
f^r  wttte  conceYved^^^^  interests  of  the  Faith.    This  soon  because 

*^K^"affairs  of  Philip  the  Second  were  at  this  time  in  a  critical  situation 
He  much  feared  tha  o^ie  of  the  French  faction  would  be  raised  to  the  chair  of 
St  Peter  He  had  great  reason  to  distrust  the  policy  of  France  in  respect  to 
the  Netherlands.  Till  he  was  more  assured  on  these  points,  he  was  not 
inclin^  to  furnish  the  costly  armament  to  which  he  was  pledged  as  his  con- 
thi S  It  was  in  vain  that  the  allies  called  on  Don  John  to  aid  them  with 
thP°  Snanish  ti^t  He  had  orders  from  his  brother  not  to  quit  Messina ; 
and  h  was  in  v^hi  that  he  chafed  under  these  orders  which  threatened  thus 
prematurely  ?o  close  the  glorious  career  on  which  he  ^-^^^"f-f',^^^ 
exDOsed  him  to  the  most  mortifying  imputations.  It  was  not  till  the  sixin  01 
Tn?Y  that  the  kimr  allowed  him  to  send  a  part  of  his  contingent,  amounting 
o^^o  twenVT^^^^^  five  thousand  troops,  to  the  aid  of  the  con- 

^' Some 'historians  explain  the  conduct  of  Philip  not  ««  "^^^^.^V^^^^^^^^^ 
rassments  of  his  situation  as  by  his  reluctance  ^o  ford  his  bm^^^^^^ 
ODDortunity  of  adding  fresh  laurels  to  his  brow,  and  possibly  of  achieving  tor 
Ee    smi^^^^^^^^  sovereignty,  hke  that  to  ^'^^^^h  Piu^^^^^^^^^^^ 

pncourasred  him  to  aspire.  It  may  be  thought  some  conhrmation  ot  this 
oSn-at  least  it  infers  some  jealousy  of  his  brother's  pretensions- that  m 
hS  de  patchef to  h  s  ministers  in  Italy  the  king  instructed  them  that,  w  u le 
thershowed  all  proper  deference  to  Don  John,  they  should  be  careful  not  to 
Sis  him  in  s^ec^or  in  writing  by  the  title  of  ^^^J-J;.  b"*  ^o  u^^,^^^^^ 
of  E.vcelle7icy  ;^d\nir  that  they  were  not  to  speak  ^^^h^s  suggestion 
comine  from  him."  He  caused  a  similar  notice  to  be  given  to  the  ambassa- 
do^  of  Fmnce,  Germany,  and  England.    This  was  but  a  feeble  thr^^^^^^ 

which  to  check  the  flight  of  the  young  eagle  as  he  ^,f  J^-P^f^,^,,^^/.?^^^^^ 
It  served  to  show,  however,  that  it  was  not  the  wiU  of  his  master  that  he 

%"Sphil^^^^^^^  relieved  from  his  fears  in  regard  to  the  "ew  pope  by 
the  election  of  Cardinal  Buoncampag^io  to  the  vacant  throne  This  e^^^^^ 
who  took  the  name  of  Gregory  tfie  Thirteenth,  ^^as  persona  ly  known  to  the 
kinff  havinein  earlier  life  passed  several  yeai-s  at  the  court  of  Lastiie.  iie 
was^welVS^^^  that  cou^rt,  and  he  possessed  in  full  measure  the  zeal  of  h^ 
predecessor  for  carrying  on  the  war  against  the  Moslems.    He  lost  no  time  in 


OPERATIONS  IN  THE  LEVANT. 


639 


•♦  "  Su  Santidad  ha  de  querer  que  se  gane 
Con^tantlnopla  y  la  Casa  Santa,  y  que  tendr& 
muchos  que  le  qnernln  adular  con  facili- 
tiirselo,  y  que  no  faltardn  entre  estos  algunos 
que  hacen  profesion  de  s-ldados  y  que  corao 
8U  Deatitud  no  pueden  entender  estas  cosaa." 


Carta  del  Duque  de  Alba,  ap.  Documentos 
ineditos,  torn.  iii.  p.  300. 

"  Ranke,  History  of  the  Popes  (Lng. 
tranP.\  vol.  i.  p.  3S4.      ,    „      „     ^  ... 

■'*  Lafuente,  Historia  de  Espafia,  torn,  xiil- 

p.  530. 


■  J-  I,-  a  v^nfc  nf  firp  "  "  AS  Don  John  called  them,  to  rouse  him  to  new 
sending  his  "  brief s  of  tire,  ^^f^^^;;  pu:,^  learned  with  satisfaction  that 
exertions  in  the  cause.    In  France,  too  Phihplearneawi^  ^^^.^ 

the  Guises,  the  devoted  P^^^t^^^^^l^P^"'' ^fh^  Phihp  con- 

attairs.    Thus  relieved  from  ^PP^f  ^^"^^^^L"^"^^^^^^         oT  his  squadron.    It 

-^'fnt^d^^ttth^  tiSi^^^^^^^^^ 

%he  Porte  &own  such  extraordinary  despatch  *at  in  "ntt.s  j^ad 

bunt  and  eo„ipi,ed  a  hundred  af  twf  y  gaU^e"?^^^^^^^^ 
on  hand,  a  formidable  fleet."    I*'*^* '^?""  pn  a  &ish  galley  of  the  six- 
suggests  the  idea  of  the  wide  d'ft?„f«^,^,%'^*''^|LVmnmnd  ^the  armament 
telnth  century  and  a  ma»»f-.''»J '?  ^^fiy-Aii  4TXo^^  managed 

2'^rg"the"sat  SKiSg  l'^^:A.  had  before  shown  in 
^Tia^oTAugust  the  confedefes  «^n™ed  ^^Corfu  ^^  th^y  ^ 

reinforced  by  the  rest  of  the  Spanish  '^'^'^- Ji\^^,^!„  vessels,  of 
this  addition,  amounted  to  soine  two  f^dred  any ony  se  .^.  ^ 

which  nearly  two-thirds  were  galleys,    ^i^^as  a  torce  son,  i-^^ated 

that  of  the  enemy,  .Th"s  strengttoed,  Don  J^^^^^^  ^.^^  ^j 

tenner  of  generalissimo  of  the  League,  weighwam^^  appeared  off 

whole  fleet  in  a  southerly  direction.    It  was  not  long  »«ore        ^  Turkish 
the  harbours  of  Modon  and  Navanno  where  the  ^wod^^^^^^^^ 
armada  were  lying  at  anchor.  .He  would  have  attackM^^^^^^^  jifnction  iii  the 
notwithstanding  his  efforts,  failed  to  prevent  their  ete^^^  ^^^^  ^j 

harbour  of  Modon.    On  the  seventh  of  y,f^'^^\{^^'^^Xer!^ry  of  the  fight 
port  and  seemed  disposed  to  give  battle.    It  ^^»«  «/  ,^^^^^^^  ^ee  his  ams 

l(  Lepanto  ;  and  Don  John  fl^T^'ipm^aUe  day     Ct  f  tie  Turkish  corn- 
crowned  with  victory,  as  «Vf  rt.  rSerates  when  he  was  superior  to  them 
niander  was  unwilling  to  S^^J^f'^J^d  fight  them  now  that  he  v»as 
in  numbers,  it  was  not  likely  *"*?  .T,Tl '"o  Result,  he  took  refuge  unde 
inferior.    After  some  manoeuvres  w'"* '«'*.*?  "°Jf"'Vere  Don  Jofti  would 

the  castle  of  Modon,  and  aaiin  ret^fjt«^i'"'hiK  a  battte     But  from  this 
have  followed  tjin>,w>th  the  design^   orcmgb  ^^^  ^^^^.^^^^^ 

Lrthe'Xnc:^  of  su'cce°*in  alScVso  strongly  defended  by  no  means 

'T^^^if^iCr^at  the  ames  P'^-f/,^''"U^t%ErS^^^^^^ 
:^y  *^&rtp^'o?i  ^^  '^iSSro-visions  were  failing, 


»'  "Breves  de  fupgo."    Tjrfuente,  Historia 

de  Esiiana,  torn.  xiii.  p-  529.  ,.,.*„  i„ 

"J  K  Hi'e  ved.ito.  che  quando  gli  fu  data  la 

eran  rotta.  in  sei  mesi  rifabbrico  cento  venti 

|ri?re,oltre  quelle  che  si  trovavano  in  easere. 


cosa  che  esaendo  preveduta  e  fcrUta  da  me, 
fu  Riudicata  piuttosto  impossibile  die  cre- 
l.iH"  Relazione  di  Marcantino  Barbaro, 
1573,  Alberi,  Relazioni  Venete  torn.  lii.  p. 
0O6. 


640  WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 

the  stonny  weather  of  autumn  was  drawing  nigh,  and  Don  John,  disgusted 
with  what  he  regarded  as  the  timid  counsels  of  his  associates,  and  with  the 
control  which  they  were  permitted  to  exercise  over  him,  decided,  as  it  was  now 
too  late  for  any  new  enterprise,  to  break  up  and  postpone  further  action  till 
the  following  spring,  when  he  hoped  to  enter  on  the  campaign  at  an  earlier  day 
tlian  he  had  done  this  year.  The  allies,  accordindy,  on  reaching  the  island  of 
Paxo,  late  in  October,  parted  from  each  other,  and  withdrew  to  their  respective 
winter-quarters.  Don  John,  with  the  Spanish  armament,  returned  to  Sicily." 
The  pope  and  the  king  of  Spain,  nowise  discouraged  by  the  results  of  the 
campaign,  resolved  to  resume  operations  early  in  the  spring  on  a  still  more 
formidable  scale  than  before.  But  their  intentions  were  defeated  by  the 
startUng  intelligence  that  Venice  had  entered  into  a  separate  treaty  with  the 
Porte.  The  treaty,  which  was  negotiated,  it  is  said,  through  the  intervention 
of  the  French  ambassador,  was  executed  on  the  seventh  of  March,  1573.  The 
terms  seemed  somewhat  extraordinary,  considering  the  relative  positions  of 
the  parties.  By  the  two  principal  articles,  the  republic  agreed  to  pay  the 
annual  sum  of  one  hundred  thousand  ducats  for  three  years  to  the  sultan,  and 
to  cede  the  island  of  Cyprus,  the  original  cause  of  the  war.  One  might  suppose 
it  was  the  Turks,  and  not  the  Christians,  who  had  won  the  battle  of  Le- 

panto.*"  ,      ,    ,  .X 

Venice  was  a  commercial  state,  and  doubtless  had  more  to  gain  from  peace 
than  from  any  war,  however  well  conducted.  In  this  point  of  view,  even 
such  a  treaty  may  have  been  politic  with  so  formidable  an  enemy.  But  a 
nation's  interests,  in  the  long  run,  cannot,  any  more  than  those  of  an  in- 
dividual, be  divorced  from  its  honour.  And  what  could  be  more  dishonourable 
than  for  a  state  secretly  to  make  terms  for  herself  with  the  enemy,  and  desert 
the  allies  who  had  come  into  the  war  at  her  solicitation  and  in  her  defence  ? 
Such  conduct,  indeed,  was  too  much  in  liarmony  with  the  past  history  of 
Venice,  and  justified  the  reputation  for  bad  faith  which  had  made  the 
European  nations  so  reluctant  to  enter  into  the  League." 

The  tidings  were  received  by  Philip  with  his  usual  composure.   "  If  Venice, 
he  said,  "  thinks  she  consults  her  own  interests  by  such  a  proceeding,  I  can 
truly  say  that  in  what  I  have  done  I  liave  endeavoured  to  consult  both  her 
interests  and  those  of  Christendom."     He,  however,  spoke  his  mind  more 

Elainly  afterwards  to  the  Venetian  ambassador.  The  pope  gave  free  vent  to 
is  feelings  in  the  consistory,  where  he  denounced  the  conduct  of  Venice  in  the 
most  bitter  and  contemptuous  terms.  When  the  republic  sent  a  special  envoy 
to  deprecate  his  anger  and  to  excuse  herself  by  the  embarrassments  of  her 
situation,  the  pontiff  refused  to  see  him.  Don  John  would  not  believe  in  the 
defection  of  Venice  when  the  tidings  were  first  announced  to  him.  When  he 
was  advised  of  it  by  a  direct  communication  from  her  government,  he  replied 
by  indignantly  commanding  the  great  standard  of  the  League  to  be  torn  down 
from  his  galley  and  in  its  place  to  be  unfurled  the  banner  of  Castile." 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  Holy  League,  on  which  Pius  the  Fifth  had  so  fully 
relied  for  the  conquest  of  Constantinople  and  the  recovery  of  Palestine.  Philip 
could  now  transfer  the  war  to  the  quarter  he  had  preferred.   He  resolved,  accord- 


'•  For  the  preceding  pages  see  Torres  y 
AguUera.  Chronica,  fol.  87-89,— Cabrera, 
Filipe  Segundo.  lib.  x.  cap.  5— Vander- 
bammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  159,  et 
eeq.,— Paruta,  Guerra  di  Cipro,  p.  206,  et 
Beq.,  —  Sagredo,  Monarcas  Othomanos,  pp. 
301,302. 

'"  It  is  Voltaire's  reflection  :  "  II  sembl&it 


que  les  Turques  eussent  pagne  la  bataille  de 
Lepante."     ERsais  sur  les  Moeurs,  cbap.  160. 

"  The  treaty  is  to  be  found  in  Dumotit, 
Corps  diplomatique,  torn.  v.  par.  1.  pp.  2lo, 
219. 

"  Rosell,  Historia  del  Combate  naval,  p. 
149.— Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  p.  747.— Torres 
y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  95. 


i 


CONQUEST  OF  TUNIS. 


641 


ingly,  to  send  an  expedition  to  the  Barbary  coast.  Tunis  was  selected  as  the 
p'ace  of  attack,-a  thriving  city  and  the  home  of  many  a  corsair  who  nreyed 
on  the  commerce  of  the  Mediterranean.  It  had  been  taken  by  Charles  the 
Fifth  in  the  memorable  campaign  of  1535,  but  had  since  been  recovered  by  the 
Moslems.  The  Spaniards,  however,  still  retained  possession  of  the  strong 
fortress  of  the  Goletta,  which  overlooked  the  approaches  to  lunis. 

In  the  latter  part  of  September,  1574,  Don  John  left  the  shores  of  Sicily  at 
the  head  of  a  fleet  consisting  of  about  a  hundred  galleys  and  nearly  as  many 
smaller  vessels.  The  number  of  his  troops  amounted  to  not  less  than  twenty 
thousand."  The  story  of  the  campaign  is  a  short  one.  Most  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Tunis  fled  from  the  city.  The  few  who  remained  did  not  care  to 
bring  the  war  on  their  heads  by  offering  resistance  to  the  Spaniards.  Don 
John,  without  so  much  as  firing  a  shot,  marched  m  at  the  head  of  his  bat- 
talions, through  gates  flung  open  to  receive  him.  He  found  an  ample  boo^ 
awaiting  himr-near  fifty  pieces  of  artillery,  with  ammunition  and  military 
stores,  Targe  quantities  of  grain,  cotton  and  woollen  cloths  rich  silks  and 
brocades,  with  various  other  kinds  of  costly  merchandise.  The  troops  spent 
more  than  a  week  in  sacking  the  place."  They  gamed,  m  short,  everything- 
but  glory ;  for  little  glory  was  to  be  gained  where  there  were  no  obstacles  to  be 

°^Don"john  gave  orders  that  no  injury  should  be  offered  to  the  persons  of  the 
inhabitants.  He  forbade  that  any  should  be  made  slaves.  By  a  proclamation, 
he  invited  all  to  return  to  their  dwellings,  under  the  assurance  of  li's  Protec- 
tion. In  one  particular  his  conduct  was  remarkable.  Philip,  disgusted  with 
the  expenses  to  which  the  maintenance  of  the  castle  of  the  Goletta  annual^ 
subjected  him,  had  recommended,  if  not  positively  directed  his  brother  to 
dismantle  the  place  and  to  demolish  in  like  manner  the  fortifications  of  Tunis." 
Instead  of  heeding  these  instnictions,  Don  John  no  sooner  saw  J^niself  n 
possesion  of  the  ^pital  than  he  commanded  the  Goletta  to  be  thoroughly 
Sred  and  at  the  same  time  provided  for  the  erection  of  a  strong  fortress 
in  the  city  This  work  he  committed  to  an  Italian  engineer  named  Cerbel- 
lonla  kdght  of  Malta,  with  whom  he  left  eight  thousand  soldiers,  to  be 
emnloyed  in  the  construction  of  the  fort,  and  to  furnish  him  with  a  garrison  to 

"^^Don  John,  it  is  said,  had  been  urged  to  take  this  course  t>y  Ms  secret 
Juan  de  Soto,  a  man  of  ability,  but  of  an  intrvgmng  temper,  who  fostered  in 
his  master  those  ambitious  projects  which  had  been  encouraged,  as  we  have 
sSn  byPius  the  Fifth.    No  more  eligible  spot  seemed  likely  to  present  itself 


"  Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 

fol.  172.  ,  ^^^      „ 

'•  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  p.  765.— \  an- 
derhammen.  Den  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  17t, 
175.— Torres  y  Aguilera,  Cbronica,  fol.  10:J, 
et  seq  —The  author  last  cited,  who  was 
present  at  the  capture  of  Tunis,  gives  a 
fearful  picture  of  the  rapacity  of  tlie  soldiers 
»*  The  Castilian  writers  generally  speak  <>r 
it  as  the  peremptory  command  of  Philip. 
Cabrera,  one  of  the  best  authorities  tells  us, 
••Mand5  el  Rey  Catolico  a  don  Juan  de 
Austria  enplear  su  armada  en  la  conquista  de 
Tunez,  i  que  le  desmantelase,  I  la  Goleta. 
But  soon  after  he  remarks,  "Olvidando  el 
huen  acuerdo  del  Rey,  por  consejo  de  lison- 
KPros  determino  de  conservar  la  ciudad. 
(Filipe  Segundo.  pp.  763,  764.-)     From  this 


qualified  language  we  may  infer  that  the 
king  meant  to  give  his  brother  his  decided 
opinion,  not  amounting,  howev(  r.  to  such  an 
a»)solute  command  as  would  leave  him  no 
power  to  exercise  his  discretion  in  the  matter. 
This  last  view  is  made  the  more  probable  by 
tlie  fact  that  in  the  following  spring  a  corre- 
spondence took  place  between  the  king  and 
his  brother,  in  which  the  former,  after  stating 
the  arguments  both  for  preserving  and  for 
dismantling  the  fortress  of  Tunis,  concludes 
by  referring  the  decision  of  the  question  to 
Don  John  himself:  ♦' Representadas  todas 
e-tas  dificultades,  manda  remitir  S.  M.  al 
Scfior  Don  Juan  que  el  tome  la  resoliicion 
que  mas  convenga."  Documentos  In^ditos, 
torn.  lii.  p.  139, 

2  T 


642 


WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 


for  tb.e  seat  of  his  dominion  than  Tunis,— a  flonrishins:  capital  surrounded  hy 
a  well-peopled  and  fruitful  territory.  Philip  had  heen  warned  of  the  unwhole- 
some influence  exerted  by  De  Soto ;  and  he  now  sought  to  remove  him  from 
the  person  of  his  brother  by  giving  him  a  distinct  iwsition  in  the  army,  and  by 
sending  another  to  replace  hmi  in  his  post  of  secretary.  The  person  thus  sent 
was  Juan  de  Escovedo.  But  it  was  soon  fovuid  that  the  influence  which  Esco- 
vedo  acquired  over  the  youni?  prince  was  both  greater  and  more  mischievous 
than  that  of  his  predecessor ;  and  the  troubles  that  grew  out  of  this  new  inti- 
macy were  destined,  as  we  shall  see  hereafter,  to  form  some  of  the  darkest 
pages  in  the  history  of  the  times. 

Having  providetl  for  the  security  of  his  new  acquisition,  and  received,  more- 
over, the  voluntary  submission  of  the  neighbouring  town  of  Biserta,  the  Spanish 
commander  returned  with  his  fleet  to  Sicily.  He  landed  at  Palermo,  amidst 
the  roaring  of  cannon,  the  shouts  of  the  populace,  and  the  u-^ual  rejoicings  that 
announce  the  return  of  the  victorious  commander.  He  did  not,  however,  pro- 
long his  stay  in  Sicily.  After  dismissing  his  fleet,  he  proceeded  to  Naples, 
where  he  landed  about  the  middle  of  November.  He  proposed  to  pass  the 
winter  in  this  capital,  where  thedeUcious  climate  and  the  beauty  of  the  women, 
Siiyi  a  contemporary  chronicler,  had  the  attractions  for  him  that  belonged 
naturally  to  his  age.'*  His  partiality  for  Naples  was  amply  requited  by  the 
inhabitants,— especially  that  lovelier  portion  of  them  who^e  smiles  were  the 
well-prized  guerdon  of  the  soldier.  If  his  brilliant  exterior  and  the  charm  of 
his  society  had  excited  their  admiration  when  he  first  appeared  among  them 
as  an  adventurer  in  the  path  of  honour,  how  much  was  this  admiration  likely 
to  be  increased  when  he  returned  with  the  halo  of  glory  beaming  aiound  his 
brow,  as  the  successful  champion  of  Ohristeiuloni ! 

The  days  of  John  of  Austria  glided  merrily  aloni?  in  the  gay  capital  of 
Southern  Italy.  But  we  should  wronj?  him  did  we  suppo>e  that  all  his  hours 
were  passed  in  idle  dalliance.  A  portion  of  each  day,  on  the  contrary,  was  set 
apart  for  study.  Another  part  was  given  to  the  despatch  of  business.  When 
he  went  abroad,  he  ail'ected  the  society  of  men  distinguished  for  theu-  science, 
or  still  more  for  their  knowledge  of  public  affairs.  In  his  intercourse  with 
these  persons  he  showed  dignity  of  demeanour  tempered  by  courtesy,  while  his 
conversation  revealed  those  lofty  aspirations  which  proved  that  his  thoughts 
were  fixed  on  a  higher  eminence  than  any  he  had  yet  reached.  It  was  clear 
to  every  observer  that  ambition  was  the  moving  principle  of  his  actions,— the 
passion  to  which  every  other  passion,  even  the  love  of  pleasure,  was  wholly 
subordinate. 

In  the  midst  of  the  gayeties  of  Naples  his  thoughts  were  intent  on  the  best 
means  of  securing  his  African  empire.  He  despatched  his. secretary,  Escovedo, 
to  the  pope,  to  solicit  his  good  offices  with  Philip.  Gregory  entertained  the 
same  friendly  feelings  for  Don  John  which  his  predecessor  had  shown,  and  he 
good-naturedly  acquiesced  in  his  petition.  lie  directed  his  nuncio  at  the 
Castilian  court  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  promote  the  suit  of  the  youna:  chief, 
and  to  assure  the  king  that  nothing  could  be  more  gratifying  to  the  head  of 
the  Church  than  to  see  so  worthy  a  recompense  bestowed  on  one  who  had 
rendered  such  signal  services  to  Christendom.  Philin  received  the  communi- 
cation in  the  most  gracious  manner.  He  was  grateful,  he  said,  for  the  interest 
which  the  pope  condescended  to  take  in  the  fortunes  of  Don  John  ;  and 
nothing,  certainly,  would  be  more  agreeable  to  his  own  feelings  than  to  have 

Don  Juan   do 


RETAKEN  BY  THE  TURKS. 


64a 


I 


the  power  to  reward  his  brother  according  to  his  deserts.  But  to  take  any 
steps  at  present  in  the  matter  would  be  premature.  He  had  received  infor- 
mation that  the  sultan  was  niaking  extensive  preparations  for  the  recovery  of 
Tunis.  Before  giving  it  away,  therefore,  it  would  be  well  to  see  to  whom  it 
belonged.'^ 

Philip's  information  was  correct.  No  sooner  had  Sehm  learned  the  fate  of 
the  Barbary  capital  than  he  made  prodigious  efforts  for  driving  the  Spaniards 
from  their  conquests.  He  assembled  a  powerful  armament,  which  he  placed 
under  the  command  of  Uluch  Ah.  As  lord  of  Algiers,  that  chief  had  a  par- 
ticular interest  in  preventing  any  Christian  power  from  planting  its  foot  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  his  own  dominions.  The  command  of  the  land-forces 
was  given  to  Sinan  Pasha,  Selim's  son-in-law. 

Early  in  July  the  Ottoman  fleet  arrived  oft"  the  Barbary  coast.  Tunis 
oftered  as  little  resistance  to  the  arms  of  the  Moslems  as  it  had  before  done  to 
those  of  the  Christians.  That  city  had  been  so  often  transferred  from  one 
master  to  another  that  it  seemed  almost  a  matter  of  indiftiereuce  to  the  inhabi- 
tants to  whom  it  belonged.  But  the  Turks  found  it  a  more  ditticult  matter 
to  reduce  the  castle  of  the  Goletta  and  the  fort  raised  by  the  brave  engmeer 
Cerbelloni,  now  well  advanced,  though  not  entirely  completed.  It  was  not 
till  the  middle  of  September,  after  an  incredible  waste  of  life  on  the  part  of 
the  assailants,  and  the  extermination  of  nearly  the  whole  of  the  Spanish  gar- 
risons, that  both  the  fortresses  surrendered."        ^    ,    ,  j     j.j  ^   ^ 

No  sooner  was  he  in  possession  of  them  than  the  Turkish  commander  did  that 
which  Philip  had  in  vain  wished  his  brother  to  do.  He  razed  to  the  ground 
the  fortress  of  the  Goletta.  Thus  ended  the  campaign,  in  which  Spam, 
besides  her  recent  conquests,  saw  herself  stripped  of  the  strong  castle  which 
had  defied  every  assault  of  the  Moslems  since  the  time  of  Charles  the  Fifth. 

One  may  naturally  ask,  Where  was  John  of  Austria  all  this  time  i  He  had 
not  been  idle,  nor  had  he  remained  an  indiflerent  spectator  of  the  loss  of  the 
place  he  had  so  gallantly  won  for  Spain.  But  when  he  first  received  tidings 
of  the  presence  of  a  Turkish  fleet  before  Tunis  he  was  absent  on  a  mission  to 
Genoa,  or  rather  to  its  neighbourhood.  That  republic  was  at  this  time  torn 
by  factions  so  fierce  that  it  was  on  the  brink  of  a  civil  war.  The  mischief 
threatened  to  extend  even  more  widely,  as  the  neighbouring  powers  especially 
France  and  Savoy,  prepared  to  take  part  in  the  quarrel,  m  hopes  of  establish- 
ing their  own  authority  in  the  state.  At  length  Philip,  who  had  inherited 
from  his  father  the  somewhat  ill-defined  title  of  «  Protector  of  Genoa,'  was 
compelled  to  interpose  in  the  dispute.  It  was  on  this  mission  that  Don  John 
was  sent,  to  watch  more  nearly  the  rival  factions.  It  was  not  till  after  this 
domestic  broil  had  lasted  for  several  months  that  the  prudent  policy  of  the 
Spanish  monarch  succeeded  in  reconciling  the  hostile  parties  and  thus  securing 
the  republic  from  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war.  He  reaped  the  good  fruits  of  his 
temperate  conduct  in  the  maintenance  of  his  own  authority  in  the  counsels  of 
the  republic,  thus  binding  to  himself  an  ally  whose  navy,  m  tmie  of  war, 
served  greatly  to  strengthen  his  maritime  resources.'' 


*•  "  Porque  la  gentileza  de  la  tierra  i  de  las 
damas  en  su  conservacion  agradaba  a  su 
galUrda  edad."    Cabrera.  Filipe  Segundo,  p. 


755.— Also   Vanderhammen, 
Austria,  fol.  176. 


"  Ferreras.  Hist.  d'Eppagne,  tcm.  x.  p. 
286.— Vanderhammen,  Don  Juan  de  Austria, 

fol.  178. 

"  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  116,  et 
geq.— Rflacion  particular  de  Don  Juan  Sano- 
gera,  MS.— Vanderhammen  states  the  loss  of 
the  Moslems  at  thirty-three  thousand  slain. 
(Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol.  189.)  But  the 
arithmetic  of   the  Castilian    is  little  to  be 


trusted  as  regards  the  infidel. 

^■^  For  a  brief  but  vt  ry  perspicuous  view  of 
the  troubles  of  Genoa,  see  San  Miguel,  Hiet.  de 
Filipe  Segundo  (torn.  ii.  cap.  36).  The  care 
of  this  judicious  writer  tD  acquaint  the  reader 
ViUh  contemporary  events  in  other  countries, 
as  thoy  bore  more  or  less  directly  on  Spain,  is 
a  characteristic  merit  of  his  history 


644 


WAR  WITH  THE  TURKS. 


While  detained  on  this  delicate  mission,  Don  John  did  what  he  conld  for 
Tunis,  hy  urging  the  viceroys  of  Sicily  and  Naples  to  send  immediate  aid  to 
the  beleaguered  garrisons.*'  But  these  functionaries  seem  to  have  been  more 
interested  in  the  feuds  of  Genoa  than  in  the  fate  of  the  African  colony. 
Granvelle,  who  presided  over  Naples,  was  even  said  to  be  so  jealous  of  the 
rising  fame  of  John  of  Austria  as  not  to  be  unwilling  that  his  lofty  pretensions 
should  be  somewhat  humbled.*'  The  supplies  sent  were  wholly  unequal  to 
the  exigency 

Don  John,  impatient  of  the  delay,  as  soon  as  he  could  extricate  himself 
from  the  troubles  of  Genoa,  sailed  for  Naples,  and  thence  speedily  crossed  to 
Sicily.  He  there  made  every  etlbrt  to  assemble  an  armament,  of  which  he 
prepared,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  his  friends,  to  take  the  command 
m  person.  But  nature,  no  less  than  man,  was  against  him.  A  tempest 
scattered  his  fleet ;  and  when  he  had  reassembled  it,  and  fairly  put  to  sea, 
he  was  baffled  by  contrary  winds,  and,  taking  refuge  in  the  neighbouring  port 
of  Trapani,  was  detained  there  until  tidings  reached  him  of  the  fall  of  Tunis. 
They  tell  heavily  on  his  ear.  For  they  announced  to  him  that  all  his  bright 
visions  of  an  African  empire  had  vanished,  like  the  airv  fabric  of  an  Eastern 
tale.  All  that  remained  was  the  consciousness  that  lie  had  displeased  his 
brother  by  his  scheme  of  an  independent  sovereignty  and  bv  his  omission  to 
raze  the  fortress  of  the  Goletta,  the  unavailing  defence  of  which  had  cost  the 
lives  of  so  many  of  his  brave  countrymen. 

But  Don  John,  however  chagrined  by  the  tidings,  was  of  too  elastic  a 
temper  to  yield  to  despondency.  He  was  a  knight-errant  in  the  true  sense  of 
the  term.  He  still  clung  as  fondly  as  ever  to  the  hope  of  one  day  carving 
out  with  his  good  sword  an  independent  dominion  for  hmiself.  His  first  step, 
he  considered,  was  to  make  his  peace  with  his  brother.  Though  not  sum- 
moned thither,  he  resolved  to  return  at  once  to  the  Castilian  court, — for  in 
that  direction,  he  felt,  lay  the  true  road  to  preferment. 


**•  Torres  y  Aguilera,  Chronica,  fol.  113. 

*'  The  principal  cause  of  Granvelle's  cold- 
ness to  Don  John,  as  we  are  tuld  by  Cabrera 
(FUipe  Segundo,  p.  794),  echoed,  as  usual,  by 
Vanderhammen  (Don  Juan  de  Austria,  fol. 
l'*4),  was  envy  of  the  fame  which  the  hero  of 
L  panto  had  gained  by  his  conquests  both  ia 


lore  and  In  war;  "La  causa  principal  era 
el  poco  gusto  que  tenia  de  acudir  a  don  Juan, 
invidioso  de  sus  favores  de  Marte  i  Venus." 
Considering  the  cardinal's  profession,  he 
would  seem  to  have  had  no  right  to  envy 
any  one's  success  in  cither  of  these  fields. 


1^ 


f 


BOOK  IV. 


CHAPTER  I. 

DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS   OF   SPAIN. 

Internal   Administration  of  Spain-Absolute  Power  of  the  Crown— Royal  Conncnfl— Air* 
3  Ruy"  omez-Espinosa-Personal  Habits  of  Philip-Court  and  Nobles-The  Cortes- 
The  Guards  of  Castile. 

Seventeen  years  had  now  elapsed  since  Philip  the  Second  ascended  the 
throne  of  his  ancestors,— a  period  long  enough  to  disclose  the  policy  of  his 
government,  longer,  indeed,  than  that  of  the  entire  reigns  of  some  of  his  pre- 
decessors In  the  previous  portions  of  this  work  the  reader  has  been  chiefly 
occupied  with  the  foreign  relations  of  Spain,  and  with  military  details.  It  is 
now  time  to  pause,  an$  before  plunging  anew  into  the  stormy  scenes  of  the 
Netherlands,  to  consider  the  internal  administration  of  the  country  and  the 
character  and  policy  of  the  monarch  who  presided  over  it. 

The  most  important  epoch  in  Castilian  history  since  the  great  Saracen 
invasion  in  the  eighth  century  is  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  when 
anarchy  was  succeeded  by  law,  and  from  the  elements  of  chaos  arose  that 
beautiful  fabric  of  order  and  constitutional  liberty  which  promised  a  new  era 
for  the  nation.  In  the  assertion  of  her  rights,  Isabella,  to  whom  this  revolu- 
tion is  chiefly  to  be  attributed,  was  obliged  to  rely  on  the  support  of  the 
people.  It  was  natural  that  she  should  retiuite  their  services  by  aiding  them 
In  the  recovery  of  their  own  rights,-especially  of  those  which  had  been 
usurped  by  the  rapacious  nobles.  Indeecf,  it  was  the  obvious  policy  of  the 
crown  to  humble  the  pride  of  the  aristocracy  and  abate  their  arrogant  pre- 
tensions. In  this  it  was  so  well  supported  by  the  commons  that  the  scheme 
perfectly  succeeded.  By  the  depression  of  the  privileged  classes  and  the  el e- 
Vation  of  the  people,  the  different  orders  were  brought  more  strictly  with  n 
their  constitutional  limits  ;  and  the  state  made  a  nearer  approach  to  a  well- 
balanced  limited  monarchy  than  at  any  previous  penod  of  its  mstory 

This  auspicious  revolution  was  soon,  alas  !  t^  be  followed  by  another,  of  a 
most  disastrous  kind.  Charles  the  Fifth  who  succeeded  his  grandfather 
Ferdinand,  was  born  a  foreigner, -and  a  foreigner  he  rej named  through  his 
whole  life  He  was  a  stranger  to  the  feelings  and  habits  of  the  .Spaniards, 
had  little  respect  for  their  institutions,  and  as  little  love  for  the  nation,  lie 
continued  to  live  mostly  abroad  ;  was  occupied  with  foreign  enterprises  ;  and 
the  on"y  people  whom  he  really  loyed  were  those  of  the  Netherlands^  his  native 
land  The  Spaniards  requited  these  feelings  of  indifference  in  full  measure. 
They  felt  that  the  glory  of  the  imperial  name  shed  no  lustre  upon  them 


I 


ROYAL  COUNCILS. 


647 


646 


DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 


Thus  estranged  at  heart,  they  were  easily  provoked  to  insurrection  by  his 
violation  of  their  rights.  The  insurrection  was  a  failure  ;  and  the  blow  which 
crushed  the  insurgents  on  the  plains  of  Villalar  deprived  them  for  ever  of  the 
few  liberties  which  they  had  been  permitted  to  retain.  They  were  excluded 
from  all  share  in  the  government,  and  were  henceforth  summoned  to  the  cortex 
only  to  swear  allegiance  to  the  heir-apparent  or  to  furnish  subsidies  for  their 
master.  They  were  indeed  allowed  to  lay  their  grievances  before  the  throne. 
But  they  had  no  means  of  enforcinij  redress  ;  for,  with  the  cunning  policy  of  a 
despot,  Charles  would  not  receive  their  petitions  until  they  had  first  voted  the 
supplies. 

The  nobles,  who  had  stood  by  their  master  in  the  struggle,  fared  no  better. 
They  found  too  late  how  short-sighted  was  the  policy  which  had  led  them  to 
put  their  faith  in  princes.  Henceforth  they  could  not  be  said  to  form  a 
necessary  part  of  the  legislature.  For,  as  they  insisted  on  their  right  to  be 
excused  from  bearing  any  share  in  the  burdens  of  the  state,  they  could  take 
no  part  in  voting  the  supplies ;  and,  as  this  was  almost  the  only  purpose  for 
which  the  cortes  was  convened,  their  presence  was  no  longer  required  in  it. 
Instead  of  the  powers  which  were  left  to  them  untouched  by  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella,  they  were  now  amused  with  high-sounding  and  empty  titles,  or  with 
otfices  about  the  person  of  the  monarch.  In  this  way  they  gradually  sank  into 
the  unsubstantial  though  glittering  pageant  of  a  court.  Meanwhile,  the 
government  of  Castile,  assuming  the  powers  of  both  making  the  laws  and 
enforcing  their  execution,  became  in  its  essential  attributes  nearly  as  absolute 
as  that  of  Turkey. 

Such  was  the  gigantic  despotism  which,  on  the  death  of  Charles,  passed  into 
the  hands  of  Philip  the  Second.  The  son  had  many  qualities  in  common  with 
his  father.  But  among  these  was  not  that  restless  ambition  of  foreign  con- 
quest which  was  ever  goading  the  emperor.  Nor  was  he,  like  his  father, 
urged  by  the  love  of  glory  to  military  acnievement.  He  was  of  too  sluggish  a 
nature  to  embark  readily  in  great  enterprises.  He  was  capable  of  nnich 
labour ;  but  it  was  of  that  sedentary  kind  which  belongs  to  the  cabinet  rather 
\  than  the  camp.  His  tendencies  were  naturally  pacific  ;  and  up  to  the  period 
at  which  we  are  now  arrived  he  had  engaged  in  no  wars  but  those  into  which 
he  had  been  drawn  by  the  revolt  of  his  vassals,  as  in  the  Netherlands  and 
Granada,  or  those  forced  on  him  by  circumstances  beyond  his  control.  Such 
was  the  war  which  he  had  carried  on  with  the  pope  aiid  the  French  monarchy 
at  the  beginning  of  his  reign. 

But,  while  less  ambitious  than  Charles  of  foreign  acquisitions,  Philip  was 
full  as  tenacious  of  the  possessions  and  power  which  had  come  to  him  by 
inheritance.  Nor  was  it  likely  that  the  regal  prerogative  would  suffer  any 
diminution  in  his  reign,  or  that  the  nobles  or  commons  would  be  allowed  to 
retrieve  any  of  the  immunities  which  they  had  lost  under  his  predecessors. 

Philip  understood  the  character  of  his  countrymen  better  than  his  father 
had  done.  A  Spaniard  by  birth,  he  was,  as  I  have  more  than  once  had 
occasion  to  remark,  a  Spaniard  in  his  whole  nature.  His  tastes,  his  habits, 
his  prejudices,  were  all  Spanish.  His  policy  was  directed  solely  to  the  aggran- 
dizement of  vSpain.  The  distant  races  whom  he  governed  were  all  strangers 
to  him.  With  a  few  exceptions,  Spaniards  were  the  only  persons  he  placed  in 
otfices  of  trust.  His  Castilian  countrymen  saw  with  pride  and  satisfaction  that 
they  had  a  native  prince  on  the  throne,  who  identified  his  own  interests  with 
theirs.  They  contrasted  this  conduct  with  that  of  his  father,  and  requited  it 
with  a  devotion  such  as  they  had  shown  to  few  of  his  predecessors.  They  not 
only  held  him  in  reverence,  says  the  Venetian  minister,  Contarini,  but  respected 


his  Castilian  subjects  who  were  drijven  to  rebe  U^^^^^^  consciousness  of 

Thougli  tenacious  of  power,  1  '""P., "a<i  J™''  "'^      .  „  i^ng under 

strength  winch  enabled  Ws  father  »'}a;ded  a  it^we  e  to  f.earjP  o^^  ^.^^^  ^^ 

the  burden  of  empire.    The  ''ai:!j"l,TTa  ^erta^^^^^  °P*"'°"^  °^  °*'""''- 

taking  any  step  ^t,}  W'?"<=^if  *^\\Sf  h^gS  Q"^   I^kbella,  to  invoke 

Yet  he  was  not  willing,  ''I'®  ■''^„„^Pf?„°awaLKe  ot^^  o*  ?»'■«■" !» 

the  cooperation  of  the  cortes^  and  thus  a«aKen  ine  ^.^^  paralysis. 

an  arm  of  the  government  which  had  ^^"  ^  °'J    He  found  a  substitute 
Such  an  expedient  «.f  «*  Xrs^f  wlkh^™^^^^^         by  the  cr«wn  and 
in  the  several  councils,  the  '»e"|*J^*  9' „  1;  „  '  .t^'ort  of  the  prerogative, 
removable  at  its  P'^'^^^'^vXlS^  h^d  KTclplete  rWanization  of 
Under  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  there  "^.a  oeeii  .i  <-     i   ,     .^    pjf^j^  ^g  j-ujt 

these  councils.     Their  nim.l^r  was  »>«/^^  ™,''f''^,^^^^^^^^^  'philiP.' 

the  increased  extent  of  the  empire  It  was  st>  *«["'«;«  k  {  ^^y  "be 
Under  him  there  were  »« '«^^  ^^^.^^^f  o^^iTt  5,and  oFstate.'  Of  these 
particularly  noticed  those  of  ^fjl/'*  u'Swith  the  most  important  concerns 
Various  bodies  the  council  of  ^.^t*;  «hai^f  w  th  w^^^^  l  ^^^^^^  „j  jt, 

of  the  monarchy,  was  held  ™  »Sh  iZwrSig  it  aniounted  to  sixteen.' 

members  varied.  At  the  tm>e  »*  ^n'^^YoriesrS  half  that  numlier.  It 
But  the  weight  of  the  h"s"'.ess  ."Jevohed  o    less  i^ian  ^^^^ 

was  composS  of  both  ecc  esiastics  and  'f  "f  "^^^"iS' was  to  be  found  in 
=^feuncl-FS\»^^ 

^^^^  ^^aW ^^  «U"i^ls  wluld  be  of  no  Uttle 

Advantage  in  maintaining  the  Preros^^^ve  particularly  noticed 

Among  the  members  of  the  council  ^^'^^^.^he  duke  of  Alva  and  Ruv 

for  their  pre-eminence  in  that  body      ^^^^^^^y^^  reader  is  well  acquainted. 

out  as  the  leader  of  a  pa^-ty-        ,       ,  ,,    ascendency  which  Alva  might  one 
The  emperor  a^ors  to^^^^«/|X ,'  w^o^^^^^  to  his  son  in  abetter 

day  acquire  over  Phihp.  The  duke,  ^ro?«  >;  ,  ,  |^-  i  have  in  my 
Sore  cited,  "is  the  ablest  statesman  ad  t^^^^^  Rvrt  do  not  depend  on 
dominions.^  Consult  him,  ^^,\^,f '  ^^^^  but  yourself." 

him  entirely  in  these  or  any  other  "^^^^f  ^^.^^^PS  by  it.  Though  always 
The  advice  was  ^ood ;  and  Phihp  did  not  tail  W  PJ^«       1^.  g^  was  too 

seeking  the  opinions  of  others,  ;*  was  t|ie  b^^^^^^  to  torn  ^^  ^ 


.  "QueeU  oppinione.  che  dl  lui  ri  W.  rende 

^'  A  manoBcript.  entitled  "  Or^en  de  U$ 
(\>nl&^r  without  date  or  the  "ame  of  the 
S  Jn  thP  library  of  «ir  Thomas  PhUUpa. 
Jw'r.'  Sn' te'  Snt  of  tbe  various  councils 
under  Philip  the  Second, 


»  "Sono  XL;  U  consigUo  dell'  Indie,  Cas- 
ticlla,  d'  Aragona,  d'  inquisitione.di  camera, 
deir  ordini,  di  guerra.  dl  I'.f^'r'^;; ^'  ^^J^f. 
tizia  d'  Italia,  et  di  stato."  Sommano  del 
ort?ne  Che  «^iene  alia  cortediSpagna  circa 
?rgovemo  delli  Btati  del  Re  Cathol.co  MS. 

*  Ibid.     The  dale  of  this  inanusc-'pt   is 
1570. 


|! 


648  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 

king  seems  to  have  shown  him  but  little  of  that  personal  attachment  which  he 
evinced  for  his  rival,  Ruy  Gomez.  .    r»  _x      i      u      «u 

This  nol)leman  was  descended  from  an  ancient  house  m  Portugal,  a  brancn 
of  which  had  been  transplanted  to  Castile.  He  had  been  ^rly  received  as  a 
page  in  the  imperial  household,  where,  though  he  was  several  years  older  than 
PhiHp,  his  amiable  temper,  his  engaging  manners  and,  above  all,  that  tact 
which  made  his  fortune  in  later  life,  soon  rendered  him  the  pnnce  s  favourite. 
An  anecdote  is  reported  of  him  at  this  time,  which,  however  dithcult  to  credit, 
rests  on  respectable  authority.  While  engaged  in  their  sports,  the  page 
accidentally  struck  the  prince.  The  emperor,  greatly  incensed,  and  conceiving 
that  such  an  indignity  to  the  heir-apparent  was  to  be  effaced  only  by  the  blood 
of  the  offender,  condemned  the  unhappy  youth  to  lo^e  his  life.  The  tears  and 
entreaties  of  Philip  at  length  so  far  softened  the  heart  of  his  father  that  he 
consented  to  commute  the  punishment  of  death  for  exile.  Indeed,  it  is  hard 
to  believe  that  Cliarles  had  ever  really  intended  to  carry  his  cruel  sentence  into 
execution  The  exile  was  of  no  long  duration.  The  society  of  Gomez  had 
become  indispensable  to  the  prince,  who,  pining  under  the  separation,  at  length 
prevailed  on  his  father  to  recall  the  young  noble  and  reinstate  him  m  his 

former  situation  in  the  palace.*  ^  , ,    ,.       ...  j  *    • 

The  re^rd  of  Philip,  who  was  not  of  a  fickle  disposition,  seemed  to  increase 
with  yeai^  We  find  Ruy  Gomez  one  of  the  brilliant  suite  who  accompanied 
him  to  London  on  hi&  visit  there  to  wed  the  English  queen.  After  the 
emperor's  abdication,  Ruv  Gomez  continued  to  occupy  a  distinguished  place 
in  Philip's  household,  as  first  gentleman  of  the  bedchamber.  By  virtue  of  this 
office  he  was  required  to  attend  his  master  both  at  his  rising  and  his  going  to 
rest  His  situation  gave  him  ready  access  at  all  hours  to  the  royal  person. 
It  was  soon  understood  that  there  was  no  one  in  the  court  who  exercised  a 
more  important  influence  over  the  monarch  ;  and  he  naturally  became  the 
channel  through  which  applicants  for  favours  sought  to  prefer  their  petitions. 
Meanwhile,  the  mo>t  substantial  honours  were  liberally  bestowed  on  him.  lie 
was  created  duke  of  Pastrana,  with  an  income  of  twenty-five  thousand  crowns, 
— alan^-e  revenue,  considering  the  value  of  money  in  that  day.  The  title  of 
Pastrana  was  subsequently  merged  in  that  of  Eboli,  by  which  he  has  con- 
tinued to  be  known.  It  was  derived  from  his  marnage  with  the  pnncess  of 
Eboli,  Anna  de  Mendoza,  a  lady  much  younger  than  he,  and,  though  blind  of 
one  eye,  celebrated  for  her  beauty  no  less  than  her  wit.  She  was  yet  more 
celebrated  for  her  gallantries,  and  for  the  tragic  results  to  which  they  led,— 
a  subject  closely  connected  with  the  personal  history  ^l  Philip,  to  which  1 

shall  return  hereafter.  i        *  xu  i 

Among  his  other  dignities  Ruy  Gomez  was  made  a  member  of  the  council 
of  state,  in  which  body  he  exercised  an  influence  not  infenor,  to  say  the  least 
of  it  to  that  of  any  of  his  associates.  His  head  was  not  turned  by  his  pro- 
sperity He  did  not,  like  many  a  favourite  before  him,  display  his  full-blown 
fortunes  in  the  eye  of  the  world  ;  nor,  though  he  maintained  a  state  suited 
to  his  station,  did*  he,  like  Wolsey,  excite  the  jealousy  of  his  master  by  a  mag- 
nificence in  his  way  of  living  that  eclipsed  the  splendours  of  royalty  h&r 
from  showing  arrogance  to  his  inferiors,  he  was  affable  to  all,  did  what  he 
could  to  serve  their  interests  with  the  king,  and  magnanimously  spoke  of  his 


• »  R<»lazione  cH  Radoer,  MS. 

•  Instead  of  "  Ruy  Gomez,"  Badoer  tells  us 

they  punningly  gave  him  the  title  of  •*  Rey 

Gomez,"  to  denote  his  influence  over   the 

king :  "  11  titolo  principal  che  gU  vien  dato 


k  di  Rey  Gomez  e  non  Ruy  Gomez,  perche 
pare  che  non  sla  stato  mai  alcun  privato  con 
principe  del  m  'Uilo  di  tanta  autorita  e  co>i 
Bijmato  dal  signer  suo  come  egli  e  da  questa 
MdetiUi."    Relazione,  MS. 


$ 


U 


i- 


ALVA  AND  RUY  GOMEZ. 


649 


^„.u  in  ♦prm<i  of  nrai^e     Bv  this  way  of  proceeding  he  enjoyed  the  good 
?o±;  rlr/or  a'^favc^ritf  of  being^oth^aressed  by  hU  sovereign  and 

^There^is  no'e^vidence  that  Ruy  Gon.ez  had  the  moml  courage  to  resist  the 
PvuSLcT  of  Philip's  poHcy,  still  less  that  he  ventured  to  open  the 
nmnarch'sTv^  to  his  efrors^  He  had  too  keen  a  regard  to  his  own  interests 
?i  »H^mnt  this  He  may  have  thought,  probably  with  some  reason,  that 
sScl.To'^ri  would  avSlLt  with  thi  kln^,  and  would  bring  ruin  on  hin^ 
Sf  His  life  was  passed  in  the  atmosphere  of  a  court,  and  he  had  imbibed 
ite^lfoh  spirit     lie  had  profoundly  stidied  the  character  of  his  master,  and 

*v,o  ViafrpH  of  a  rival  speak  ng  of  him  after  his  death,  remarKeu,  xvuv 
GomSugh  not  the  Sest  statesman  that  ever  lived,  «,as/«'f„a  ™»f/, 
hiTe  Wlldge  of  theTiumours  and  dispositions  of  kmgs,  that  we  were  all  of 

"^Yrt  the  inflTncroUhe  favourite  was,  on  the  whole,  good.    He  was  hurnane 

to  be  noticed.    One  ot  J'^^^vJ^  ^ '^"""Ij*'  .«„  ^np  of  those  who  accompanied 
duke,  of  Feria,  a  g^and^  of  Spam     ^e  ^as  one  ot  tnose  w  no  ^ 

the  king  on  his  first  visit  \«  England   ^^  a jaay        ^^^^,^^^^ 

as  the  reader  may  remember,  ^^^^^^J^^Xn^^^^^  by  that  kind  of 

of  Elizabeth.    He  was  a  man  of  exceUen^^^^^ 


'  Cahrera,  FiUpe  Segnndo,  PP-  712,  713.— 
Cabrera  has  given  us.  in  the  lirrt  chapt-r  of 
U,e  tenth  b,S>k  ..f  bis  history,  a  finished 
'jj>rtrait  of  Ruy  Gomoz.  -Wch^J^^^Jjf  "^^Z, 
ne«8  of  its  discrimination  and  the  ^flicUy  of 
its  language  may  compare  with  the  be^t  com- 
positions of  the  Castilian  chroniclers. 

•  »Kl  seflor  Ruy  Gomez  no  fne  de  los 
mavores  consejeros  que  ha  habido.  pero  del 
™umor  y  natural  de  los  reyes  le  reconozco 
S^rtan  gran  maestro,  que  todos  los  que  por 
Kill  dernro  andamos  tenemos  la  cabeza  d..ide 
^  samos  que  traemos  los  pies."    iiermudez 


de  Castro,  Antonio   Perez   (Madrid,  1841), 

•  "Fue  Rui  Gomez  el  primero  plloto  que 
en  trabajos  tan  grandes  vivio  y  "»V."«  XJ^ 
tomandu  sienpre  el  mejor  puerto.  Cabrera. 
Filipe  Segundo,  p.  713. 

'»  •'  Vivo  amservb  la  gracla  de  su  Key, 
muert..  le  doli6  su  falU,  i  la  Uorb  8° /eync^ 
que  en  su  memoria  le  i  conserv ado  para 
?xemplo  de  fi.les  vasallos  i  prudentes  pri- 
vados  de  los  mayores  Principes."  Ibid.,  ubl 
supra. 


I 


650  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 

Dolished  manners  made  him  one  of  the  most  brilliant  ornaments  of  the  royal 
S  He  had  a  truly  chivalrous  sense  of  honour,  and  ^^s  greatly  esteemed 
by  the  king,  who  placed  him  near  his  person  as  captain  of  ^ii^^.P^^^.  ^X: 
feawaslwani  supporter  of  Ruy  Gomez ;  and  the  long  fnei^^^^^^^^ 
subsisted  between  the  two  nobles  seems  never  to  have  been  clouded  by  those 
fS^  of  envy  and  jealousy  which  so  often  arise  between  rivals  contending 

for  the  smiles  of  their  sovereign.  -^^^.r^ 

The  other  member  of  the  council  of  state  was  a  person  of  still  more  import- 
ance    This  was  the  Cardinal  Espino.sa,  who,  thougfi  an  ecclesiastic^  possessed 
such  an  acquaintance  with  artkirs  a.  belonged  to  few  laymen.    PhiljP«  e^e 
readily  discovered  his  uncommon  qualities,  and  he  heaped  "!;{>»  .^\n^,  f^^^f." 
ramd  succession,  any  one  of  which  might  well  have  engrossed  his  time,    iiut 
Es^phiorwas  as  fonfl  of  labour  as  mosf  men  are  of  ease  ;  and  ^n  e;^7,"«^3 
he  not  only  performed  his  own  share  of  the  work,  but  very  often  fhat  of  his 
associates.^  ke  was  made  president  of  the  council  «/ Castile  as  ..-el  as  o^^^^^^^^^ 
of  the  Indies,  and  finally  a  member  of  the  council  of  state.   He  was  inc[iusitor- 
genKt  m  the  royal  chancery  of  Seville,  and  held  the  bishopric  of  Sigu^^^^^ 
•  Le  of  the  richest  sees  in  the  kingdom.    To  crown  the  whole,  »l,lf  ^j  Pj^/^^^;^^^ 
Fifth,  on  the  application  of  Philip,  gave  him  a  cardina  s  ^at.    The  king  seems 
to  have  taken  the  greater  pleasure  in  this  rapid  elevation  of  Esp  nosa,  that  he 
spr^c-  from  a  comparative^^  humble  condition,  and  thus  the  height  to  which 
he  raited  him  served  the  more  keenly  to  mortify  the  nobles. 

But  the  cardinal,  as  is  too  often  the  case  with  those  who  have  suddenly  nsen 
to  L^atnes^^^^^  bear  his  honours  meekly.  His  love  of  power  was  insati- 
able  ad  when  an  office  became  vacant  in  any  of  his  own  departments  he 
was  prompt  to  secure  it  for  one  of  his  dependants  An  ^^necdot^  j  told  in 
relation  to  a  place  in  the  chancery  of  Granada  which  J\<^^^f,^7^Sndez  de 
death  of  the  incumbent.  As  soon  as  the  news  reached  \a.^^^\^ernandez  de 
Cordova,  the  royal  equerry,  made  application  to  the  king  for  it.  rninp 
answered  that  he  was\oo  ll'te,  that  ttie  nlace  had  been  .^b^ady  f  ven  a^^^^^ 
"  How  am  I  to  understand  your  majesty  i "  said  the  petitioner  ihe  tidings 
were  bro^ht  tJrne  by  a  corner  the Vment  at  which  the  post^camev^^^^ 
and  no  one  could  have  brought  them  sooner  unless  he  had  ^i»gs  1  nat  may 
be,"  IJ^id  the  monarch  ;  "  but  I  have  just  given  the  place  to  another,  whom  the 
cardinal  recommended  to  me  as  I  was  leaving  the  council. 

Espinosa,  says  a  contemporary,  was  a  man  of  noble  presence.    He  had  tne 
air  of  onrborn  to  command.    His  haughty  bearing,  however  did  httle  for 
hhn  wi?h  the  more  humble  suitors,  and  disgusted  the  ^eat  lord^  ]!  J.^d  hfs 
down  with  contempt  on  his  lowly  origin.    They  ^.^J^'P^^/^^^l^.^f^fv^  "f u^^^^^^^ 
intolerable  arrogance  ;  and  the  ting  was  not  unwilling  t^Jf^^^.^  *J  f^^S^s 
against  him.   iS  fact,  he  had  himself  grown  to  be  displeased  w  ith  his  nunister-s 
p?e"um^^^^^     He  was  we.ry  of  the  deference  whicfi,  now  that  E^^^^^^ 
l)ecome  a  cardinal,  he  felt  obliged  to  pay  hini  ;  of  ^^^nnng  forward  to 
him  when  he  entered  the  room  ;  of  talking  off  his  (^p  to  the  churchman^^^^^ 
giving  him  a  seat  as  high  as  his  own  ;  finally,  of  allowing  him  to  interfere  in 
f^l  appointments  to  office.    It  seemed  incredible  says  the  hjstonan  that  a 
prince  so  jealous  of  his  prerogatives  should  have  submitted  to  all  this  so  lon^. 
Sp  wai  now  determfiied  to  submit  to  it  no  longer,  but  to  tumble  from  its 
pride  of  place  the  idol  which  he  had  raised  with  his  own  hands. 


ESPINOSA. 


651 


i 


i 


II 


t 


»>  "  Ptiede  8er.  pcro  el  Cardenal  Espinosa 
me  consultd  en  saliendo  del  conf^tjo,  i  pr-vcC 
la  plasa."    Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  p.  700. 


»«  "Que  en  principe  tan  «elo«o  de  bu  im- 
munldad  i  oficio  parecift  increible  su  tok- 
rancia  basta  alll."    Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


TTp  was  slow  in  betraying  his  intention,  by  word  or  act,  to  the  courtiers,  still 
moVe  Ttl  e  unLtunate  minister,  who  continued  ^/^^^J^^ ^^^f^^"^^^^^ 
and  confidence  as  if  he  were  treading  the  sohd  ground,  instead  of  the  crust  ot 

*  AtTen^'^h  an  opportunity  offered  when  Espinosa,  in  a  discussion  respecting 
the  aSof  FlanSers,  mai  a  statement  which  the  king  deenied  not  eiitirely 
rnnfornmble  to  truth  Philip  at  once  broke  in  upon  the  discourse  with  an 
Z^ranS  of  g^^^^^^  and  charged  the  minister  with  falsehood 

T^^e^ow  was  t^more  ettfectual,  coming  from  one  w-ho  had  been  scareejy  ever 
known  to  ffive  way  to  passion.*'   The  cardinal  was  stunned  by  it    He  at  once 

%lToSof  state,  under  it.,  two  great  l,^de^,  Alva  and  RnyGome^^as 
Riirp  to  be  divided  on  every  question  of  importance.    1  his  w as  a  \r»n"in  ^"^'^^-J 

'IfeUht  exTCcVo"tt.esedivisions  does  not  seem  to  have  been  discouraged 
w  Philin  who  saw  ill  them  only  the  natural  consequence  of  a  rivalry  for  his 
fZvmir  %ev  stre  h  ra  nmeover,  the  advantage  o?  seeing  every  question  of 

^fW  i«    Thus  for  the  first  twelve  years  of  his  reign  their  influence  njay  i^ 

mPAsnrps  win  the  malecontents  back  to  tneir  aiiegidute.     ^^'^"    ,  .  ,  „.^,,i,i 

Segundo,  p.  699.  ,,   ^  ,  ,    .„^, 

•  "Perche  chi  vnole  U  favor-  del  dnca 
d'Alva  perde  quello  di  Rny  Gomez,  e  chi 
cerca  il  favore  dl  Ruy  Gomez  non  ha  quello 
del  dnca  d'Alva."  Relazione  di  Soriano,  Mb. 
'«  Ranke  has  given  some  pertinent  ex- 
amples of  this  in  an  interesting  sketch  which 
he  has  presented  of  the  relative  poP]t'o"8  o* 
these  two  statesmen  in  the  cabinet  of  iumjp. 
Ottoman  and  Spanish  Empires  (^hng.  trans.;, 
p.  38. 


'»  The  anonymous  author  of  a  contemporary 
relation  speaks  of  the  kini?  as  a  person  little 
subject  to  passii.ns  of  any  kind.  Ihe  lan- 
Kuaee  is  striking:  "E  questo  Re  pocx)  sog- 
eett«  alle  paslonl,  venga  ci6,  o  per  inclina- 
zione  naturale,  o  per  costume;  e  qu^*  non 
appariscono  in  lul  I  primi  movimenti  ne  dell^ 
allegrezza,  ne  del  dolore,  ne  dell'  Ira  ancora. 

MS 

»*  "El  Rey  le  habl6  tan  aspramente  sobre 
el  afinar  una  verdad,  que  le  matb  •■reve- 
mente,"  says  Cabrera  emphatically.    Filipe 


652  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 

T^nf  if  Alva  thus  gained  the  victory,  it  was  Rny  Gomez  who  reaped  the 

of  the  man,  and  were  so  minute  as  usually  ^^^^^  .     ^  ^^  ^^fk  alone,  in 

graph  notes  m  tneir  possession  »>.       tuo  i.iVn„trht«;  tf)o at  any  rate  his 

^-liSiUp  has  been  -nsed  of  indoWnc^    A,  far^  th^^ 

^??"*^,  ?o;f  f/^  cirh  nlaces  he  would  take  with  him  as  large  a  heap  of  papers 
^^^^rZl^:!^  "^^Si^J^^^^^r.  to  escapee 


i 


PERSONAL  HABITS  OF  PHILIP. 


653 


«'  « Non  8i  trova  raal  S.  M.  presente  alle 
deliberation!  ne  i  consiglU  ma  de>i^"^ 
chiama  una  delle  tre  consulte  ...  alia  quai 
T^re  si  rltrova.  onde  B*>no  lette  le  rls^ 
lutionl  del  consigUo."    Relazione  dl  Tiepolo, 

**"  Ranke.  Ottoman  and  Spanlah  Empires, 

**'  "^••El  dia  que  Iva  4  caga  bolvia  con  anslaa 


de  bolver  al  trabajo,  como  un  o6clal  pobre 
que  huvlera  de  ganar  la  coniida  con  ello 
to8  Dichoa  y  Hecbus  del   Rey  PheUP*-   «!• 
(Brusselaa,  1666%  p.  2l4.-See  also  Relazione 
di  Pigafetta,  MS. 

»»  Relazione  di  Vandramlno.  Mi.— Keia- 
zione  di  Contarlni.  MS.—"  Distribuia  Ian  boras 
del  dia,  se  puede  decir,  todas  en  los  negtKJioa, 
quaudo  yo  lo  conod ;  porque  auuque  Us  teal 


,  .    •    4.  ^A  r.f  h\m  in  reeard  to  this.    Having 
him.    A  characteristic  anecdo^is^ldo^^^^^^^^^  i,g,  ^e 

written  a  despatch,  late  at  nigh^  ,^^p  ^nd  over  it.  This  functionary,  who 
handed  it  to  his  secretary  t^^'^^^/.^S  Wm^^^^^^  snatching  up  the  ink- 

happened  to  be  dozing,  suddenly  ~„^im^^^^^^^^^  that  "  it  won  d 

stand,  emptied  it  on  the  paper.  ^The  ^mg^f^^^  ^^  ^j^hout  any  complaint,  to 
have  Un  better  to  use  tfie  sand  set  ^ims^"  ^^^^^^^i,  addicted  to  the  pen  we 
rewrite  the  whole  of  the  letter       ^  prince  so  n  materials  behind 

may  well  believe,  must  have  left  a/^Jl  have  done  so  much  in  this  way  to 

Se  afterwards  heard  mas^  .  Af  er  "^^^.y^^^^^"^^  as  it  was  with 

But  dinner  was  not  an  affair  .^^^^^.^^^^^^  and  drinking,  and  not 

Charles.    He  was  exceedingly  ^empeiate  t^m^  ^           .^^^ 

unfrequently  had  his  physician  at  his  s^det^^  ^  very  early  period  had 

cative\f  the  g^"* -/^.rt^J/a  S  S^ve  aiidience  to  such 
begun  to  affect  his  hea  th  .^"fp^pnt  their  memorials.  He  received  the 
of\is  subjects  as  desired  to  present  the^r  1^^ 

petitioners  graciously,  and  listened  grave,-whic.h,  in 
that  was  his  virtue.    But  ^^i^^^^/'^^^fi^Xre  was  a  reserve  in  his  deportnient 

truth,  wa.s  its  natural  expression  ^/^"f^f  f„^^^^^^^  On  such  occasions 

which  made  the  boldest  feel  "^  ,f  ,,  ^^f  .^on,,ne^  that  had  not  always 

he  would  say,  "Compose  yourself,  -a  recommen  ^^^^.^  forgot  m  his 

the  tranquillizing  effect  intended."    Once  wnen  remarked,  "  If  yo« 

confusioS,  the  aldress  he  had  Pj^^J.^^^;;^?^^^  ex^eJite  your  business."  » 

Zr:^^io^^l^^^^  ^thTveil  of  mystery  which  the  most 
Sinning  politician  could  not  penetm^^^^^^  ^.^^  He  became 

The  reserve  so  "^ticeaWe  in  ms  youin  i^^  ^^^^^  ^^^  frequent.    In 

more  difficult  of  access.    His  public  audi^^^^^^^^^  ^        ^^^^^^      ^onie 

the  summer  he  would  escape  from  them  ait«|^^^  ^  ^.^  palace-monas^teiy  of 
one  of  his  country  places.  ?.^«  j^,^X  uL'^S^'onage  and  affording  him  an 
the  Escorial,  then  slowly  rising  "J^^^^^P^^^ow  to  have  sought  the 

occupation  congenial  with  his  taste  He  f  ^m^^^^  for  the  retreat  it  afforded 
county  not  so  much  from  the  love  of  its  beauti^^^^^^  ^.^    jj  ^^  ^he 

^Zlhe'^toT^^^^^^^  ^'c^rriag^  and  driving  late  so  as 

^iWlJvW  in  the  heart  of  his  capital,  knowing  much 


lasgastavacontaescr.adoseieg  r^^ 

poeito  que  <l«»"^.i^i*^%rro  que  a  otro 

^J?  Tji  ertos  estanao  turbado..  y  de^len- 
tados.    los   animava  diziendoles,  sossegaos. 


"'i?'. Vzfendole  si  lo  traeis  escrlto. lo  ver%. 
Relazione  di  Pigafetta,  Mb. 


4 


654 


DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 


less  of  men  from  his  own  observation  than  from  the  reports  that  were  made 
to  hira.  In  availing  himself  of  these  sources  of  information  he  was  indefati- 
gable. He  caused  a  statistical  survey  of  Spain  to  be  prepared  for  his  9wn 
use  It  was  a  work  of  immense  labour,  embracing:  a  vast  amount  of  curious 
details,  such  as  were  rarely  brought  together  in  those  days."  He  kept  his 
spies  at  the  principal  European  courts,  who  furnished  him  with  intelligence ; 
and  he  was  as  well  acquainted  with  what  was  passing  in  England  and  in 
France  as  if  he  had  resided  on  the  spot.  We  have  seen  how  well  he  knew  the 
smallest  details  of  the  proceedings  in  the  Netherlands,  sometimes  even  better 
than  Margaret  herself.  He  employed  similar  means  to  procure  information 
that  might  be  of  service  in  making  appointments  to  ecclesiastical  and  civil 

offices. 

In  his  eagerness  for  information,  his  ear  was  ever  open  to  accusations  agamst 
his  ministers,  which,  as  they  were  sure  to  be  locked  up  in  his  own  bosom, 
were  not  slow  in  coming  to  him."  This  filled  his  mind  with  suspicions.  He 
waited  till  time  had  proved  their  truth,  treating  the  object  of  them  with 
particular  favour  till  the  hour  of  vengeance  had  arrived.  The  reader  will  not 
have  forgotten  the  terrible  saying  of  Philip's  own  historian,  "His  dagger 
followed  close  upon  his  smile."  " 

Even  to  the  ministers  in  whom  Philip  appeared  most  to  confide,  he  often 
gave  but  half  his  confidence.  Instead  of  frankly  furnishing  them  with  a  full 
statement  of  facts,  he  sometimes  made  so  imperfect  a  disclosure  that,  when 
his  measures  came  to  be  taken j  his  coimsellors  were  surprised  to  find  of  how 
much  they  had  been  kept  in  ignorance.  When  he  communicated  to  them 
any  foreign  despatches,  he  would  not  scniple  to  alter  the  original,  striking 
out  some  passages  and  inserting  others,  so  as  best  to  serve  his  purpose.  The 
copy,  in  this  garbled  form,  was  given  to  the  council.  Such  was  the  case  with 
a  letter  of  Don  John  of  Austria,  containing  an  account  of  the  troubles  of 
Genoa,  the  original  of  which,  with  its  numerous  alterations  in  the  royal  hand- 
writing, still  exists  in  the  Archives  of  Simancas.^* 

But,  though  Philip's  suspicious  nature  prevented  him  from  entirely  trusting 
his  ministers,— though  with  chilling  reserve  he  kept  at  a  distance  even  those 
who  approached  him  nearest,— he  was  kind,  even  liberal,  to  his  servants,  was 
not  capricious  in  his  humours,  and  seldom,  if  ever,  gave  way  to  those  sallies 
of  passion  so  common  in  princes  clothed  with  absolute  power.  He  was  patient 
to  the  last  degree,  and  rarely  changed  his  ministers  without  good  cause.  Ruy 
Gomez  was  not  the  only  courtier  who  continued  in  the  royal  service  to  the 
end  of  his  days,  , .  ,  , 

Philip  was  of  a  careful,  or,  to  say  tnith,  of  a  fnigal  disposition,  which  he  may 
well  have  inherited  from  his  father  ;  though  this  did  not,  as  with  his  father 
in  later  life,  degenerate  into  parsimony.  The  beginning  of  his  reign,  indeed- 
was  distinguished  by  some  acts  of  uncommon  liberality.  One  of  these  occurred 
at  the  close  of  Alva'^s  camjaigns  in  Italy,  when  the  king  presented  that  com- 
mander with  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  ducats,  greatly  to  the  discontent  of 
the  emperor.  This  was  contrary  to  his  usual  policy.  As  he  grew  older,  and 
the  expenses  of  government  pressed  more  heavily  on  him,  he  became  more 
economical.  Yet  those  who  served  him  had  no  reason,  like  the  emperor's 
servants,  to  complain  of  their  master's  meanness.    It  was  observed,  however, 

»*  lUnke,  Ottoman  and  Spanish  Emplr.^  •'  Sec  anU,  p.  457. .    ^    _      .     ^  , 

p.  32.— Inglls  speaks  of  seeing  tliis  work  in  ••  Lafuente.  Hiftoria  de  {>pana,  torn.  xJv. 

the  library  when  he  visited    the    EscoriaL  p.  44.— The  historian  tells  us  he  has  seen  the 

Spain  in  1830,  vol.  i.  p.  348.  origir.al  letter,  with  the  changes  made  in  it 

••  Ranke,  Ottoman  and  Spanish  Empire?,  by  1  hilip. 
p.  33. 


I 


PERSONAL  HABITS  OF  PHILIP. 


655 


I 


that  he  was  slow  to  recompense  those  who  served  him  until  they  had  proved 
themselves  worthy  of  it.  Still,  it  was  a  man's  own  fault,  says  a  contemporary, 
if  he  was  not  well  paid  for  his  services  in  the  end." 

In  one  particular  he  indulged  in  a  most  lavish  expenditure.  This  was  his 
household.  It  was  formed  on  the  Burgundian  model,— the  most  stately  and 
magnificent  in  Europe.  Its  peculiarity  consisted  in  the  number  and  quality 
of  the  members  who  composed  it.  The  principal  officers  were  nobles  of  the 
highest  rank,  who  frequently  held  posts  of  great  consideration  in  the  state. 
Thus,  the  duke  of  Alva  was  chief  major-domo ;  the  prince  of  Eboli  was  first 
gentleman  of  the  bedchamber  ;  the  diike  of  Feria  was  captain  of  the  Spanish 
guard.  There  was  the  grand  equerry,  the  grand  huntsman,  the  chief  muleteer, 
and  a  host  of  officers,  some  of  whom  were  designated  by  menial  titles,  though 
nobles  and  cavaliers  of  family."  There  were  forty  pages,  sons  of  the  most 
illustrious  houses  in  Castile.  The  whole  household  amounted  to  no  less  than 
fifteen  hundred  persons."  The  king's  guard  consisted  of  three  hundred  men, 
one  third  of  whom  were  Spaniards,  one-third  Flemings,  and  the  remainder 
Germans." 

The  queen  had  also  her  establishment  on  the  same  scale.  She  had  twenty- 
six  ladies-in-waiting,  and,  among  other  functionaries,  no  less  than  four  physi- 
cians to  watch  over  ner  health." 

The  annual  cost  of  the  royal  establi  hment  amounted  to  full  two  hundred 
thousand  tlorins."  The  cortes  earnestly  remonstrated  against  this  useless 
prodigality,  beseeching  the  king  to  place  his  household  on  the  modest  scale  to 
which  the  monarchs  of  Castile  had  been  accustomed."  And  it  seems  singular 
that  one  usually  so  averse  to  extravagance  and  pomp  should  have  so  recklessly 
indulged  in  them  here.  It  was  one  of  those  inconsistencies  which  we  some- 
times meet  with  in  private  life,  when  a  man  habitually  careful  of  his  expenses 
indulges  himself  in  some  which  taste,  or,  as  in  this  case,  early  habits,  have 
made  him  regard  as  indispensable.  The  emperor  had  been  careful  to  form 
the  household  of  his  son,  when  very  young,  on  the  Burgundian  model ;  and 
Philip,  thus  early  trained,  probably  regarded  it  as  essential  to  the  royal 

A'  '4- 

The  icing  did  not  affect  an  ostentation  in  his  dress  corresponding  with  that 
of  his  household.  This  seemed  to  be  suited  to  the  sober-coloured  livery  of  his 
own  feelings,  and  was  almost  always  of  black  velvet  or  satin,  with  shoes  of 
the  former  material.  He  wore  a  cap,  garnished  with  pl-imes  after  the  Spanish 
fashion.  He  used  few  ornaments,  scarce  any  but  the  rich  jewel  of  the  Golden 
Fleece,  which  hung  from  his  neck.  But  in  his  attire  he  was  scrupulously 
neat,  says  the  Venetian  diplomatist  who  tells  these  particulars;  and  he 
changed  his  dress  for  a  new  one  every  month,  giving  away  his  cast-off  suits  to 
his  attendants 

It  was  a  capital  defect  in  Philip's  administration  that  his  love  of  power  and 


•»  "Chi  comincia  a  servirlo  pu6  tener  per 
certa  la  remunerazione,  se  il  difetto  non  vien 
da  lui."     Relazione  Anon.,  MS. 

~  Relazione  della  Corte  dl  Spagna.  MS.— 
Relazione  di  Badoer,  MS.— Etiquetas  de  Pala- 
cio,  MS. 

"  Relazione  di  Badoer,  MS. 

="  "  Ha  tre  guardie  di  1 00  persone  1'  una ; 
la  piik  honorata  e  di  Borgognonl  e  Kiammin- 
ghi,  che  hanno  ad  cBser  ben  nati  e  servono  a 
cavallo,  e  si  dicono  Arcieri  accompaenando 
bene  il  Re  p  r  la  citt^  a  plede  non  in  fila,  ma 


alia  rinfusa  intomo  alia  persona  reale;  1'  aUri 
s.>no  d'Albardieri  100  di  nazion  tedesca,  et 
altri  e  tanti  Spagnuoli."  Relazione  della 
Corte  di  Spagna,  MS. 

"  Raumer,  Sixteenth  and  Seventeenth  Cen- 
turies, vol.  i.  p.  106. 

'*  Ibid.,  105. 

"  Cortes  of  1558,  peticion  4. 

"  "Questi  habit i  sempre  sono  nuovi  et  pu- 
liti,  perclie  ogni  mese  se  gli  muta,  et  poi  gli 
dona  quando  ad  uno,  e  quando  ad  un  altro." 
Relazione  dl  Pigafetta,  MS. 


t 


656  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 

his  distnist  of  others  made  him  desire  to  do  everything  himself,— even  tho;?e 
things  which  could  be  done  nmch  better  by  his  ministers.  As  he  was  slow  m 
making  up  his  own  opinions,  and  seldom  acted  without  first  ascertainnii  those 
of  his  council,  we  may  well  understand  the  mischievous  conse(iuences  of  such 
delay.  Loud  were  the  complaints  of  private  suitors,  who  saw  month  after 
month  pass  away  without  an  answer  to  their  petitions.  The  state  suffered  no 
less,  as  the  wheels  of  government  seemed  actually  to  stand  still  ""der  the 
accumulated  pressure  of  the  public  business.  Even  when  a  decision  did  come, 
it  often  came  too  late  to  be  of  service ;  for  the  circumstances  which  led  to  it 
had  whoilv  changed.  Of  this  the  reader  has  seen  more  than  one  example  in 
the  Netherlands.  The  favourite  sayins:  of  Philip,  that  "  time  and  he  were  a 
match  for  any  other  two,"  was  a  sad  mistake.  The  time  he  demanded  was 
his  ruin  It  was  in  vain  that  Granvelle,  who,  at  a  later  day,  came  to  Castile 
to  assume  the  direction  of  affairs,  endeavoured,  in  his  courtly  language,  to 
convince  the  king  of  his  error,  telling  him  that  no  man  could  bear  up  under 
such  a  load  of  business,  which  sooner  or  later  must  destroy  his  health,  perhaps 

his  life.*' 

A  letter  addressed  to  the  king  by  his  srand  almoner,  Don  Luis  Mftnrique, 
told  the  truth  in  plainer  terms,  such  asliad  not  often  reached  the  royal  ear. 
"  Your  majesty's  subjects  everywhere  complain,"  he  says,  "  of  your  manner 
of  doing  business,— sitting  all  day  long  over  your  papere,  from  your  desire,  as 
they  intimate,  to  seclude  yourself  from  the  world,  and  from  a  want  of  con- 
fidence in  your  ministers."  Hence  such  interminable  delays  as  fill  the  S(Mi1 
of  every  suitor  with  despair.  -  Your  subjects  are  discontented  that  you  refuse 
to  take  your  seat  in  the  council  of  state.  The  Almighty,"  he  adds,  "  did  not 
send  kinj^s  into  the  world  to  spend  their  days  in  reading  or  writing,  or  even 
in  meditation  and  prayer,"— in  which  Philip  was  understood  to  pass  much  of 
his  time,—"  but  to  serve  as  public  oracles,  to  which  all  may  resort  for  answers. 
If  any  sovereign  have  received  this  grace,  it  is  your  majesty ;  and  the 
greater  the  sin,  therefore,  if  you  do  not  give  free  access  to  all."  "  One  may 
be  surprised  to  find  that  language  such  as  this  was  addressed  to  a  prince  like 
PhiUp  the  Second,  and  that  he  should  have  borne  it  so  patiently.  But  in  this 
the  kmg  resembled  his  father.  Churchmen  and  jesters— of  which  latter  he 
had  usually  one  or  two  in  attendance— were  privileged  persons  at  his  court. 
In  point  of  fact,  the  homilies  of  the  one  had  as  little  effect  as  the  jests  of  the 

other.  1   1,    xu 

The  pomp  of  the  royal  estabUshment  was  imitated  on  a  smaller  scale  by  the 


COURT  AND  NOBLES. 


657 


*'  Gachord  cites  a  passage  fri)m  one  of  Gran- 
▼clle's  unpublished  letters,  in  which  he  saj'S, 
"Supllco  a  V.  M.,  con  la  humildail  que  devo, 
que  considerando  quanto  pu  vida  importa  al 
prfncipe  nuestro  sefior,  i,  todos  sus  reynos  y 
Estados,  y  vassal  los  suyos,  y  aun  &  toda  la 
cbristlandad,  mirando  en  que  miserando  es- 
tado  quedarfa  sin  V.  M.,  sea  servido  mirar 
adelmt*  mas  por    su   salud,  de-cargandose 
de  tan  grande  y  continoo  trabajo,  que  tanto 
dafio    le  haze."      Pappo  t  prefixed    to    the 
Correspondance  de  Philippe  II.  (torn.  i.  p.  li.), 
in  which  the  Belgian  scholar,  with  his  usual 
conscientiousness  and  care,  enters   into  an 
examination  of  the  character  and  personal 
habits  of  Philip. 

**  "Habienao  en  otra  ocAslon  avisado  & 
vuestra  magestad  de  la  pul)lica  querella  y 
desconsuelo  que  babia  del  estilo  que  vuestra 


m.ige8tad  babia  tornado  de  neqociar,  estando 
perpetuamtnte  a.sido  &  \o<*  papeles,  por  tonr 
mejor  titulo  para  huir  de  la  gente,  ademas  de 
no  quorerse  fiar  de  nadie."  Girta  que  escrivio 
al  S  fi  .r  Rey  Felipe  Segundo  Don  Luis  Man- 
rique.  su  limosnero  mayor,  MS. 

"  '•  No  embio  Dios  i  vuestra  magestad  y  a 
todos  los  otros  Reves,  que  tienen  sus  veces  en 
la  tierrji,  para  que  se  exfravien  leyetido  ni 
escribiendo  ni  aun  contemplando  ni  rezando, 
si  no  |>ara  que  fuesen  y  sean  publicos  y  pa- 
tentes  oraculos  &  donde  todos  sus  subdilos 
vengan  por  sus  respuestas.  ...  Y  si  4  algun 
Rcy  en  el  mundo  dio  Dios  esta  gracia.  es  A 
vuestra  magestad  y  por  eso  es  mayor  la  culpa 
d^  no  manifftstarse  &  todos."  Ibid.— A  copy 
of  this  letter  i-i  preserved  among  the  Eg  Ttoix 
MSS.  in  the  British  Museum. 


I 


V 

I 


' 


gi*eat  nobles  living  on  their  vast  estates  scattered  over  the  country.  Their 
revenues  were  very  large,  though  often  heavily  burdened.  Out  of  twenty- 
three  dukes,  in  1581,  onfy  three  had  an  income  so  low  as  forty  thousand  ducats 
a  year."  That  of  most  of  the  others  ranged  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  thousand, 
aiid  that  of  one,  the  duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  was  computed  at  a  hundred  and 
thirty-five  thousand.  Revenues  hke  these  would  not  easily  have  been 
matched  in  that  day  by  the  aristocracy  of  any  other  nation  in  Christendom." 

The  Spanish  grandees  preferred  to  live  on  their  estates  in  the  country. 
But  in  the  winter  they  repaired  to  Madrid,  and  displayed  their  magnificence 
at  the  court  of  their  sovereign.  Here  they  dazzled  the  eye  by  the  splendour 
of  their  equipages,  the  beauty  of  their  horses,  their  rich  liveries,  and  tlie 
throng  of  their  retainers.  But  with  all  this  the  Castilian  court  was  far  from 
appearing  in  the  eyes  of  foreigners  a  gay  one,— forming  in  this  respect  a  con- 
trast to  the  Flemish  court  of  Margaret  of  Parma.  It  seemed  to  have  imbibed 
much  of  the  serious  and  indeed  sombre  character  of  the  monarch  who  pre- 
sided over  it.  All  was  stately  and  ceremonious,  with  old-fashioned  manners 
and  usages.  "  There  is  nothing  new  to  be  seen  there,"  write  the  Venetian 
envoys.  "  There  is  no  pleasant  gossip  about  the  events  of  the  day.  If  a 
man  is  acquainted  with  any  news,  he  is  too  prudent  to  repeat  it.**  The 
courtiers  talk  little,  and  for  the  most  part  are  ignorant,— in  fact,  without  the 
least  tincture  of  learning.  The  arrogance  of  the  great  lords  is  beyond  belief ; 
and  when  they  meet  a  foreign  ambassador,  or  even  the  nuncio  of  his  holiness, 
they  rarely  condescend  to  salute  him  by  raising  their  caps.*'  They  all  affect 
that  imperturbable  composure,  or  apathy,  which  they  term  sosiego."** 

They  gave  no  splendid  banquets,  like  the  Flemish  nobles.  Their  chief 
amusement  was  gaming,— the  hereditary  vice  of  the  Spaniard.  They  played 
deep,  often  to  the  great  detriment  of  their  fortunes.  This  did  not  displease 
the  king.  It  may  seem  strange  that  a  society  so  cold  and  formal  should  be 
much  addicted  to  intrigue."  In  this  they  followed  the  example  of  their 
master 

Thus  passing  their  days  in  frivolous  amusements  and  idle  dalliance,  the 
Spanish  nobles,  with  the  lofty  titles  and  pretensions  of  their  ancestors,  were  a 
degenerate  race.  With  a  few  brilliant  exceptions,  they  filled  no  important 
posts  in  the  state  or  in  the  army.  The  places  of  most  consideration  to  which 
they  aspired  were  those  connected  with  the  royal  household  ;  and  their  greatest 
honour  was  to  possess  the  empty  privileges  of  the  grandee,  and  to  sit  with 
their  heads  covered  in  the  presence  of  the  king." 

From  this  life  of  splendid  humiliation  they  were  nothing  loath  to  escape 
into  the  country,  where  they  passed  their  days  in  their  ancestral  castles,  sur- 


*°  Nota  di  tutti  11  Titolati  di  Spagna  con  li 
loro  casate  et  retidite,  etc.,  fatta  nel  1581,  MS. 

♦'  Ibid.— Tl)e  Spanish  aristocracy,  in  \f»<\, 
reckoned  twenty-three  dukes,  forty-two  mar- 
quises, and  fifty-six  counts.  All  the  dukes 
and  thirteen  of  the  inferior  nobles  were  gran- 
dcGS 

*'  ♦«  Tia  corte  h  muta ;  in  publico  non  si  ra- 
giona  di  nuove,  et  chi  pure  le  sa,  se  le  tace." 
Relazione  di  Pigafetta,  MS. 

**  "Sonod' anlmo  tanto  elevato  .  .  .  che  e 
cosa  molto  difficile  da  credere  .  .  .  e  quando 
avviene  che  incontrino  o  nunzl  del  pimtefice  o 
ambasciiidori  di  qualche  testa  coronata  o  d' 
altro  stato.  pochispimi  son  quelli  che  si  levin 
la  berreta."    Relazione  di  Badoero,  MS. 

•*  "  Non  si  aitende  a  lettere,  ma  la  Nobillti 


e  a  maraviglia  ignorante  e  ritirata,  maiite- 
iiendo  una  certa  sua  alterigia,  che  loro  chia- 
mano  sussii-gn,  che  vuol  dire  tranquillita  et 
siciirezza,  et  quasi  serenita."  Relazione  di 
Pigafet  a,  MS. 

*^  "  Non  si  con  vita,  non  si  cavalca,  si  giu- 
oca,  et  8i  fa  all'  aniore."  Ibid.— See  also  the 
Relazioni  of  Badoero  and  Contarini. 

**•  Dr.  Salazar  y  Mendoza  takes  a  very 
e.xalted  view  of  the  importance  ol  this  right 
to  wear  the  hat  in  the  presence  of  the  king,— 
••n  prerogative,"  he  remarks,  "so  illustrious 
in  itself,  and  so  admirable  in  its  effects,  that  it 
alone  suffices  to  stamp  its  peculiar  character 
on  the  dignity  of  the  grandee."  Dignidades  de 
Caftilla,  p.  34. 

2  u 


658  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 

rounded  bv  Drincelv  domains,  which  embraced  towns  and  villages  within  their 

the  bedchamber,  their  grand  enaernes,  and  other  oftcers  of  ™"^    ™^^^'*^^ 
were  filled  with  hidalgos  and  cavaliers,  a"^  »  thro,  g  of  mferK^r  retem^^^^ 

of  ancient  blood,  whom  she  addressed  from  her  seat,  did  not  refuse  to  Dena 
*'AmM  this  splendour,  the  Spanish  prandees  fjad  no  reaj  Po-r  to  eom^ 

Moriscoes  had  been  reduced,  the  crown  had  no  occat,ion  for  their  services, 

""•The  mi^sules  by  which  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  had  broken  the  power  of 
th ''arisSy  h'aa  been  enforced  with  ^tilUreater  nS„„r  .^^  ^^^^^J^ 
Fifth  and  were  now  carried  ont  even  more  eftectual  y  by  t-niiip  ine  oecoiii^ 
For'phmp  h  JthTadfantage  of  bei"?  always  in  Spam,  «h,  e  cW  es  passed 
innot  nf  hi?  time  in  other  parts  of  his  dominions.  Ihus  ever  preseni,  rni"P 
waf  aVpromrtoUo'ce  the  law  against  the  highest  noble  as  agamst  the 

""SelTof  ™nk  conCded  the  armies  abroad  and  were  serit  ag  viceroj;s  to 
Kanles  Sicilv  Milan,  and  the  provinces  of  the  New  World  13nt  at  home 
thefwere  m^^^^^^^  to  civil  or  military  office.    They  no  longer  formed  a 

necLrr^part  oVthe  national  legislature,  and  were  seldom  snnmioned  to  the 
Sn^  of  the  cortes  ;  for  the  Castilian  noble  claimed  exemption  from  the 
"^^Xd^lTi it  ..^  rarely  that  the  ^orte^  were  assen^^^^^ 
ntlier  DiirDOse  than  to  impose  those  burdens.     Thus  without  poiiticai  power 
of  anvki^dthev  resided  like  so  many  private  gentlenien  on  the.r  estates  m 
the  c^m  ?y '    Their  princely  style  of  IWinir  gave  no  umbrage  to  the  ki"S,  ^^o 
was  ratSeased  to  see  them  dissipate  their  vast  revenues  m  a  way  that  was 
aUended  wiKo  wo^^^^^^^      than  thLt  of  driving  the  propnetors  to  exactions 
whXniade  them  odious  to  their  vassals."    Such,  we  are  assured  by  a  Vene- 
lan  enToy^^wTo,  with  great  powers  of  observation   --  P^^-Jj^^^Jj^^^^^^^ 
situation  for  exerting  them,-was  the  policy  of  P^il  p.      Thus^  managed  dis 
"did  the  king  make  himself  feared  by  those  who,  if  ^they  had  managea  ais 
rrpptlv  mio-ht  have  made  themselves  feared  by  him. 

Wli^ietSe  aristocracy  was  thus  depressed,  the  strong  arm  of  Charles  the 
Fifth  h^stripped  the  cLtiliaji  commons  of  their  most  precious  rights.  Philip, 

prii  sudditi  onde  incorrono  nel  loro  odio." 
Helazione  di  Contarini,  MS, 

^»  "Temono  Sua  Maesta,  dove,  quando  »«l 
govern  assero  prudentemente,  sarieno  da  essa 
per  le  loro  forze  temuti."    Ibid. 


THE  CORTES. 


659 


*'  Ranke,  Ottoman  and  Spanish  Empires, 

**'*•  Relazlone    dl   Tlepolo,   MS.— Relaitone 
Anon  ,  MS.— Relazione  di  Contarini,  MS. 
*•  •*Che  per  contrario  affligiono  I  loro  pro- 


I 


W 


} 


* 


hannily  for  himself,  was  spared  the  odium  of  having  reduced  them  to  this 
abFect  condition  But  he  was  as  careful  as  his  father  could  have  been  that 
thT^rould  noi  rise  from  it.  The  legislative  power  of  the  common^,  Aat 
most  important  of  all  their  priv  leges,  '"f  "e^lj  ^nmhi  ateA  The  (^t^^^^^^^ 
cortes  were,  it  is  true,  frequently  convoked  under  fl»l'l^-™°;e  ^'^"jentgr 

Sore,  wSs  lather  a  nroof  of  the  necessities  of  the  government  than  of 

"fhtcirt*itTs't;ri,fel~Jthe  privilege  of  laying  their  grievan^s 
before  thrking  •  but  as  they  were  compelled  to  vote  the  supplies  before  they 
~ted  the?  grievknces,  tley  had  lost  the  only  lever  hyw.ich  they  could 
eSuX  operate  on  the  royal  will.  Yet  when  we  review  their  petitions,  and 
s«  the  me  mth  which  the/watched  over  the  interests  of  the  nation  and  the 
cmiraee^ith  which  they  maintained  them,  we  cannot  refuse  our  admiration 
We  must  acknowledge  tLt  under  every  ei^e""'^tance  of  disc^^gement  m^d 
oppression  the  old  Castilian  spirit,  still  ''P/ered  m  the  hearte  <^f  the  p^p^e^ 
In  proof  of  this,  it  will  not  be  amiss  to  cite  a  few  »«  these  peUhon^  « 
whether  successful  or  not,  may  serve  at  least  to  show  the  state  oi  piioin, 

*>PJ)t^Tr^Mrec.™  uf  rinsti^nce  to  the  king  on  the  enormous 

tt%Trcos\llss,  ofnd  k^^   f Jvour  Sthe  honest  Castilian  ,  and  the 
res\tVrS-ty  to  abandon  it,  ^^^^J^^^^^^^^:^^''^^ 

s  hSnlr^f  s'^^^ssSiThKru  'd%roi:T^ei 

S^ieasil'^lfaTf^m^^^^^^^ 

*Si?r  elllL^r  rrre'i'^^deS  S-^^^^^^^ 

lislU^lbt&Khftni^^^^^^^ 

reader. 


»»  «•  Que  bastarfin  para  conquistar  y  ganar 
un  reyno."     Cortes  of  ValladoUd  of   1558, 

net  4 
»»  Cortes  of  Toledo  of  1559,  pet.  3. 


•>  Lafnente,  Hlstoria  de  Espafla,  torn.  xllL 

p.  118. 
•*  Ibid.,  tom.  xlv.  p.  397. 


i 


<S60 


DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 


The  commons  strongly  urged  the  kin.i^  to  complete  the  great  work  he  had 
early  undertaken,  of  embodying  in  one  code  the  municipal  law  of  Castile.** 
They  gave  careful  attention  to  the  administration  of  justice,  showed  their 
desire  tor  the  reform  of  various  abuses,  especially  for  quickening  the  despatch 
of  business,  proverbially  slow  in  Spain,  and,  in  short,  for  relieving  suitors  as 
far  as  possible  from  the  manifold  vexations  to  which  they  were  daily  exposed 
in  the  tribunals.  With  a  wise  liberality,  they  recommended  that,  in  order  to 
secure  the  services  of  competent  persons  in  judicial  offices,  their  salaries— in 
many  cases  wholly  inadenuate— should  be  greatly  increased.** 

The  cortes  watched  with  a  truly  parental  aire  over  the  great  interests  of  the 
state,— its  commerce,  its  husbandry,  and  its  manufactures.  They  raised  a 
loud,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  not  an  ineffectual,  note  of  remonstrance  against 
the  tyraimical  practice  of  the  crown  in  seizing  for  its  own  use  the  bullion 
which,  as  elsewhere  stated,  had  been  imported  from  the  New  World  on  their 
own  account  by  the  merchants  of  Seville. 

Some  of  the  petitions  of  the  cortes  show  what  would  be  thought  at  the  pre- 
sent day  a  strange  ignorance  of  the  true  principles  of  legislation  in  respect  to 
commerce.  Thus,  regarding  gold  and  silver,  independently  of  their  value  as  a 
medium  of  exchange,  as  constituting  in  a  peculiar  manner  the  wealth  of  a 
country,  they  considered  that  the  true  policy  was  to  keep  the  precious  metals 
at  home,  and  prayed  that  their  exportation  might  be  forbidden.  Yet  this  was 
a  common  error  in  the  sixteenth  century  with  other  nations  besides  the 
Spaniards.  It  may  seem  singular,  however,  that  the  experience  of  three- 
fourths  of  a  century  had  not  satisfied  the  Castilian  of  the  futility  of  such 
attempts  to  obstruct  the  natural  current  of  commercial  circulation. 

In  the  same  spirit,  they  besought  the  king  to  prohibit  the  use  of  gold  and 
silver  in  plating  copper  and  other  substances,  as  well  as  for  wearing-apparel 
and  articles  of  household  luxury.  It  was  a  waste  of  the  precious  metals,  which 
were  needed  for  other  purposes.  This  petition  of  tlie  commons  njay  be  referred 
in  part,  no  doubt,  to  their  fondness  for  sumptuary  laws,  which  in  Castile 
formed  a  more  ample  code  than  could  be  easily  found  in  any  other  country.*^ 
The  love  of  costly  and  ostentatious  dress  was  a  passion  which  they  may  have 
caught  from  their  neighl)ours  the  Spanish  Arabs,  who  delighted  in  this  way  of 
displaying  their  opulence.  It  furnished,  accordingly,  from  an  early  period,  a 
fruitful  theme  of  declamation  to  the  clergy,  in  their  invectives  against  the 
pomp  and  vanities  of  the  world. 

Unfortunately,  Philip,  who  was  so  frequently  deaf  to  the  wiser  siiggestions 
of  the  cortes,  gave  his  sanction  to  this  petition  ;  and  in  a  pragmatic  devoted 
to  the  object  he  carried  out  the  ideas  of  the  legislature  as  heartily  as  the  most 
austere  reformer  could  have  desired.  As  a  state  paper  it  has  certainly  a  novel 
aspect,  going  at  great  length  into  such  minute  specifications  of  wearing-apparel, 
both  male  and  female,  that  it  would  seem  to  have  been  devised  by  a  committee 
of  tailors  and  milliners  rather  than  of  grave  legislators.**    The  tailors,  indeed, 


THE  CORTES. 


661 


"  Cortes  of  VaUidolid  of  1558,  pet.  12. 

••  I^fuent**,  Hlstoria  de  Espafia,  torn.  xUl. 
p.  125. 

"  The  hisrorv  of  luxurr  In  Castilp,  and  of 
the  various  enactmentg  for  the  restraint  of  it, 
fnrms  the  subject  of  a  work  by  Ampere  y 
Guarinos,  containing  many  curious  particu- 
lai8.  especiaUy  in  regard  to  the  life  of  the 
.OAotiiiann  at  an  earlier  period  of  their  history. 
Histo'iad'l  Lu.xo (Madrid,  1788,  2  torn.  l2mo). 

*•  "  Anssi  mismo  mandamos  que  ninpnna 
persona  de  ninguna  condicion  ni  calidad  que 


sea,  no  pueda  traer  ni  traya  en  ropa  ni  en  ves- 
tldo,  nl  en  calzafl,  ni  jul>on,  ni  en  jrualdrapa, 
ni  guarnicion  de  mula  ni  de  cavallo,  ninprun 
genero  de  bordado  ni  recamado.  ni  gandnjado, 
ni  entoichado,  iti  chaperia  de  oro  ni  de  plata, 
ni  de  oro  d^  caftutlUo,  ni  de  niartillo.  ni  iiin- 
gun  genero  de  trenza  ni  conlon  ni  cordoncillo, 
ni  franja,  ni  pasamano,  nl  pespunte,  ni  perfll 
de  oro  nl  plata  nl  neda,  nl  otra  cosa,  annque 
el  dicho  oro  y  plata  sean  falsos,"  etc.  Prac- 
matica  expedida  a  peticion  de  la  Curies  de 
Madrid  de  1563. 


I 


I 


1 


<       ll 


the  authors  of  these  seductive  abominations,  did  not  escape  the  direct  animad- 
version of  the  cortes.  In  another  petition  they  were  denounced  as  unprotitabie 
persons,  occupied  with  needle- work,  like  women,  instead  of  tillmg  the  ground 
or  serving  his  majesty  in  the  wars,  like  men.*»        ,       -,  , ,  ,  _, 

In  the  same  spirit  of  impertinent  legislation,  the  cortes  would  have  regu- 
lated  the  expenses  of  the  table,  which,  they  said,  of  late  years  had  been  exces- 
sive They  recommended  that  no  one  should  be  allowed  to  have  more  than 
four  dishes  of  meat  and  four  of  fruit  served  at  the  same  meal,  ihey  were 
further  scandalized  by  the  increasing  use  of  coaches,  a  mode  of  conveyance 
which  had  been  introduced  into  Spain  only  a  few  years  before.  They  regarded 
them  as  tempting  men  to  an  effeminate  indulgence  which  most  of  them  could 
ill  afford.  They  considered  the  practice,  moreover,  as  detrimental  to  the  good 
horsemanship  for  which  their  ancestors  had  been  so  renowned.  Ihey  prayed, 
therefore,  thkt,  considering  "the  nation  had  done  ^^^  ^J^^^^eo'^*"};.^^,^ 
without  the  use  of  coaches,  it  might  henceforth  be  prohibited.  Philip  so 
far  complied  with  their  petition  as  to  forbid  any  one  but  the  owner  of  four 
horses  to  keep  a  coach.  Thus  he  imagined  that,  while  encouraging  the  raising 
of  horses,  he  should  effectually  discourage  any  but  the  more  wealthy  from 
aflecting  this  costly  luxury.  ,         ,        ,.     ...  . . 

Therl  was  another  petition,  somewhat  remarkable,  and  worth  citing  as  it 
shows  the  attachment  of  the  Castilians  to  a  national  institution  which  has 
often  incurred  the  censure  of  foreigners.  A  petition  of  the  f  rtes  of  1573 
prayed  that  some  direct  encouragement  might  be  given  ^o  bull-fights,  whicti 
of  fate  had  shown  symptoms  of  decline.  They  advised  that  the  pnncipal 
towns  should  be  reqiiireS  to  erect  additional  circuses,  and  to  provide  lances 
for  the  combatants  and  music  for  the  entertainments  at  the  charge  of  the 
municipalities.  They  insisted  on  this  as  important  for  mending  the  breed  of 
horsel^  well  as  for  furnishing  a  chivalrous  exercise  for  the  nobles  and 
SLs  This  may  excite  some  surprise  in  a  spectator  of  our  day,  accus- 
tomed to  see  only  the  most  wretched  hacks  led  to  the  slaughter  and  men  of 
Se  condition  skirmishing  in  the  arena  It  w^  otherwise  m  those  Palmy 
davs  of  chivalry,  when  the  horses  employed  were  of  a  generous  breed,  and  the 
coSb^tants  were  nobles,  who  entered  the  lists  with  as  proud  a  feeling  as  that 
^Th  which  they  would  have  eone  to  a  tourney  Even  so  late  as  the  sixt^nth 
century  it  was  the  boast  of  cliarles  the  Fifth  that  when  a  young  man,  he  had 
foiXt  like  a  matador  and  killed  his  bull.  Phihp  gave  his  assent  to  this 
I  eS^  promptness  which  showed  that  he  understood  the  character  of 

*"'lt  wSbe  an  error  to  regard  the  more  exceptionable  and  frWdou^^^^^^ 
nf  thP  rortes.  «;ome  of  which  have  been  above  enumerated,  as  afiording  a  true 
?vi  oMhe  pSinhiant  character  of  Castilian  legislation.  The  laws,  or,  to 
sKorr^t^r^  petitions,  of  that  body,  are  strongly  impressed  with  a  wise 
and  p^?rioUc^^ntiment,  showing  a  keen  perception  of  the  wf  te  of  the 
community  and  a  tender  anxiety  to  relieve  them.  Thus,  we  find  the  cortes 
S^mnSing  that  guardians  should  l)e  appointed  to  find  employment  for 
3  vounff  £^  destitute  persons  as,  without  friends  to  aid  them,  had  no 
ni^nJof  getthig  a  livelihocJd  for  themselves.-  They  propose  to  have  visitors 
Sn,  wh^ose  duty  it  should  be  to  inspect  the  prisons  every  week  and  see  that 

••  "  Ocupados  en  este  oficio  y  genero  de  vi- 
vienda  de  coser,  que  habia  de  ser  para  las 
mug  res.  muchos  hombres  que  podnan  servlr 
rS^.  ^n  la  gnerra  dejaban  de  ir  6  ella,  y 
d-Jab.in  uniblen  de  labrar  los  campos.     Cortes 


of  1573,  pet.  75,  ap.  Lafiiente,  Hist,  de  Ls- 
pafia,  torn.  xiv.  p.  407. 

~  Ibid.,  p.  408.  ^       .,.,.. 

•'  Ilanke,  Ottoman  and  Spanisn  Lmpires, 

p.  59. 


662  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 

fittiiK^  arranfferaents  were  made  for  securing  the  health  and  cleanliness  of  the 
inmates  «  They  desire  that  care  should  he  taken  to  have  suitahle  accommo- 
dations providel  at  the  inns  for  travellers^^'  With  their  usual  fondness  for 
domestic  innuisition,  they  take  notice  of  the  behaviour  of  servants  to  their 
masters,  ml  with  a  simplicity  that  may  well  excite  a  smile  they  animadvert 
on  the  conduct  of  maidens  who,  "  in  the  absence  of  their  mothers,  spend  their 
idle  hours  in  reading  romances  full  of  lies  and  vanities,  which  they  receive  as 
truths  for  the  government  of  their  own  conduct  in  their  intercourse  with  the 
world."  «*  The  books  thus  stigmatized  were  doubtless  the  romances  of  chivalry, 
which  at  this  period  were  at  the  height  of  their  popularity  in  C^'^tf  ^  ^^f- 
vantes  had  not  yet  aimed  at  this  pestilent  literature  those^  shafts  of  ridicule 
which  did  more  than  any  legislation  could  have  done  towards  driving  it  from 

ThT commons  watched  over  the  business  of  education  as  zealously  as  over 
any  of  the  material  interests  of  the  state.  They  inspected  the  condition  of 
the  higher  seminaries,  and  would  have  provision  made  for  the  foundation  ot 
new  chairs  in  the  universities.  In  accordance  with  their  views,  though  not  m 
conformity  to  any  positive  smrgestion,  Philip  published  a  pragrnatic  in  respect 
to  these  institutions.  He  con.plained  of  the  practice,  rapidly  increasmg 
among  his  subjects,  of  going  abroad  to  get  their  education,  when  the  most 
ample  provision  was  made  for  it  at  home.  The  effect  was  eminently  disastrous  ; 
for,  while  the  Castilian  universities  languished  for  want  of  patronage,  the 
student  who  went  abroad  was  pretty  sure  to  return  with  ide^s  not  •Uie  best 
suited  to  his  own  country.  The  king,  therefore,  prohibited  Spaniards  from 
going  to  anv  university  out  of  his  dominions,  and  required  all  now  abroad  to 
return.  This  edict  he  accompanied  with  the  severe  penalty  of  forfeiture  of 
their  secular  possessions  for  ecclesiastics,  and  of  banishment  and  conhscation 

of  property  for  laymen."  ,    ,  ,       .  j  -vu  *k^ 

This  kind  of  pragmatic,  though  made  doubtless  m  accordance  with  the 
popular  feeling,  inferred  a  stretch  of  arbitrary  power  that  cannot  be  charged 
on  those  which  emanated  directly  from  the  suggestion  of  the  legislature,  in 
this  respect,  however,  it  fell  far  short  of  those  ordinances  which  proceeded 
exclusively  from  the  royal  will,  without  reference  to  the  wishes  of  the  commons. 
Such  ordinances— and  they  were  probably  more  numerous  than  any  other  class 
of  laws  during  this  reign— are  doubtless  among  the  most  arbitrary  acts  ot 
which  a  monarch  can  be  guilty  ;  for  they  imply  nothing  less  than  an  assump- 
tion of  the  law-making  power  into  his  own  hands.  ,r  Indeed,  they  mf  with  a 
strong  remonstrance  in  the  year  1579,  when  Philip  was  besought  by  the 
commons  not  to  make  any  laws  but  such  as  had  first  received  the  sanction  of 
the  cortes."  Yet  Philip  might  vindicate  himself  by  the  example  of  his  pre- 
decessors,—even  of  those  who,  like  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  had  most  at  heart 
the  interests  of  the  nation.*' 


THE  CORTES. 


Q63 


••  •*  Que  cada  semana  6  cada  mes  se  nom- 
bren  en  los  ayuntamientos  de  cada  ciudad  6 
villa  destos  Reynoa,  dos  Regidores,  los  quales 
Be  ballen  i  la  vision  y  visitas  de  la  carcel." 
Cortes  of  Toledo  of  1559,  1560,  pet.  102. 

•^  Provision  real  para  que  los  mesones  del 
reyno  esteti  bien  proveidos  de  los  mant  nimi- 
entos  necesarios  para  los  caminantes,  Toledo, 
20  de  Octubre  de  1560. 

•'  "  Como  los  mancebos  y  las  donzellas  por 
80  ociosidad  se  principaltnente  ocupan  en 
aquello  [leer  libros  de  mentiras  y  vanidades], 
desvanecense  y  nficionanse  en  ciprra  manera 
i  los  caso.-  que  leen  en  aqueUos  libros  haver 


acontescido.  ansi  de  amores  como  de  armas  y 
otras  vai.idades:  y  aflficionados,  quando  se 
ofTrece  algun  c  so  semejante,  danse  a  el  mas  4 
rienda  smlU  que  si  no  lo  huviessen  leydo.' 
Cortes  of  1558,  pet.  107.  cited  by  Ranke,  Otto- 
man and  Spanish  Empires,- p.  60. 

•»  Pracmatica  para  que  ningun  natural  de 
estos  reynos  vaya  &  pstudiar  fuera  de  ellos, 
Aranjuez,  22  de  Noviembre  de  1559. 

•"  Marina,  Teoria  de  las  Cort  s,  tom.  11. 

p.  219. 

•'  See  the  ••Pragmaticas  del  Reyno,"  first 
printed  at  Alcaic  de  Henares,  at  the  close  of 
Isabella's  reign,  in  1603.    This  famout*  collec- 


r 


It  must  be  further  admitted  that  ^  fo^Sthe^^^^^^ 

the  co-operation  of  the  cortes^had  n  ^^  much  to  wa^^^^^^^^^  .^  ^^ 

right  of  legislation  was  vested  in  the  king  ^  petit^oi^  u      ^         proposed, 
most  .humlle  terms,  prayed  ^^^  uiajesty  to  gve  ^i^^^^^^^^^^^  ^,  refused  to 

^  t  ^^t^r^t  sr  i;^«s^s 

usual  with  former  s^overeigns.  ^  ^^^^  g^j^ed  his  hesi- 

A  more  frequent  practice  with  J^^^'  PJ^Sf  i„  ambiguous  terms, 

tating  nature  and  habit  of  P^.f '^.^H.  ^;,^sidemtiiK^^^  h?would  lay  it 
that  ^' he  would  take  the  matter  uitoconside^^^^^       or  ^.^  ^^.^^„ 

before  his  council  and  take  such  mea^ir^  the  f ate  of  thdr  petitions.  Even 
Thus  the  cortes  ad.iourned  m  ;g»f  ;^^^^  1^^^^^^  t  prescribe  the  terms  of 
when  he  announced  his  assent,  as  it  ^^ 'fArW  th^  the  petition.    The 

The  law,  it  might  be  more  ^^ Jess  cou.^o^^^^^^^^^^^  ^  ^he  law 

cortes  having  b^J^^^^P^^'^^' ^^f^^^^^  be  presented,  by  that 

did  not  express  their  views,  nor  ^^uld  any  remon  ^  .^  ^^^ 

body  until  their  next  session,  usually  t.^f./^^^^r^^^  of  petitions  till  the 
Sed  by  Charles  the  Fifth,  of  t^stF^mn^^^^^^  j^^^i^^ure 

supplies  iiad  t>«eu7«t^^^*l,^,^\XritrteX^  P^^^^  o^*  *^^  ^""'^^  ""^ 
afterwards   secured  ^n  absoh^  au^l^  o^^^^^^  constitution  of  Castile. .  . 

Austria,  that  made  a  fearful  cl^uge  m  ine  an^  .^^  ancient  prm- 

Yet  the  meetings  of  the  cortes  shorn  as  tnai  dou^  ^  ^^^^ 

Iege^vere  not  witliout  important  bene^^^^^^^  ,i  theij  con- 

acliuainted  than  the  deputies  ^^^^  tl^^^^^^^  ^^^^-^^  this  infornia- 

stituents.  It  was  a  "^auiff  t  advante^e  tor^ne  la  g  ^^^  interests  of  the 
tion.    It  enabled  him  to  take  the  course  ^st  ^uue  ^  ^^ 

peopK  to  which  1  V«"l V'""  FvKen  he  dl^,^^^^^^^^  support  of  their 

ks  conflicting  with  his  own  Jj,^"  ™  j*'^  modify  his  measm-es.  How- 
own  views  by  the  commons  ^j^^^^^^^^^P^^^^^^^^  from  pursuing  a  pohcy 

^^^^^S?t|S>n  among  t^ 

tone  with  which  in  their  pe^^ops  they  ^to^^^^^^  ^^^^^^^^^^        tifl^ 

state     It  is  honourable  to  FhiUp  tnai  ne  ^"""        ,  correctly  referred 

tSs  freedom  of  debate;  though  perhaps  this  ma^^  y   ^^^  ^^^ 

te  his  policy,  which  H^<ie  hini  wi^^^^^^^  the'm  with  the 

lassions  of  the  people.    He  niay  have  i^n  con^^^^  ^^^^^^^^  However 

linage  of  power,  conscious  that  he  alone  jeUrn^  r^e  imperfect 

this  may  Uve  been  the  gcK>d  effect  of  the  exercise  o  ^^^^  ^he  fact  of 
as  thev  were,  by  the  thud  estate,  "^^ust  t^  mgmy  considera- 

Tei&ed  together  to  consult  on  pubhca^^^^^  the 

tionln  their  own  eyes  which  m  sed  them  Ja^  *^^^  ^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  ^f  de- 
subjects  of  an  Eastern  despotism  ^*  ^ff^J^^^  their  ancestors,  and  thus 
I^ndence  which  was  their  h^rthnf  t^/^^^^^^^  ^,^,,  the  character- 

IS^^ThtrumtJ?  cr^ont^S^ia^yond  tho.  of  any  other  nation 
in  Christendom.  ^^  ^^^  .,  ^^^^^  ^  ,, 

tion  was  al--^ -^°^,?l\rila'     Af^r       PhiUp  the  Second. 
SS?hJu;S?auSitions,it  wasfinally 


r 


\ 


664  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 

One  feature  was  wanting  to  complete  the  picture  of  absolute  "{onarchy. 
This  was  a  standing  army,-a  thing  hitherto  unknown  in  -^P^^n  Thf.',^  ""^'l 
indeed  an  immense  force  kept  on  foot  in  the  tmie  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  and 
manr'nrthe  trooDs  wcre  Spaniards.  But  they  were  stationed  abroad,  and 
were^intnd^  s^S^^^^  for  fore^n  enterprises.  It'is  to  Philip's  time  that  we  are 
to  refer  the  first  /erms  of  a%ermanent  military  estabhsUent,  designed  to 
maintain  order  ana  obedience  at  home.  ,      ,       .  •«  ^#  rr,nn  af 

The  levies  raised  for  this  purpose  amounted  to  twenty  companies  of  men-at- 
arms  wSwth  the  complement  of  four  or  five  followers  to  each  ance  made 
Tf^rce  of  s'ome  strength.  It  was  further  swelled  by  five  thousand  ?^netesor 
liffht  cavalry."  These  corps  were  a  heavy  charge  on  the  croxvn.  I  hey  were 
calKhe  Guards  of  Castile."  The  men-at-arms  m  particular,  were  an  obiect 
nf  ^eat  care  and  were  under  admirable  discipline.  Even  Philip,  who  had 
littf  relish  for  Stary  atfairs,  was  in  the  habit  of  occasionally  reviewing  theni 
f  ~  In  S^^i  tTon  to  these  troops  there  was  a  body  of  thirty  thousand 
miS  whom  the  king  could  call  into  the  field  when  necessary.  A  corps  of 
Sme  sixtoeThundm^  horsemen  patrolled  the  southern  coasts  of  Andalusia,  to 
trrd  th^^ountry  from  invasion  by  the  African  Moslems  ;  and  garrisons  esta- 
Eed  in  foSes  Zng  the  frontiers  of  Spain,  both  north  and  south,  com- 
pleted a  perm^^^^^^^  ford  for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom  against  domestic 
insurrection,  as  well  as  foreign  invasion. 


CHAPTER  II. 

DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF   SPAIN. 
The  Clergy— Their  Subordination  to  the  Crown— Tlie  Escorial-Qneen  Anne. 
A  REVIEW  of  the  polity  of  Castile  would  be  incomplete  without  a  notice  of  the 

Ecclesiastical  order,  which  may  well  be  supposed  to  ^^^.^^^^^^.P'^^/XTV^^^ 
Inch  a  country  and  under  such  a  monarch  as  Philip  the  Second.  Indeed,  not 
on  y  didThat  prince  present  himself  before  the  world  as  the  great  champion  o 
the  Faith,  but  he  seemed  ever  solicitous  in  private  life  to  display  his  zeal  for 
religion  and  its  ministers.  Many  anecdotes  are  told  o  him  in  connection  with 
Ihif  On  one  occasion,  seeing  a  voung  girl  going  w.thin  the  railing  of  the 
^.Sr  he  rebuked  her,  skying,  "  Where  the  priest  enters  is  no  place  either  for 
mfor  you^^^^^^^^^  had  given  a  blow  to  a  canon  of  Toledo  he 

""Undefhi^  pmLVtion  and  princely  patronage,  t|}e.Church  reached  its  most 
nalmv  state.  Colleges  and  convents-m  short,  religious  institutions  of  every 
W-  were  scattered  broadcast  over  the  land.  The  good  fathers  loved  pleasant 
and  picturesque  sites  for  their  dwelhngs  ;  and  the  traveller,  as  he  journeyed 
tKgh  the  Country,  was  surprised  by  the  number  of  stately  edifices  which 
crowned  the  hill-tops  or  rest^  on  their  slopes,  surrounded  by  ^rritones  hat 
spread  out  for  many  a  league  over  meadows  and  cultivated  fields  and  pasture- 

^*  The  secular  clergy,  at  lea.st  the  higher  dignitarias,  were  so  well  endowed  as 
sometimes  to  eclipse  the  grandees  in  the  pomp  of  their  establishments.   In  the 


••  B«lMiope  di  CQnurini.  MS. 
»  "  Vo8  ni  yo  no  avemoe  (Je  subir  donde  lot 
Sftcerdotet."   Dicho*  y  Hecho*  de  J'helipe  IL, 


p.  90. 
•  Cabrera,  Fllipe  Segundo,  p.  894. 


THE  CLERGY. 


G65 


n 


time  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  the  archbishop  of  Toledo  held  junsdiction  over 
fifteen  principal  towns  and  a  great  number  of  villages.  .  His  income  amounted 
to  fu  S  thousand  ducats  a  year.'  In  Philip's  time  the  income  of  the 
archbishop  of  Seville  amounted  to  the  same  sum,  while  that  of  the  see  of 
Toledo  ha^d  risen  to  two  hundred  thousand  ducats,  nearly  twice  as  much  as 
tharof  the  richest  grandee  in  the  kingdom.*  In  power  and  opulence  the 
Drimate  of  Spain  ranked  next  in  Christendom  to  the  pope.  . .  ^  ... 
^  The y4t  source  of  all  this  wealth  of  the  ecclesiastical  order  m  Castile  asm 
most  other  countries,  was  the  benefactions  and  bequests  of  the  pious,-of  those, 
Zre  especiX  piety  had  been  deferred  till  the  close  of  life,  when, 

Smous  to  make  amendsVpa.t  delinquencies,  they  bestowed  the  more  freely 
?STt  was  at  the  expense  of  their  heirs.  As  what  was  thus  bequeathed  was 
locked  up  by  entail,  tlie  constantly  accumulating  property  of  the  Church  had 

amounted  in  Phihp's  time,  if  we  may  t?Hi^\^"t^'" '^ThfK'?h^'i;ii^^^^^^^^^ 
than  one-half  of  the  landed  property  in  the  kingdom.*  Thus  the  burden  ot 
providhig  for  the  expenses  of  the  state  fell  with  increased  heaviness  on  the 
cmmnoi  f  Alienations  in  mortmain  formed  the  subject  of  one  of  then-  eariiest 
rZonstran^s  after  Philip's  accession,  but  without  effect  ;  and,  though  the 
s^rS^n  was  urged  fn  very  plain  language  at  almost  every  succeedmg 
s^ssLtKiTg  still  answered  that  it  was  not  expedient  to  make  any  change 
ifi  the  existing  faws  Besides  his  good  will  to  the  ecclesiastical  order,  Phi  ip 
was  (^cSd  w  th  th^  costly  constnlction  of  the  Escorial ;  and  he  had  nrobably 
no  mTnd  to  s^  the  streams  of  public  bounty,  which  had  hitheito  rfowed  so 
freeTy  into  the  reservoirs  of  the  Church,  thus  suddenly  obstructed,  when  they 
werp  so  much  needed  for  his  own  infant  institution.  ,      j    r     4-^^ 

WhT  Sp  was  thus  willing  to  exalt  the  religious  order  a  ready  far  too 
powerful,  he  w^^^  careful  that  il  should  never  gam  ^V^hS  and  in t e 
f^ah'e  it  to  overtop  the  royal  authority.  Both  m  the  Church  and  in  tne 
Inutl  -for  thev  were  freely  introduced  into  the  council-theologians  were 
Tver  foundThe  S^^^^^^  of  the  crown.    Indeed,  it  was  on  the 

rrnwn  that  thev  were  obliged  to  rest  all  their  hopes  of  preferment. 

Philip  perS  that  the  control  of  the  clergy  must  be  lodged 

wifhtl^St  power  which  had  the  right  of  nomination  to  benefices.  The  Roman 
I^e  in  its  Esual  spirit  of  encroachment,  had  long  claimed  the  exercise  of  this 
riahJ  in  CastX  ^  it  had  done  in  other  European  states  The  great  battle 
w^h\he  Cturc^  fought  in  the  time  of  I-^^^he  Cat^^^^^^^^^ 
thft  scentre  was  held  by  a  sovereign  whose  loyalty  to  the  ±aitn  A\as  oe.\onu 
suLidon  From  this  hard  struggle  she  came  off'  victorious  ;  and  the  govern- 
SrScastile  henceforth  retainid  possession  of  the  important  prerogative  of 

^Pffii^^vl^^^^^^^^  to  Rome,  was  not  a  man  to  reUnqmsh  any  of 

thf  nreroc^atives  of  the  crown.  A  difficulty  arose  under  Pius  the  tifth,  Nvho 
contSffihe  still  had  the  right,  possessed  by  former  po^^^^^^^^^  nonnna  u^ 
to  ecclesiastical  offices  in  Milan,  Naples,  and  Sicily,  the  Italian  possessions 
held  bv  S^a^r  He  complained  bitteriy  of  the  conduct  of  the  councils  in  those 
suL  wh^rr^  the  publication  of  his  bulls  without  the  roya 

J^^a7T  Philip,  in  mild  terms,  expressed  his  desire  to  maintain  the  most 
IS  brelaSons  with  the  see  of  Rome,  provided  he  wa^  not  required  to 
c^mp^^^^^^  of  his  crown.    At  the  sanie  time  he  intimated  h^^ 

sSrpri^  that  his  holiness  should  take  exceptions  at  his  exercise  of  the  rights 


»   L.  Marlneo  Sicalo,  Coaas  memorables, 
•  KoU  di  tutti  U  Tltolatl  dl  Spagna,  MS. 


•  I^Afoente,  Historia  de  Eapafia,  torn.  xlv. 
p.  416. 


666 


DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 


of  his  predecessors,  to  many  of  whom  the  Church  was  indebted  for  the  most 
signal  services.  The  pope  was  well  aware  of  the  importance  of  maintammg 
a  good  understanding  with  so  devoted  a  son  of  the  Church ;  and  Philip  w^as 
allowed  to  remain  henceforth  in  undisturbed  possession  of  this  in&itimable 

prerogative.*  .     ,    .  ,  ^  j.       ^-        -iir-i-u 

The  powers  thus  vested  in  the  king  he  exercised  with  great  discretion.  With 
his  usual  facilities  for  information,  he  made  himself  acquainted  with  the 
characters  of  the  clergy  in  the  dill'erent  parts  of  his  domiinons.  He  was  so 
accurate  in  his  knowledge  that  he  was  frequently  able  to  detect  an  error  or 
omission  in  the  information  he  received.  To  one  who  had  been  giving  him  an 
account  of  a  certain  ecclesiastic,  he  remarked,  "  You  have  told  me  nothing  of 
his  amours."  Thus  perfectly  apprised  of  the  characters  of  the  candidates,  he 
was  prepared,  whenever  a  vacancy  occurred,  to  till  the  place  with  a  suitable 

incumbent.'  ,.  .,    ,  l-  .     /n      ^   u 

It  was  his  habit,  before  preferring  an  individual  to  a  high  office,  to  have 
proof  of  his  powers  by  trying  them  tirst  in  some  subordinate  station.  In  his 
selection  he  laid  much  stress  on  rank,  for  the  influence  it  carried  with  it.  Yet 
frequently,  when  well  satisfied  of  the  merits  of  the  parties,  he  promoted  those 
whose  humble  condition  had  made  them  little  prepared  for  such  an  elevation. 
There  was  no  more  ertectual  way  to  secure  his  favour  than  to  show  a  steady 
resistance  to  the  usurpations  of  Rome.  It  was  owing,  in  part  at  least,  to  the 
refusal  of  Quiroga,  the  bishop  of  Cuen9a,  to  publish  a  papal  bull  without  the 
royal  assent,  that  he  was  raised  to  the  highest  diLniity  in  the  kingdom,  as 
archbishop  of  Toledo.  Philip  chose  to  have  a  suitable  acknowledgment  from 
the  person  on  whom  he  conferred  a  favour  ;  and  once  when  an  ecclesiastic, 
whom  he  had  made  a  bishop,  went  to  take  possession  of  his  see  without  first 
expressing  his  gratitude,  the  king  sent  for  him  back,  to  remind  him  of  his 
duty."  Such  an  acknowledgment  was  in  the  nature  of  a  homage  rendered  to 
his  master  on  his  preferment.  ^,      ^         x- 

Thus,  gratitude  for  the  past  and  hopei  for  the  future  were  the  strong  ties 
which  bound  every  prelate  to  his  sovereign.  In  a  difference  with  the  Roinan 
see,  the  Castilian  churchman  was  sure  to  be  found  on  the  side  of  the  sovereign 
rather  tlian  on  that  of  the  pontiff".  In  his  own  troubles,  in  like  manner,  it 
was  to  the  king,  and  not  to  the  pope,  that  he  was  to  turn  for  relief.  The 
kin<',  on  the  other  hand,  when  pressed  by  those  embarrassments  with  which 
he  was  too  often  surrounded,  looked  for  aid  to  the  clergy,  who  for  the  most 
part  rendered  it  cheerfully  and  in  liberal  measure.  Nowhere  were  the  clergy 
80  heavily  burdened  as  in  Spain.'*  It  was  computed  that  at  least  one-third  of 
their  revenues  was  given  to  the  king.  Thus  completely  were  the  different 
orders,  both  spiritual  and  temporal,  throughout  the  monarchy,  under  the 

control  of  the  sovereign.  ,        .         _x      •     t  u  j 

A  few  pages  back,  while  touching  on  alienations  m  mortmain,  1  had  occa- 
sion to  all'ule  to  the  Escorial,  that  "  eighth  wonder  of  the  world,"  as  it  is 
proudly  styled  by  the  Spaniards.  There  can  be  no  place  more  proper  to  give 
an  account  of  this  extraordinary  edifice  than  the  part  of  the  narrative  in 
which  I  have  been  desirous  to  throw  as  much  hght  as  possible  on  the  character 


•  Lafuente.  Historia  de  Espafia,  torn.  xill. 
p.  261  —Cabrera,  Filipe  Scgundo,  pp.  432  433. 

'  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo,  lib.  xi.  cap.  11 ; 
lib.  xJi.  cap.  21.— Relazlone  An<in.,  15s-,  MS. 

•  "Otras  vezes  presentalja  para  Obispos 
Canonlgoa  tan  particulares  I  presbiteros  tan 
apartados  no  solo  de  tal  esporancja,  nuis  pensa- 
miento  en  si  mismos,  i  en  la  comun  oplninn. 


qne  la  cedula  de  su  presentacion  no  admitia  su 
rezelo  de  s^r  engafiados  6  burlatlos.  Eligia  d 
quien  no  pedia.  I  merecia."  Cabrera,  Filipe 
Segundo,  p.  H91. 

•  Cabrera,  Filipe  Segundo.  lib.  x'.  c«p.  11. 

"•  Relazlone  di  Contarinl,  MS.— Eanke, 
Ottoman  and  Spanish  Empires,  p.  61. 


THE  ESCORIAL. 


667 


r  T>u•l;,^     T>.p  T7«;pnrial  encTOssed  the  leisure  of  more  than 
and  occupahons  of  Ph.  .5.  J^^^.^  a  peSr  manner  his  tastes  a,>d  the 

t„r^4:i^4rrt\^n'^^^^^^^ 

grandeur  "of  his  plans  and  the  ^'f'^P' «' .^>^,Jf  Sal  in  pui^uance  of  a  vow 
^  The  common  tradition. that  Pliilip  built  the  Ks~"al  '"  P'  "^     ^        ^^  of 

which  he  made  at  the  tune  »«  t^*  f reat  bat'^fjf  Z  Se  g  ound  that  con- 
Aujnist,  1557,  has  been  rejected  by  '''»f  ™  5"*'n^  of  the  convent,  make  no 
tenfporiry  writers,  •'"d  ^,7"^^  */„™  *fs^^^^^^^^^^  leaves  little  doubt 

mention  of  the  fact.  But  a/e'^«"W,?'^„„„p"  ^  this  may  have  been,  it  is 
that  such  a  vow  .™as«ctualW  made."    However  thi^^^^^^  structure,  as 

certain  that  the  king  designed  to  c»n'{"emo^t«  the  event   y  ^^^ 

^i^i^^n^'^lThfrgig^^^^^^^ 

a-^K^rr^/S^^^^^^^^^  ^-me  the  ortho- 

graidiy  severally  adopted  by  the  C^^^^^  powerfully  on  Philip, 

The  motives  which,  after  all,  "Vf^f  St  Ouentin  His  father  the  emperor 

had  no  connection  with  ^e  Wtle  of  St  yuentm  n^                    ^^^^^^ 

had  directed  by  his  will  that  his  b°X^^°g'^,,\f  ^'n"  The  building  now  to 
suitable  place  should  be  provided  for  them  by  msso^^  ^         ^^ 

be  erecte'd  was  designe/ expressly  as  a  ma-.sole«m^^^^  But  the  erection  of 
well  as  for  their  descendants  of  the  royal  line  ^  Austr  ^^^^^  j^.^ 

a  religious  house  on  a  magnificent  scale,  that  .^°'^9  P^i^'^nind  of  Philip.  It 
devotion  to  the  Faith,  "'^.the  Predmmnant  to  ^^  ^^^  ^j^,. 

was,  moreover,  a  part  of  his  scheme  to  ^™™'^!. \!^fherited  from  his  father, 
self ;  for,  with  a  ta.ste  which  he  may  *^/a'f^tl',  n*\*/'' The  «  ideas,  (somewhat 
he  loved  to  live  in  the  sacred  shadows  «   ^l^'^f  J„t  ^y  the  erection  of  an 

SScat^dt^ortothTtSi"^^^^^^^^^^ 

"  'lot" Ifter  the  king's  «turn  to  SS;i^erami^So,rhj'sfl^ly''for  'th°e 

execution.    The  site  which,  after  <^'^«J"J,  f  Sarrana   on  the  borders  of 

building,  was  among  .t'f  "'^""^^'"Ul  wl,t  ofMldrid  The  healthiness  of 
New  olstile,"  about  eight. leagu^north-»e^to^^^^  .^^^^  ^.j,^  ^^ 

^X^roTrii&r  a[ur  e.^r:^d\r;^^  and  rocky  hills,  which 

persons  oi  »  ui  ^^^  ^^^^  common 


«•  The  document  alluded  to  is  a  letter, 
without  date  or  nignature.  but  in  the  |m  d- 
writlngol  the  sixteenth  century,  and  purport- 
Tng  t<.  be  written  by  a  person  intrust  d  w  th 

the  task  of  draaing  the  "^^''f/yjf^^i  '"" 
Ptruments  for  the  foundation  of  the  conven  . 
He  inquires  whether  in  the  preamble  he  slal 
make  mention  of  his  majesty's  vow.  ''El 
Zoq^S.  M.  hijo,  si  S.  M^  no  lo  qmere  po- 
ner  ni  declarar,  blen  puede,  porque  no  hay 
para  que;  pero  si  S.  M.  qu  is.ere  que  se  de- 
Sare  en  las  escrituras.  avlsemelo  v  m. 
Documentos  Inediios.  torn,  xxyni.  P-  567. 

-  Examples  equally  ancient  of  »^th  ^oras 
of  spelling  the  name  maybe  found  ;thmi^^^^ 
Escorial,  now   universal   In   the   (..usiuian, 


«.ems  to  have  Xro^'tsTerivedTom 
r«.'the'd? -oTtn'nllJie^oundnear  ^ 
spot     See  Ford,  Handbook  for  Spam  (Srd 

^'i^'^AUter'fif  the  royal  founder,  publishej, 
bv  Siguenca,  enumerates  the  objects  to  which 
the  nfw  building  was  to  be  specially  devoted. 
HistorSI  de  la  Orden  de  San  Geronimo.  tom. 

*"-^"  The  Escorial  is  placed  by  some  geo- 
crranhers  in  Old  fa-stile ;  but  the  division  of 
Sf  pr"  in"  0?  is  carried  on  the  cre^t  ^he 
Sierra  which  rises  behind  it.      loru,  uano 
book  for  Spain,  p.  570. 


668 


DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 


sometimes  soar  to  the  gigantic  elevation  of  mountains,  it  seemed  to  be  shut 
out  completely  from  the  world.  The  vegetation  was  of  a  thin  and  stunted 
irrowth,  seldom  spreading  out  into  the  luxuriant  foliage  of  the  lower  regions ; 
and  the  winds  swept  down  from  the  neighbouring  sierra  with  the  violence  of  a 
hurricane.  Yet  the  air  was  salubrious,  and  the  soil  was  nourished  by  sprin^js 
of  tlie  purest  water.  To  add  to  its  recommendations,  a  quarry,  close  at  hand, 
of  excellent  stone  somewhat  resembling  gianite  in  appearance,  readily  supplied 
the  materials  for  building,-a  circumstance,  considering  the  vastness  of  the 

work,  of  no  little  importance.  ..     i  •        ^v^a  fr.^ 

The  architect  who  furnished  the  plans,  and  on  whom  the  kiiiLr  relied  for 
superintending  their  execution,  was  Juan  Bautista  de  Toledo.  He  was  born 
in  Spain,  and,  early  discovering  uncommon  talents  for  his  profession,  was  sent 
to  Italy.  Here  he  studied  the  principles  of  his  art,  under  the  great  masters 
who  were  then  filling  their  native  land  with  those  monuments  of  genius  that 
furnished  the  best  study  to  the  artist.  Toledo  imbibed  their  spint,  and  under 
their  tuition  acquired  that  simple,  indeed  severe,  taste  w-hich  formed  a  con- 
trast to  the  prevalent  tone  of  Spanish  architecture,  but  which,  happily,  found 

favour  with  his  royal  patron.  ,  ^, .,.,,.  i  i.  -j 

Before  a  stone  of  the  new  edifice  was  laid,  Philip  had  taken  care  to  provide 
himself  with  the  tenants  who  were  to  occupy  it.  At  a  general  chapter  of  the 
Jeronymite  fraternity,  a  prior  was  chosen  for  the  convent  of  the  iiiscorial, 
which  was  to  consist  of  fifty  members,  soon  increased  to  double  tliat  number. 
Philip  had  l)een  induced  to  give  the  preference  to  the  Jeronymite  order, 
partly  from  their  general  reputation  for  ascetic  piety,  and  m  part  from  the 
reirard  shown  for  them  by  his  father,  who  had  chosen  a  convent  of  that  order 
as  the  place  of  his  last  retreat.  The  monks  were  speedily  transferred  to  the 
village  of  the  Escorial, where  they  continued  to  dwell  until  accommodations  were 
prepared  for  them  in  the  magnificent  pile  which  they  were  thenceforth  to 

^Tliei'r  temnoraiT  habitation  was  of  the  meanest  kind,  like  most  of  the 
buildings  in  the  hamlet.  It  was  without  window  or  chimney,  and  the  ram 
found  its  way  through  the  dilapidated  roof  of  the  apartment  which  they  used 
as  a  chapel,  so  that  they  were  obliged  to  protect  themselves  bv  a  coveriet 
stretched  above  their  heads.  A  rude  altar  was  raised  at  one  end  of  the  chapel, 
over  which  was  scrawled  on  the  wall  with  charcoal  the  figure  of  a  crucifix." 

The  king,  on  his  visits  to  the  place,  was  lodged  in  the  house  of  the  curate, 
in  not  much  better  repair  than  the  other  dwellings  m  the  hamlet.  Whde 
there  he  was  punctual  in  his  attendance  at  mass,  when  a  rude  seat  was 
prepared  for  him  near  the  choir,  consisting  of  a  three-legged  stool,  defended 
from  vulgar  eyes  by  a  screen  of  such  old  and  tattered  cloth  that  the  mqinsitive 
spectator  might  without  dithculty  see  him  through  the  holes  in  it '«  He  was 
so  near  the  choir  that  the  monk  who  stood  next  to  him  could  hardly  avoid 
being  brought  into  contact  with  the  royal  person.  The  Jeronymite  wlio  tells 
the  story  assures  us  that  Brother  Antonio  used  to  weep  as  he  declared  tha. 
more  than  once,  when  he  cast  a  furtive  glance  at  the  monarch,  he  saw  his 
eyes  filled  with  tears.  "  Such,^'  says  the  good  father.  "  were  the  devout  and 
joyful  feelings  with  which  the  king,  as  he  gazed  on  the  poverty  around  him. 


"  Siguen^a,  Hist,  de  la  Orden  de  San  Gero- 
nimo,  torn.  iii.  p.  549.— MeinoMas  de  Fray 
Juan  de  San  Gerouimo,  Documentos  iueditos, 
torn.  vll.  p.  22. 

'•  "Tenia  de  ordinario  una  banquettUa  de 
tres  plos,  bastfsima  y  grosera,  j^or  siUa,  v 
cuautto  iOa  i  mlBa  port^ue  esiuvieso  con  ilgun 


decencia  se  le  ponia  un  pafio  viejo  frances  de 
Alraaguer  el  contador,  que  yu.  de  gastado  y 
desliilado  bacia  hario  lugar  por  sua  agujeros  & 
los  que  queiian  ver  a  la  Persona  lieal."  Me- 
morias  de  Krav  Juan  de  San  <ieronimo,  Docu- 
nicnto9  ineditos,  toiu.  vii.  p.  22. 


I 


THE  ESCORIAL. 


669 


meditated  his  lofty  p^ans  for  converting  this  poverty  into  a  scene  of  grandeur 
more  worthy  of  the  worship  to  be  performed  there."  " 

The  brethren  were  much  edified  by  the  humility  shown  by  Philip  when 
attending  the  services  in  this  wretched  cabin.  They  often  told  the  story  of 
his  one  day  coming  late  to  matins,  when,  unwilling  to  interrupt  the  services, 
he  quietly  took  his  seat  by  the  entrance,  on  a  rude  bench,  at  the  upper  end  of 
which  a  peasant  was  sitting.  He  remained  some  time  before  his  presence 
was  observed,  when  the  moiiks  conducted  him  to  his  tribune. 

On  the  twenty-third  of  April,  1563,  the  first  stone  of  the  monastery  was 
laid  On  the  twentieth  of  August  following,  the  corner-stone  of  the  church 
was' also  laid,  with  still  gieater  pomp  and  solemnity.  The  royal  confessor,  the 
bishop  of  Cuenca,  arrayed  in  liis  pontificals,  presided  over  the  ceremonies 
The  king  was  present,  and  laid  the  stone  with  his  own  hands.  The  pnncipal 
nobles  of  the  court  were  in  attendance,  and  there  was  a  great  concourse  of 
spectators,  both  ecclesiastics  and  laymen  ;  the  solemn  services  were  concluded 
bv  the  brotherhood,  who  joinefl  in  an  anthem  of  thanksgiving  and  praise  to 
the  Almighty,  to  whom  so  glorious  a  monument  was  to  be  reared  in  this 
mountain -wilderness."  _,  ,  j    -xu  4.    *„ 

The  rude  sierra  now  swanned  with  life.  The  ground  was  covered  with  tents 
and  huts.  The  busy  hum  of  labour  mingled  with  the  songs  of  the  labourers, 
which,  from  their  various  dialects,  betrayed  the  different,  and  oftentimes 
distant,  provinces  from  which  they  had  come.  In  this  uiotley  host  the  greatest 
order  and  decorum  prevailed ;  nor  were  the  peaceful  occupations  of  the  day 
interrupted  by  any  indecent  brawls.  „       .  ,  ,  j 

As  the  work  advanced,  Philii)'s  visits  to  the  Escorial  were  longer  and  more 
freoiient  He  had  always  shown  his  love  for  the  retirement  of  the  cloister,  l»y 
paS  some  days  of  every  year  in  it.  Indee.1,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  keeping 
Jloly  Week  not  far  from  the  scene  of  his  present  labours,  at  the  convent  o 
Guisando  In  his  present  monastic  retreat  he  had  the  additional  interest 
afforded  by  the  contemplation  of  the  great  work,  which  seemed  to  engage  as 
much  of  his  thoughts  as  any  of  the  concerns  of  government.     „        _^      , , 

PhiHp  had  given  a  degree  of  attention  to  the  study  of  the  fine  arts  seldom 
found  in  persons  of  his  condition.  He  was  a  connoisseur  in  painting,  and 
above  all  in  architecture,  making  a  careful  study  of  its  principles,  and 
Ssionally  furnishing  designs  with  his  own  hand.''  No  prince  of  his  time 
lefrbehrnKhiTso  nfany  proofs  of  his  taste  and  magnificence  m  building. 
The  S  mil  t  at  Segovia,  the  hunting-seat  of  the  Pardo,  the  n  easa.it  resi- 
denorS  Araniuez,  tfie  alcazar  of  MaBrid,  the  "  Armeria  Real,"  and  other 
noble  works  which  adorned  his  infant  capital,  were  either  built  or  greatly 
embelirshed  bV  lini.  The  land  was  covered  with  stnictures  both  civil  and 
rS^s,  whicl  ro^e  under  the  royal  patronage.  Churches  and  convents-the 
[atter  in  lamentable  profusion-constantly  met  the  eye  of  the  traveller  The 
gei  Ll  stJTe  T  was  simple  in  the  extreme.    Some,  like  the 


"  "Jurabame  muchas  veces  llorando  el 
dicho  fray  Antonio  que  mucbas  veces  alzando 
cautamente  los  ojos  \M6  correi  por  los  dp  S.  M. 
WgrimaB  :  tanta  era  8U  devocion  mezclada  con 
el  alegrfa  de  verse  en  aqu»^lla  pobrcza  y  ver 
tnls  epto  aquella  alta  idea  que  en  su  mente 
traia  de  la  grfttule7..i  li  que  ponnaba  levantar 
aquella  pequeflez  del  divino  culto."  Me- 
morias  de  Fray  Juan  de  San  Geronimo.  Docu- 
mento*  ineditos,  ubi  supra. 

••  "  J  Para  levantar  lanta  fabrica  menester 
eran  ados  de  bumildad  tan  profunda ! "  Ibid., 


p.  23. 

'-  ibid.,  p.  25,  et  seq.— Siguen^a,  Hist,  de 
1  \  Olden  de  San  Geronimo,  tom.  iii.  p.  546. 

'"  "Tenia  tanta  destre^a  en  di-poner  las 
tra^asde  I'alacios,  Castillos,  Jardines.  y  otras 
ro^as,  que  quando  Francisco  de  Mora  mi  Tic 
Tra^ador  mayor  suyo,  y  Juan  de  Hf  rrera  su 
Antecissor  le  trainn  la  primera  pljinta,  aasi 
mandava  quitar,  6  poner,  b  mudar,  come  el 
fuera  un  Vitrublo."  Dichos  y  Heches  dePhe- 
lipe  II.,  p.  181. 


\ 


DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 


670 

great  cathedral  of  Vallado.id,  of  X„?Sexcellent  ^it7"afchiLrr: 
Sustere  character  m  thei^designs,fOTnished  excellent  m^^^^  adiflerent 

to  counteract  the  "'eretncous  te>uienc  es  «  ^f  »f  j  Jf^^^n  the  north  and 

kind  from  these  were  P'*"'*^- '^J  ,;,^' '^  *j' jL  "ov^-'er  in  the  Mediter 

on  the  southern  coasts  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  'he  vo>»<;erm  .^^ 

beheld  fortress  after  fortress  "»J»'"fj^,^l];XtinK'^^^^^^^^  ^uildinff 

i=ctffils;^^^^^^^^ 

was  to  crown  the  architectural  glories  of  P^'Up s  reigm  ine  t.^;  i^^^j^ 
The  details,  and  watched  over  every  ^^^P '" '^e  Progre^  o  the  D  ^.^^  ^ 
as  much  care  as  T»ledo  h.mjl      I    orto  to  ju^ge  o  ^^^^  ^^^^ 

illref';om"*^ntn^^:l»^^^ 

the  "king's  seat.""  t *i,o  ,ioi.r.  int<>rpst which  Philip  took  in  the 

It  was  certainly  no  shght  Proofo*  *«  ^^^Pjrjrft  m^^^^  place  that 

work  that  he  was  content  to  '''^fXn^thSS  the  wvert^^^^^^^  »« 

artorded  him  no  better  fccoinmodatios  than  the  p^^^^^  accommoda- 

the  Escorial.  In  1571  he  made  an  ''"P«.r'*"' f  *"/^^^^^^^  \„oTe  decent  house 
tions,  by  erecting  a. chapel  «h'* "{^t.t  aHord  l^he  monfe^^  ^^^^^^^  ^ 

of  worship  than  their  old  weather-beaten  h»ve' -  »""  w  tn  ^^.^j 

comfortable  apartment,  for  h'™^  •  I".  th^'«^"^^Xne  ^^^^^^  Far  from 
more  of  his  time  in  cloistered  seclusion  ™"  "«"»":",  j,e  brought  his  secre- 
confining  his  attention  to  a  ^'!P^"^^'»"  f^'htrf  h"  t'sm^^^^  abroad, 

taries  and  his  papers  ^"""S  "^^ /"'^JHl  mrts  of  dominions.     He  did 
and  kept  up  a  busy  co"efP»"'^«"^f  "'!?*' SnvnVite,  that  he  did  in  the 
four  times  the  amount  of  work  here,  f  ys  a  J««'"y"J^;j\hat,  thus  hidden 
same  number  of  days  in  the  ';aP'tf'"Vf^,'^'Xr  both  hemispheres, 
from  the  world,  with  a.^^'e  bit  of  pawr,  he  roiea^^^^ 
That  he  did  not  always  wiselv  rule  is  proved  b^  -""^j^  ™^^^^     consecratoi  place, 
relating  to  the  attairs  ofFtanders,  which  is^^^^^         tn         ^^ 
Here  he  received  accounts  of  the  P™^««^'".f  p°'  ' '  j.     ^pd  as  he  pondered 
Netherlands,  and  of  the  Morisco  insurgents  '»  O'*,''?;''*^^^^^^;*^  of  She  most 
on  their  demolition  of  church  f  "^  ~"™"KXs  fe,t  »  I^""!  «'«sf^'=«<'"  '" 
^tinltfow"^  t^^  ^'■^yr  Sot  of  ?lie  most  sumptuous 

^ri^v^hrkt^iar^^^oTr^^^^^^^^^ 

rny«rrrr;irin\Kb|  of  5^^^^^ 

%^J^fJl^^^  at^ndTwilitrd^astrous  cons^uences 
to  *e  .building.  .      ^    mountains,  and  the  lightning 

strironfof'SelftS'weTorthe  monastery.    In  a  short  to^e  the^«P|^r 

»  Lafuente.  HlstorU  de  Espafla,  torn.  xill.        g^g^^^aTHist *d?  U  Oilden  de  Sftu^Geronimo- 
^•"^"Sabese  de  cierto  que  se  negociava  aqul       torn.  Hi.  p.  575. 


f  i 


5 


\ 


THE  ESCOEIAL. 


671 


portion  of  the  building  was  in  a  blaze.    So  much  of  jUoiitoa^^^ 

£n'Se"''riiusfd\rthi  "'xhi  KM  r^ir^ 

opp'^sito  towTand  watched  with  deep  a"t'ty£«JKSv1ffl"S 

£t^^aftht'l^„rhe™:r=hif^^^^^^^ 

i^gd^t^.^at1n-Vui\hTc=^^^^^ 

n7tr;orLtef"w:u'ks''tL't^^^^  pe-antry,  were  a^mbled 

fbpri     Thrnien  showed  the  same  spirit  of  subordination  which  they  had 

ronasterv     Fortunately,  it  fell  in  an  onposite  direction,  carrying  ^^V^k!! 


•»  "  El  buen  Puqne  de  Alba,  aunque  su 
vejea  y  goU  no  le  daban  lugar,  se  8ubi6  4  lo 
alto  de  la  torre  &  dar  ^nimo  y  esfaerzo  4  lo9 
oflci;.le«  y  Rente;  .  .  •  y  esto  ^o  ^acia  S  *.. 
como  diestro  capIUn  y  como  quien  se  habla 


vlsto  en  otros  mayores  peligros  en  U  K^erra. 
Mfmoria«  de  Fray  Juan  de  San  (4eronimo. 
Documentos  inWitos,  torn.  vii.  p.  197. 
«•  Ibid.,  p.  201. 


672 


DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 


workmanship  in  steel,  gold,  and  precious  stones,  contributed  many  exquisite 
specimens  of  art  The  walls  were  clothed  with  ^or^eous  tapestries  from  the 
Flemish  looms.  Spanish  convents  vied  with  each  other  in  furnishnig  embroi- 
deries for  the  altars.  Even  the  rude  colonies  in  the  New  World  had  their  part 
in  the  great  work,  and  the  American  forests  supplied  their  cedar  and  ebony 
and  richly-tinted  wo  ids,  which  displayed  all  their  magical  brilliancy  of  colour 
under  the  hands  of  the  Castilian  workman." 

Though  desirous  as  far  as  iK)ssible  to  employ  the  products  of  his  own 
dominions  and  to  encourage  native  art,  in  one  particular  he  resorted  almost 
exclusively  to  foreigners.  The  oil-paintings  and  frescoes  which  profusely 
decorated  the  walls  and  ceilings  of  the  Escorial  were  executed  by  artists  drawn 
chiefly  from  Italy,  whose  schools  of  design  were  still  in  their  glory.  But,  of  all 
living  painters,  iHtian  was  the  one  whom  Philip,  like  his  father,  most  delighted 
to  honour.  To  the  king's  generous  patronage  the  world  is  indebted  for  some 
of  that  great  master's  noblest  productions,  which  found  a  fitting  place  on  the 
walls  of  the  Escorial.  . 

The  prices  which  Philip  paid  enabled  him  to  command  the  services  of  the 
most  eminent  artists.  Many  anecdotes  are  told  of  his  munificence.  He  was, 
however,  a  severe  critic.  He  did  not  prematurely  disclose  his  opinion.  But 
when  the  hour  came,  the  painter  had  sometimes  the  mortification  to  find  the 
work  he  had  executed,  it  may  be  with  greater  confidence  than  skill,  pereinpto- 
rily  rejected,  or  at  best  condemned  to  some  obscure  corner  of  the  building. 
This  was  the  fate  of  an  Italian  arti>t,  of  much  more  pretension  than  power, 
who,  after  repeated  failures  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  king,— which 
later  critics  have  not  reversed,— was  dismissed  to  his  own  country.  But  even 
here  Philip  dealt  in  a  magnanimous  way  with  the  unlucky  painter.  *  It  is 
not  Zuccaro's  fault,"  he  said,  "  but  that  of  the  persons  who  brought  him  here  ; 
and  when  he  sent  him  back  to  Italy  he  gave  him  a  considerable  sum  of  money 
in  addition  to  his  large  salary.*"  , 

Before  this  magnificent  pile,  in  a  manner  the  creation  of  his  own  taste, 
Philip's  nature  appeared  to  expand,  and  to  discover  some  approach  to  those 
generous  sympathies  for  humanity  which  elsewhere  seem  to  have  been  denied 
him.  He  would  linger  for  hours  while  he  watched  the  labours  of  the  artist, 
making  occasional  criticisms,  and  laying  his  hand  familiarly  on  his  shoulder.*' 
He  seemed  to  put  ott"  the  coldness  and  reserve  which  formed  so  essential  a  part 
of  his  character.  On  one  occasion,  it  is  said,  a  stranger,  having  come  into  the 
Escorial  when  the  kinff  was  there,  mistook  him  for  one  of  the  otticials,  and 
asked  him  some  questions  about  the  pictures.  Philip,  without  undeceiving 
the  man,  humoured  his  mistake,  and  good-nature<llv  undertook  the  part  of 
cicerme,  by  answering  his  inquiries  and  showing  him  some  of  the  objects 
most  worth  seeing."  Similar  anecdotes  have  been  told  of  others.  What 
is  strange  is  that  Philip  should  have  acted  the  part  of  the  good-natured 

man.  ,      ,    m       ^  t.  j 

In  1584  the  masonry  of  the  Escorial  was  completed.  Twenty-one  years  had 
elapsed  since  the  first  stone  of  the  monastery  was  laid.  This  certainly  must 
he  regarded  as  a  short  period  for  the  erection  of  so  stupendous  a  pile.  ht. 
Peter's  church,  with  which  one  naturally  compares  it  as  the  building  nearest 
in  size  and  magnificence,  occupied  more  than  a  century  in  its  erection,  which 
spread  over  the  reigns  of  at  least  eighteen  popes.     But  the  Escorial,  with  the 


»*  Siguen^a,  Hist,  de  la  Orden  de  San  Gcro- 
nlmo,  torn.  iii.  p.  596.— Die  hog  y  Hechos  de 
Phelipe  II.,  p.  289.— Lafuente,  Hist,  de  Es- 
pofia,  torn.  xiv.  p.  427. 


■•  Stirling,  Annals  of  the  Artists  of  Spain, 
torn.  i.  p.  211. 
"  Ibid  ,  p.  203. 
••  Uicbos  y  Hechos  de  Phelipe  II.,  p.  81. 


I 


ft 


* 


THE  ESCORIAL. 


673 


exceptions  the  subterraneous  chapel  constructed  If /^Bp  the  Fourth  for 
Juan^e  Hemra 'a  ?oung  Asturian.  But,  thoug\ young  Herrera  had  been 
settling  on  him  a  salary  o^  *  ^h«"^^^^^^^  haJ  the  happiness 

of  the  cliaracter  of  the  country  in  jvhich  t  ««f  bu-l^j  Sd^ay  stone,  scarcely 
buat  it.^  The  traveller  who  gazes  ito^tonglmesof^W      ^j^  '^hiie  hi 

'''°^*\*'y>''"  r  the  "lUrhter  and  Zfe  S^fur.S^Sto  which  his  eye  has 
contrasts  it  with  the  Ugnter  ana  '"V',".?  fj.  „  j.,,.  pj-^ression  of  the  founder's 
beenaccustomei   »"' ^e  niay  r«.d  m^  th^^^^^^^  ^^^^.^^  ^ 

character.    Philip  did  "»t  aim  at  the  beautnui^mu  ^^  j^at 

t^^J^  LtbT^li.'&'^'^l  --I^"'^^'  .^t  with  hi.  own  reli- 
M'^piTicr  "^^^  SSinI  Z  gS  of^Wace,  and  experiencing 


••  One  of  itshlstorianfl.  Father  Francisco  de 
l08  Santos,  styles  it,  on  his  title-page,  "  L^tc.i 
^amuiMa  dd  Mundo."    Uescripciou  del  Eeal 


Monasterio  de  San  Lorenzo  de  el  Escoria 
(Madrid,  1698). 

2  X 


672 


DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 


workmanship  in  steel,  gold,  and  precious  stones,  contributed  many  exquisite 
specimens  of  art.  The  walls  were  clothed  with  Kor^eous  tapestries  from  the 
Flemish  looms.  Spanish  convents  vied  with  each  other  m  furnishing  embroi- 
deries for  the  altars.  Even  the  rude  colonies  in  the  New  World  had  their  part 
in  the  great  work,  and  the  American  forests  supplied  their  cedar  and  ebony 
and  richly-tinted  wo-.ds,  which  displayed  all  their  magical  brilliancy  of  colour 
under  the  hands  of  the  Castilian  workman." 

Though  desirous  as  far  as  possible  to  employ  the  products  of  his  own 
dominions  and  to  encourage  native  art,  in  one  particular  he  resorted  almost 
exclusively  to  foreigners.  The  oil-paintings  and  frescoes  which  profusely 
decorated  the  walls  and  ceilings  of  the  Escorial  were  executed  by  artists  drawn 
chietiv  from  Italy,  whose  schools  of  design  were  still  in  their  glory.  But^of  all 
Uvin<^'  painters,  l^itian  was  the  one  whom  Philip,  like  his  father,  most  delighted 
to  honour.  To  the  king's  generous  patronage  the  world  is  indebted  for  some 
of  that  great  master's  noblest  productions,  which  found  a  fitting  place  on  the 
walls  of  tlie  Escorial.  ,    ,  .         .  ,, 

The  prices  which  Philip  paid  enabled  him  to  command  the  services  of  the 
most  eminent  artists.  Many  anecdotes  are  told  of  his  munificence.  He  was, 
however,  a  severe  critic.  He  did  not  prematurely  disclose  his  opinion.  But 
when  the  hour  came,  the  painter  had  sometimes  the  mortification  to  find  the 
work  he  had  executed,  it  may  be  with  greater  confidence  than  skill,  perempto- 
rily rejected,  or  at  best  condemned  to  some  obscure  corner  of  the  buildmg. 
This  was  the  fate  of  an  Italian  artist,  of  much  more  pretension  than  power, 
who,  after  repeated  failures  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  king,— which 
later  critics  have  not  reversed,— was  dismissed  to  his  own  country.  But  even 
here  Philip  dealt  in  a  magnanimous  way  with  the  unlucky  painter.  It  is 
not  Zuccaro's  fault,"  he  said,  "  but  that  of  the  persons  who  brought  hmi  here  ; 
and  when  he  sent  him  back  to  Italy  he  gave  him  a  considerable  sum  of  money 
in  addition  to  his  large  salary."  . 

Before  this  magnificent  pile,  in  a  manner  the  creation  of  his  own  taste, 
Philip's  nature  appeared  to  expand,  and  to  discover  some  approach  to  those 
generous  sympathies  for  humanity  which  elsewhere  seem  to  have  been  denied 
him.  He  would  linger  for  hours  while  he  watched  the  labours  of  the  artist, 
making  occasional  criticisms,  and  laying  his  hand  familiarly  on  his  shoulder.  ' 
lie  seemed  to  put  otl'  the  coldness  and  reserve  which  formed  so  essential  a  part 
of  his  character.  On  one  occasion,  it  is  said,  a  stranger,  having  come  into  the 
Escorial  when  the  king  was  there,  mistook  him  for  one  of  the  ofticials,  and 
asked  him  some  questions  about  the  pictures.  Philip,  without  undeceiving 
the  man,  humoured  his  mistake,  and  good-nature<llv  undertook  the  part  of 
cicerone,  by  answering  his  inquiries  and  showing  him  some  of  the  obiects 
most  worth  seeing.*'  Similar  anecdotes  have  been  told  of  others.  What 
is  strange  is  that  Philip  should  have  acted  the  part  of  the  good-natured 

man.  ,      ,    m       ^  u  ^ 

In  1584  the  masonry  of  the  Escorial  was  completed.  Twenty-one  years  haa 
elapsed  since  the  first  stone  of  the  monastery  was  laid.  This  certainly  must 
be  regarded  as  a  short  period  for  the  erection  of  so  stupendous  a  pile.  ht. 
Peter's  church,  with  which  one  naturally  compares  it  as  the  building  nearest 
in  size  and  magnificence,  occupied  more  than  a  century  in  its  erection,  which 
spread  over  the  reigns  of  at  least  eighteen  popes.     But  the  Escorial,  with  the 

"  Siguen?a.  Hl*t.  de  la  Ordon  de  San  Gcro-  ••  Stirling,  Annals  of  the  Artists  of  Spain, 

nimo,  torn.  iii.  p.  596.--Dirho8  y  Heches  de  torn.  i.  p.  211. 
Phelipe  II..  p.  289.— Lafuente,  Hist,  de  Es-  "  Ibid  ,  p.  203. 

pafla,  t.>m.  xiv.  p.  427.  -  Wcbos  y  Hechos  de  Phelipe  II.,  p.  81. 


THE  ESCORIAL. 


673 


"'ffis&XX  for  criticism  on  the  architectural  merits  of  theE^orial 

PTrat"/^;^%  Offered  from  eac^^^^^^^ 

Escorial   Few  foreigners  have  l^^n  found  to  acquiesce '"  ««  "n^  V^ 

built  it.^  The  traveller  who  ga^sbn_;te  long  Imes^^^^^^^  him,  while  he 

'''*«\*>y-f "  UWhethtel  and  S  ^feful^mL  to  which  his  eye  has 
contrasts  it  with  the  lignter  ^-nu  more  ^i^j^c  the  founder's 

^°^'h^tr  defects^may  he  charged  on  the  E-n^t^i„TfIl^«*"y S 

KfSnrw^SuWS^^^       i^k^. 

M''p.^^c^s  Sot  SSinI  Z  gS  of^Wace,  and  experiencing 

Monarterio  de  San  Lorenzo  de  el  Escoria 
(Madrid,  1698). 


••  One  of  its  hlfitorians.  Father  Francisco  de 
los  Santos,  styles  it,  on  his  title-page,  "  L«tca 
Mamviul  dd  Mundo."    Descripcion  del  Real 


2  X 


674  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OP  SPAIN. 

sensations  of  a  mysterious  awe  as  he  wanders  through  the  desolate  halls,  which 

^vrsiKt:  SI  ^-^^^Sh^  so  ssaVt 

palace,  and  a  t«mb.  It  was  no  easy  problem  ^f  r^^°"'i7i°^f '  oach  to  the 
mi  infuse  into  them  a  common  principle  o«,"'*y;jthi  the  palace  should 
builder  that  he  did  >iot  Pf  rf^^tte^lked  bv^hf  ot^^^^^  i^T^e  stri.c 
-'^^X^tSZTeil^'^'::^'^^^  a^tlgra,  lK,rtion  of  the 

^iTother  diHioulty,  of  a  -«  whimsical  ^^^^^^^^  fSl 

was  the  necessityof  accommodating  the  plan  0^^^  |  ^.^^  ^j 

fSsriaT  ''^:l^Sf^!^^idrsjA 

including  the  palace,  ne  7^*^"^?  "'' mu^  natipnt  inauirer  tel  s  iis  there  were 

^t^s    ProUlynoTngle  edifice  evir  contained  such  an  amount  and  vanety 
Kcce"who,  with  more  or  less  tiste,  but  with  the  revenues  of  the 


*»  Los  Santos.  Descripclon  del  Escorial,  fol. 
116. 


="  Slgurn^a,  HlPt.  de  la  Ordende  San  Gero 
nimot  torn.  iii.  p.  ts62. 


I  •J 


S 


•% 


ANNE    OF    AUSTRIA. 


QUEEN  ANNE. 


675 


i 


^k 


Indies  at  their  disj^sal,  continued  to  lavish  them  on  the  embellishment  of  the 

Escorial.'*  ,     ^   .  _  ,^     tt-  oTnitted  nothing  which  could  give 

Philip  the  Second  set  *«  f  »"'?«•  .^'^^  "Helathered  ft  an  immense  cost 

^t^^ln'^S^^t^T^^^^rAi.r.^^,  as  the  basis  of  the  hne 

librarir  of  the  Escorial.  „„„*:r,iiWI  tn  snend  there  a  part  of  every 

The  care  of  successive  pnnces,who  f  "*  ~^Xfrom  the  nide  touch  of 

year,  preserved  the  P»^<»-"Tm-    T,f'5  »,^ W  the  hand  of  violence  destroyed, 
feme     But  what  the  hand  of  T™e  had  spaml  the  nana  ra  ^.^^  ^  ^^^^ 

The  French,  who  in  the  ^-^'y.^ .^f/ J'^^Sk  tS  Krial.  ^  For  in  it  they 
of  Vandals  over  the  Pemnsula,  did  Mt  overiwK  ine  ^      b„n,j,iating  defeat, 
saw  the  monument  designed  ^  ~mmemo™te  tn«^^^ 
A  body  of  dragoons  ™'l5„^,^o"s^ye  bum  ™^^  .^  ^^^  ^^^ 

of  1808 ;  and  the  ravages  of  a  Jew  day  o^P°"f     tension  of  similar  violent 
the  highest  efforts.of  ^^  to  construct    The  a^^^^^^  ^j^^^,^ 

from  the  Carhsts,  in  1837,  'f"  ^  *,7„;??;„  *     Tenantless  and  unprotected,  it 
lit  f^^'rtf^tC^^^^^^   bW  down  the  hills  of  the 

%tr"iler  who  now  visits  the  ft;l«SjL%r^S^e^^^^^^^^^ 

from  what  it  was  in  tl^% ^XTa^^cIl  tintfof  ^^^^^^  Titian,  and  the 

walls  no  longer  glow  with  ^he  magical  tints  oi^  specimens  of  art  with  which 
Tober  pomp  of  the  Castihan  scho^    ^^^ 

the  halls  were  filled  have  been  ?^f  "^^nlv  aemon^n    ,  guardians  of  the 

for  the  sake  of  the  rich  matenals     The  monks^^^^^  J  ^^^  suppression 

place,  have  shared  tl^^/^.^if  vetraW^^^^^^^^      have  disappeared.    Sitence  and 
of  rehgious  houses,  and  their  veneraDieionuh  ^^       ^  ^^^  ^^^^  ^^ 

solitufe  reign  throughout  the  courts  un^^^^^^ 

the  ceaseless  winds,  ^^ich  seem  to  be  ever  c      ^j^  ^^^^  ^^  'T'^'lTi^ 
over  the  faded  glones  of  the  Jisconai.     J^"^'  ^  ^^^ects  to  which  the 

?he  palace  or  of  the  "^^XnTU^ves -^^^^^  T^^ 

edifice  was  devoted,  on^flone  survives^^^^^^^^^^^     ^^^  place,-of  the  sceptr^ 
line  of  Castile.    The  spint  o*  the  dead  brooQs  ^f^^  ^^.^        centuries, 

dead,  who  lie  in  the  same  dark  ohamberjnere       y^^^  ^.^^nd  thein. . 
unconscious  of  the  changes  ^^^^^-^^^^^^  the  habit  of  repairing  with 

During  the  latter  half  of  P^^^^P-^^  of  the  summer.    Hither  he 

his  court  to  the  Esconal  and  passmg  here  a  pa  ^^^  ^  ^^^ 

brought  his  young  ^^^en,  Anne  of  Austria     wn         ^^         ^^^  ^^ 

an  unwonted  appearance  of  am;^f  \on^  P  ^.^\^  ^^^^  ^     eess,  in 

Sfwi&aiKe'Si&o^  triumph  of  a  second  time  sup- 


«  The  enthusiasm  of  f  ^y  ^J^J^^^oes^JJ 


rttn  to  blasphemy  ..  "-««"';?  ^^JS^'tSS 
S5o'SIirSe°oiaTonTf4l^.^nfesti>jl 

ta  h^our  of  the  hundmlth  •^T'^X^Zl^ 
Udation     A  volume  con,p,edby  Fray  Lms 


676  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OF  SPAIN. 

T^lantinff  his  son  She  was  his  niece ;  for  the  Empress  Mary,  her  mother,  was 
fK.^f^hter  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  There  was.  moreover,  a  great  disparity  m 
their  yli^^^^^  having  Wn  bom  in  Sastile  dunng  the 

rSron\er  p^^^^^^^     in  1549,  was  at  this  tfme  but  twen  v-one  years  of  age 
!!feT[han  iJ  the  age  of  PhiUn..    It  <i^%"«^^  ^PPf.^  7/Kt  ^^^^^^ 
Emperor  MaximiUan,  made  any  objection  to  the  mat^^^^^^ 
was  too  politic  to  prevent  a  marriage  which  would  place  ms  uaugnier  on 
thp  throne  of  the  most  potent  monarchy  in  Europe.  ,  ^     .,     .    ,     . ,  • 

It  w^  arran^^^^  princess  sliould  proceed  to  Spam  by  the  way  of 

the  Netherkndl  In  SeptemW,  1570,  Anne  We  a  last  adieu  to  her  father's 
court  and  with  a  stately  retinue  set  out  on  her  lone  journey.  On  entering 
Flande^^^^^^^^^^^  receive'd  with  great  pomp  by  t^«  ^ijce  f  Alva,  at 
of  the  Flemish  nobles.  Soon  after  her  arnval.  Queen  Elizabeth  despatcnea  a 
^uadron  5  eight  vessels,  with  otters  to  transport  her  te  Spam,  and  an  invita- 
tion for  her  to  v^  England  on  her  way.  These  offers  were  courteously 
dedined  ;  and  thl^  German  princess,  escorted  by  Count  Bossu,captani-geneml 
of  he  Flendsh  navy,  with  aVUant  squadron,  was  fortunate  i"  r^ch^^^^^^^^ 
Dlace  of  her  destination,  after  a  voyage  of  less  than  a  week.  On  the  third  of 
October  she  landed  at  ^antander,  bn  the  northern  coast  of  Spam  where  she 
fouTthe  archbishop  of  Seville  ai'id  the  duke  of  Bejar,  with  a  brilliant  tram 

"'  U  ndTth\s"et o"rf,  AnnTwas  conducted  by  the  way  of  Burgos  and  Valladolid 
to  tl^i  Ancient  c^^^^^^^^  In  the  ^eat  towns  through  which  she  parsed, 

she  was  entertained  in  a  style  suited  toler  rank  ;  and  everywhere  along  her 
route  she  was  greeted  with  the  hearty  acclamations  of  the  people  For  the 
match  wLpo^^^^  with  the  nation ;  and  the.cortes  had  urged  the  king  to 
pinpdite  it  as  much  as  possible."  The  Spaniards  longed  for  a  male  heir  to 
?he  cro^;  and  si^ceTheTeath  of  Carlos,  Ailip  had  only  daughters  remainmg 

^''i'n's'egovia,  where  the  marriage-ceremony  was  to  be  performed,  magnificent 
prepamtlons  Ld  been  made  for  t^e  reception  of  the  pnncess  As  she  approached 
OTtv  shP  was  met  bv  a  large  body  of  the  local  militia,  dressed  m  gay 
S^  oS^C'and  by  hrlnfcipalill  of  thi  place,  arrayed  in  their  robes  of  olh^ 
and  mounted  on  horseback  With  this  brave  escort  she  entered  the  gates. 
The  rretswe?e  ornamented  with  beautiful  ^ountoms,  and  spanne^^ 
triumphal  arches,  under  which  the  princess  proceeded,  amidst  the  shouts  of 

nre?tnrn\t  Sm^^^^^^  described  as  having  a  rich  and  delicate 

complexion.    Her  figure  was  ?ood  her  deportment  gracm^^^^  her 

richlv-caparisoned  palfrey  witli  natural  ease  and  dignity.  Her  not  very  im- 
partfalXonicler  tells  us  that  the  spectators  particuTariy  adnnred  the  no^^^^^^^ 
of  her  Bohemian  costume,  her  riding-hat  gayfy  ornamented  with  feathers,  and 
her  short  mantle  of  crimson  velvet  richly  fringed  with  goiO. 

After  Te  Deum  had  been  chanted,  the  splendid  procession  took  its  way  to 
the  far-famed  alcazar,  that  palace-fortress,  ongmallv  built  by  the  Moors, 
which  now  served  both  as  a  royal  residence  and  as  a  place  of  confinement  for 
prisoners  of  state.  Here  it  was  that  the  unfortunate  Monti^v  passed  many 
St  weary  month  of  captivity ;  and  less  than  three  months  had  elapsed  since  he 
had  been  removed  from  the  place  which  was  so  soon  to  become  the  scene  of 
royal  festivity,  and  consigned  to  the  fatal  fortress  of  Simancas,  to  pensh  by 

«  Florez.  Revnas  Catholicas,  torn.  ii.  p.  905.       del  catnino.  sombrero  alto  matlzado  (»n  plu- 
>*  ihM    «  90?  mas,  cApotillo  de  terclopelo  carmesf.  b<.rdado 

»*  '•  RealLa  c;)n  gracia  per  e*  mismo  trage       de  oro  a  la  moda  Boheiua."    Ibid.,  p.  907. 


i 


QUEEN  ANNE. 


677 


the  hand  of  the  midnight  executioner.  Anne,  it  may  be  remembered,  was 
said,  on  her  journey  through  the  Low  Countries,  to  have  promised  Montigiiy  s 
family  to  intercede  with  her  lord  in  his  behalf.  But  the  ting,  nerhaps  willing 
to  be  spared  the  awkwardness  of  refusing  the  first  boon  asked  by  his  young 
bride,  disposed  of  his  victim  soon  after  her  landmg,  while  she  was  yet  m  the 

''^Anne  entered  the  alcazar  amidst  salvoes  of  artillery.    She  found  there  the 
good  Princess  Joanna,  Philip's  sister,  who  received  her  with  the  same  womanly 
kindness  which  she  had  shown  twelve  years  before  to  Elizabeth  of  Franc^ 
when,  on  a  simUar  occasion,  she  made  her  first  entrance  into  Castile.    The 
marrikge  was  appointed  to  take  place  on  the  following  day,  the  fourteenth  of 
NovemW.    pfflip,  it  is  said,  obteined  his  first  view  of  fiis  betrothed  when, 
mingling  in  disguise  among  the  cavalcade  of  courtiers,  he  accompanied  her 
entranct  into  the  capital.''    When  he  had  led  his  late  queen,  Isabella,  to  the 
altar,  some  white  hairs  on  his  temples  attracted  her  attention."    purmf  the 
ten  years  which  had  since  elapsed;  the  cares  of  office  had  wroughtthe  same 
effect  on  him  as  on  his  father,  and  turned  his  head  prematurely  gray.    The 
marriage  was  solemnized  with  great  pomp  in  the  cathedral  of  begovia.     ilie 
TerviS^wrs  performed  by  the  archbishop  of  Seville.    The  spacious  building 
was  crowded  to  overflowing  with  spectators,  among  whom  were  the  highest 
dignitaries  of  the  Church  and  the  most  illustrious  of  the  npbihty  of  Spam 
%mius  the  few  days  which  followed,  while  the  royal  pair  remamed  m 
Segovia,  the  city  was  abandoned  to  jubilee.    The  auspicious  event  was  cele- 
brated by  public  ilhmiinations  and  by  magnificent  fkes.^t  which  the  king 
and  queen  Sanced  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  court,  who  stood  around  m 
?^pectful  silence."    On  the  eighteenth,  the  new^amed  conplwoc^^^^^^^^^^ 
Madrid,  where  such  splendid  preparations  had  been  made  for  then-  reception 

'^rZt  »^K  rfth^tseorial  wa.  sufficiently  advanced  tofurth 
suitable  accommodations  for  his  young  queen.  Plulip  passed  a  Par*  of  every 
summer  in  its  cloistered  solitudes,  which  had  more  attraction  for  h  m  tl^n 
any  other  of  his  residences.  The  presence  of  Anne  and  her  courtly  tram 
Ssed  Something  like  an  air  of  f^yetvover  the  grand  b"* /'«?";?  P''^-^ 
which  it  had  been  little  accustomed.  Among  other  diversions  for  her  enter- 
Snient  we  find  mention  made  of  autos  «acmm«jja?€,  those  religious  dramas 
that  remind  one  of  the  ancient  Mysteries  and  Mo^l'^e^ll^h'* '^"^;^"'?^ 
our  English  ancestors.  These  autos  were  so  much  in  favour  with  the  Span- 
Srds  as^to  keep  possession  of  the  sta^e  longer  than  in  most  other  coi.ntn^; 
nor  did  thev  rebeive  their  fuU  development  untd  they  had  awakened  the 

^''iwas  a  pen 'however,  bearing  little  resemblance  to  that  of  Calderon  which 
furniSft^eTe  Idif^ngkramas."  They  pr.^^^^^^ 
mite  gifted  with  a  more  poetic  vein  than  his  brethren.  The  actors  w^^^^ 
frnm  amonff  the  puiiils  in  the  seminary  established  in  the  JiscoriaL  Anne, 
wl"apraS  tJ  h^ave  been  simple  in  her  tastes,.is  said  to  have  found  much 
XLnSin  these  exhibitions,  and  in  such  recreation  as  could  be  afforded  her 
ttxcur  owTnto  the  wifd,  romantic  country  that  ^""ounded  the  monasteir 
Ttistor  ans  have  left  us  but  few  particulars  of  her  life  and  character,-much 
feweTtC  of  her  ovely  predecessor.    Such  accounts  as  we  have  represent 


»•  Florez,  Reynas  Catbolicas,  ubi  supra. 
»'  Ante,i>.  178. 

="  Florez,  Reynas  Catholicas,  torn.  il.  p.  90o. 
-Cabrera,  Fillpe  Segundo,  p.  661. 


"  "  En  el  sarao  ballaron  Rey  y  Reyna,  es- 
tando  de  pie  toda  la  Corte."  Florez,  Reynas 
Catholicas,  torn.  ii.  p.  908. 


DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS  OP  SPAIN. 


hlr  as  of  an  amiable  disposMon  -^^^f  ^tL^&S  nunylpSl's 

tapestry."  ^  ^  ,  ,. .  j^,+:„^  nnt  to  be  a  long  one,— only  two  years  longer 

^™ffl'Xn  K   ^r3vSSd  e^Uh^Third"^  .  .ho  as  klip 
The  queen  died  on  ^^e  twenty-sixth  oiucrot*,         ,^^  ^,j  .^ 

year  of  ter  age  and  t^^ f  «%'fcf  „^*"Xt  Badaioz,  where  the  court  was 
connection  with  her  death.  A"' <^2™^*r  overlookina  the  war  in  which  the 
then  estabHshed  as  a  convenient  Pla^  for  overiooki^M^^^^  ^^^ 

country  was  at  that  time  f  niaS«^j;X*^,X^*L^^  The  queen,  in  her 
ilL  Tfce  symptoms  were  of  tie  •"<«*  »^™^8  sSor^nt  to  tie  welfare  of 
distress,  implored  */  Aim  ghty  to  spare  a  me  so  irapo  ^^^^  ^^ 

the  kingdom  and  of  the  fc''' *  li'^f^ge^U^^^^^  showk,  listened  to  her 

h"  °-l-  T^e'SZvKrdthl'qTie^n^^^^^^  a  disorder  which  in  a 
prayer.**  ine  king  recovereu  »»"';*'  ^.^  ^^  ^^:^„  jj^  state  for  some  time, 
Jew  days  terminated  fatally.  Her  remain^  Fsror  a  where  they  enjoyed  the 
were  t4nsport^  with  ^^^^^ J  ^"JP  ,^f^^^^^^^^  mausoleum 

-  ..E.  .feco  dUo.  ,ue  0,6  DM  sn  o^cioa:  poes  »*r«>do  el  Key,  cay6  mU  la  Eeyc." 
Florez,  Eeyiias  CatboUcas,  torn.  U.  p.  9W. 


THE  ENDi 


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